Decatur Eagle, Volume 2, Number 38, Decatur, Adams County, 29 October 1858 — Page 2

Til E EAG LE M. L. PHILLIPS,) „ , Editors a Profbietoes. W G. SPENCER,) . DECATUR, INDIANA. FRIDAY HORNING, OCT. 29, 1838. BLANKS! BLANKS!! BLANKS!!! Blank Deeds, Mortgages, Justice's Blanks, of all kinds; Constable’s Blanks, of all kinds; Blank Notes, &c., &c , of the best quality for Sale at ibis Office. WANTED. Two dozen Chickens on subscription, a4 this oilice. Also, a few bushels of corn buckwheat and potatoes. Don’t all come at once. Noble Sentiments. The Hon. Jefferson Davis present at the Maine State Fair, held a|few days ago j at Augusta, and in response to a call, and ' without proparaiiun, made a speech which : is spoken of in terms of commendation by ' the papers in that State. The following ; extract will show that it was a Union ' speech in the best sense of the term: From the different interests of the north and the south some pretend to see reasons why they should be divided. But he saw why, particulary for this, they should and ; would be united. The North, with its : leaping rivers and mechanical genius, would be a manufacturing section, and the South was a producer of staples.

Behind this selfish interest, which formed a bond of union between the States, • there was the pride of being an American citizen—the greatest country in the world not reckoned by its armies and navies, but by its resources, the genius of its people, and their will and power to do what will become a free man. “The whole is my country,’, said the speaker, “and 1 love it all with all my heart.” [Tumultuous applause.] “But,” said he, ‘‘if I had no love for any State but my own, still I should be interested in the welfare I and prosperity of Maine, for it will act and re-act on Mississippi. The hand of ( nature set the seal of unity on this country; our fathers saw it and wisely embraced it, and patriotism made them one for- 1 ever. New England was celebrated for its manufactures, so much so that ingenu ity has become a Yankee characteristic. ■ The name Yankee was now a synonym of , enterprise and intelligence, which was \ once a term of reproach. And,” said the ' | speaker, ‘‘you may well be proud that i j yotrare Yankees In the school house, in the public assembly, in the workshop j and on every sea New England was cele- I | brated for the power of mind over matter > which makes our people great.” • I

After looking over the official vote of the late election we are led to the conclu- ; sion that if two or three more intelligent, discreet Republican Missionaries were im- j ported into this county to abuse and villify the Democracy, there would scarcely i be a corporal’s guard left of the Repulican party, at the next annual election. Could not Jay County furnish a few Like the samples?— Decatur Eagle. Guess not. Ii appears from the result of our late election that the Democracy of this county cannot do very well without the ‘‘samples.” Can’t you send ’em back?— Co. Dem. Think not. Couldn’t yaossibly spare ’em. They are too valuable an auxiliary, they ‘‘pitch in” without discretion, and we desire to retain “’em” for the good of the Democracy of this county. lowa Election. Returns from eleven counties in the First Congressional District of lowa, give W E. Leffingwell 1937 majority; the same counties gave Fremont 2076 majority, showing again of over 4000 for Leffingwell. Fremont’s majority in the district was 6,000, There forty-four counties in the district, and we think that Mr. Leffingwell has been elected by a very decided majority. He is a Democrat of the Illinois stamp—a sound and true man.

JT-sTThe Democrats have carried the election in California by about 10,000 majority, and elected large majorities in both branches of the Legislature. The State of Delaware has gone Democratic; majority 750. Extra Session of the Legislature. Tlie Proclamation of Gov. Willard convening the newly elected Legislature in extra session, on Saturdav November 2Ulh, will be found in to day's paper — The object of the extra session is, doubtless, to provide for a re-appraisement of the real estate, and to provide revenue for the ensuing year, which owing to the factious course pursued by the Republican Senate, was omitted to be done at the last session. George W. Eaton’s advertisement for detecting counterfeit money tn to day’s paper, and profit thereby. JTSTHon. David Studabaker’s majority in this district, for State Senate is three hundred and scv<-n\v-iight.

Amasa J. Parker on Popular Sovereignty The able candidate of the New York Democracy for Governor, in a speech the ■ other day at Utica, touched on the question of Kansas and Popular Sovereignty, > as follows: ‘1 have reason to suppose that the thousands who were led off by this question of ! Kansas and acted with the Republican party two years ago—l have reason to suppose they see their error and are ready to return. They at least see that tb.»t question is terminated. One prominent Republican, who was one of the number ( who joined them two years ago—a man 'of high integrity and ability—said “the | bond that bound the radical Democracy to the Republican party is broken —Kansas is free.” And then he went on to speak I as no man would speak who meant to supI port the Republican candidates at the j coming election. He says Kansas is free;: yes, she is free. How made free? Not by the act of Congress. Congress has not ; excluded slavery from Kansas. But by the , act of her own people. And they fairly j have passed upon it, and spoken their ; •sentiments upon it; and every one of us no matter to what party he may belong,' but rejoices that Kansas is to be a free] State. And she is also free just as we; ! want her to be, by an act of popular right, and not by an act of legislation enforced by Congress. Why, this very result in Kansas is worth all the arguments in the i world—for it is a great practical argument —against congressional sovereignty. It shows you that the people may be safely trusted to speak and act for themselves on the question of slavery. The doc-

trine of non-intervention is the true doc-j trine. You have only to leave the people to act for themselves, uninfluenced by emisaries from the North or the South, and they will actaright. You could not draw from history a better illustration of the ■ working of the doctrine we contended for at that time. We said, leave this matter to the people, carry out the doctrine of non-intervention, let the people of Kansas, when the time comes, speak for themselves. The Republicans said, you will make it a slave State. Not so, we said. And she has made herself free i by her own act, and not by the intervention of Congress. [Cheers.] Gentleman, you may regard this great question of the right of the people of a Territory to speak for themselves as to their institutions, as settled forever. It is true that the leaders of the Republican party hold on to the doctrine that Congress shall say there shall be no more slave States. But they are leaders without an army. The people will not march up to that doctrine. And the doctrine of Popular Sovereignty is as well established as any doctrine heretofore established by the Democratic parly.” /SFMr. Beach, candidate of the De-

mocracy for Governor of Massachusetts, in a speech the other night, in Faneull : Hall, Boston, was very severe on the Re-I publican party. He said: “But, I believe, sir, this surging sea of I passion, follv, and delusion has reached its highest point. There are strong signs ' that it is sinking back to quiet and rest, j Reckless and unwoithy men will undoubtj edly continue the senseless cry. Let us follow up every retreating wave and plant ' ourselves like a sea wall against its return. Let us put our faces like Hint against this shameless hypocrisy. Regardless of their derision and vulgar reproach, let us cul--1 tivate a return of the old spirit of friendship, forbearance, and love. It is in this way alone that harmony and a right tem- ■ per, alienated friendship and lest confi- ; dence can be recovered. If philanthropy \ is never learned til! embodied in Congrestsiona] acts and enforced by law; if relij gion can be taught only from the creeds ! lof politicians; if temperance and sobriety : \ are never found until hunted down by , armed policemen, we may well despair of i them in our day. Such are not the teachings of our creed. Such are not the points of our faith. The moral agencies by which the elements of society are made to work in harmony are guided by a wisdom higher and more unerring than man’s,

■ Sea Captain on Trial for Murder. ‘ i —Capt. John A. Holmes, late of the ship j j Therese, is on trial at Portland for the murder of George W. Chadwick, one of i the crew. The testimony is horrible.— | i While Chadwick was at the wheel, the i captain knocked him down with a belaying pin. Shortly afterwards, he had him i ■ stripped of all his clothes, not excepting; I his pants, and seized up to the main rig-1 ’ ging, saying to the crew: “Do you know what lam going to flog this man for? I will tell you: the law says I shall not flog • this man, but I say I will; he has refused 1 duty at the wheel.” The flogging was with a knotted thread and some ratlin stuff and lasted twenty minutes. It was inflicted by three different hands, the captain also striking a few blows occasionally, to show the others how to strike hard. To-, wards the last Chadwick cried out, ‘don’t kill me.’ The captain replied, he ‘would kill him on '.he spot, if he did not stop his j d—d noise.’ Hethen struck him several I times upon the shoulders with a belaying i pin, and one npon the back of the neck. Chadwick now slewed round, being totally insensible, yet the captain continued to strike him on the left side of his body, until his legs became useless, and he hung by his arms only. The captain then ordered him to be let down, and he was laid upon his back, dead. -- -M I I Common fleas Court sets on Monday.

Proclamation by the Governor. Whereas: Section 9th, of Article 4th, of the Constitution of the State of Indiana provides that when, in the opinion of the Governor of said State, the public welfare shall require it, lie may, nt any time, by Proclamation, call a special session of the General Assembly: Now, therefore, 1, Asbbel P. Willard, Governor of the State of Indiana, believing that the public welfare requires a special session of the General Assembly lof the State of Indiana, hereby convene said soecial session of the General Assembly of the State of Indiana, at Indianapolis, the Capital of said State, on Saturday the 20th day of November, 1858, and 1 hereby require all the members of the General Assembly of the State of Indiana to be, and appear at Indianapolis on said 20th day of November, 1858. In witness whereof, I have set [seal] my hand, and caused to be affixed the seal of the State, at the city of Indianapolis, this 10th day of October, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and fifty eight, u and forty-third of t he In dependence of the United States the eighty third.

ASHBEL P. WILLARD. Daniel McClure, Sec’t of State. The Popular Vote of the North--The Fusion Rejoicings Premature. As the returns assume a definite and reliable shape from the several States, their complexion is much better for the Democracy. Indiana gave Mr. Buchanan for President 1,900 majority over the vote of Fillmore and Fremont. She has just elected the Democratic State Ticket over the vote of both these parties by from 1,500 to 3,500. Indiana is therefore as Democratic to-day as she was when she voted for President Buchanan, and as equally certain to vote for a Democratic President in 1860. We have lost two members of Congress through divisions, but it is the popular vote which carries Presidential elections. In Ohio, Fremont and Fillmore had 45,000 majority over Mr. Buchanan in 1856—both parties united upon a State Ticket, have now only carried by 20,00. Fusion loss 25,000 in Ohio since the Presidential election. We have elected six Democratic Congressmen by majorities over all, whereas, in 1856 we chose but one in that manner.

In California the Democratic majority on the State ticket, is 8,000 over both the . Republicans and Americans combined.— | In 1856 Fillmore and Fremont beat Bu- , chanan 3,000 in that State. Democratic gain 11,000. i, In lowa the Democratic gains on the ’ Presidential election was very large. It , is not by any means certain that the Democrats have not carried the State. In Maine the Fusion majority for Governor is 8,000. In 1856 it was 23,000 for President. Fusion loss 20,000. In Vermont the Fusion majority is 19,000. In 1856 it was 29,000. Every election in the north, save Penn- ! sylvania, has shown an immese Demo- | cratic gain on the popular vote since 1856 ' when there was a sufficient Democratic

strength to elect a Piesident. In Pennsylvania we have been defeated, not by the enemy, but by our own divisions. — We predict that in November when the elections come off in New York, Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin, it will be found that large democratic "ains have been made in each of those States since 1856. We confidently expect the whole Deraociatic State ticket will be elected in New York where Fremont had 83,009 plurality over Buchanan.— Civ. Enq, The Legislature. We publish this morning a complete list of the members of the next Legislature We classify them as follows: SENATE. Democrats holding over 10 “ Regular, elected 12 “ Independent, elected 3 Total 25

I Republicans holding over 13 “ Regular, elected 11 Opposition Independent 1 Total 25 HOUSE. Democrats, regular, elected 45 “ Independent, elected 5 Total 50 | Republicans, regular, elected 44 Independents, Whigs and Americans 6 Total 50 There are twenty-five Democratic Senators and fifty Democratic Representatives, who in 1856 stood upon the GinI cinnati Platform, and who, upon all party issues, stand there now. The political character of the Legislature will depend mainly upon the six Americans and Whigs

who are national in their sentiments, and who have no sympathy with abolitionism. In the Senate the Lieutenant Governor has the casting vote. — State Sen. Behaved Respectably.—The Hinsdale County, Miss., Gazette is responsible for this:—Gov. A. G. Brown and Gov. John J. Mcßae were in attendance at church, at Spring Riding, in this county, a Sabbath or two ago. Although politicians by professions and office holders by trade —and hence been subjected to all the vices, corruptions and degradations of that mode of living—wc are gratified to state that they took seats with the con- ■ gregation, ami conducted themselves like respestablc people!’

A RETROSPECT. , I As we have just closed a Cerce and fuvrious political campaign, it is well for us > to pause and look back upon the scenes ; we have passed through, to Karn how r much wuhave done that will redound to t our future benefit, and what errors we have committed, that we may be benefit- , ted by avoiding them hereafter. Victory, it is true, has again perched 1 upon our banner, but it is idle to deny ' that it is dearly bought, and that the con- ! test has shorn us of many of our trophies. • Still ‘our Hag is there,’ and ‘flouts the ■ sky’ as proudly as of yore, but it is marked’with many a rent, that bears testimony to the perils we have have passed ; through. Whilst we hail the succesr of ■ i our State ticket as ‘glad tidings of great joy,’ we have at the same time tomeurn the fall of many a compatriot with whom we fought shoulder in the memorable struggle of ’56. Our Congrassional delegation has been reduced from six to four. In Ohio we nnmber eight members of Congress; next year we will have but five Vt, six. In the old Keystone State, the ; borne of our i/resident,'and the cradle of I Democracy, even when the powerful aux- | iliaries of State pride and all the personal j influence of the Chief Magistrate were I brough.t to bear in our favor, the DemoI cratic banner now trials in the dust, and • from fifteen members in the present Conigress, we will have less than half that, number in the next. In Ohio there is I not a member of Congress elected that fa-I vors the Administration in its Lecompton policy. In Pennsylvania, we believe there” is not one, except Florence; and in Indiana not one is left to tell the tale. In i the First District, where Lockart received 13000 and upwards or a majority, Niblack now gets about 800. In the Second, , where English had near 2000 majority, is now but nominal. In the Third Hughes ! had 1000, Dunn, now leads him about ICO. In the sixth, Gregg, (dem) in 1856 had GOO majority; now Porter(rep) beats. Ray about 100 G. In the Seventh, John G. Davis was elected, in 1856, by 600 majority; now, as the anti-Lecomton candidate, he leads Secrest, (Lecompton) about 1600. In the Eighth, Colfax increases his majority from 1000 to 1800. In the Tenth, Case increases his majority from 600 to 1200 or 1500. In the Eleventh, the convention that nominated Mr. Coffroth adopted strong anti-Lecomp-ton resolutions, and although he fought a gallant fight, unsurpassed for skill and vigor, though his friends stood fast by him in every peril, and his voice was to 1 the Democratic cohorts like the blast of Roderick’s bugle, still, the odium that at- \ tached to the Administration policy bore him down, and he was forced to yield beneath the burthen.

11 IS folly for uo longer to ulust? Olli ryes : to the palpable fact that these troubles all grew out of the Lecompton policy of the , ( Administration. Our State ticket being partially exempt from this influence, was elected, though by reduced majorities.-— Had they run with the Congressional candidates, they would have been over- ■ whelraingly defeated. All who are not blind as an owl at mid day, must see that if Buchanan had pursued the line of polilaid down by Judge Douglas, by this time ( the Abolition force of the country would have dwindled down to its original insig-1 nificance. The Republican party were about disbanding. The conservative branch of that party was spliting off from the Abolition wing, and ere now they ! would have been ‘wide as the poles asunder. But when the President abandoned ! the platform upon which he had planted! himself in 1356: when he broke his plighted faith to his party and its principles: i when he betrayed Governor Walker, and ' lent himself and the influence of his position, gave himself the blind and fanatical: extremists of the South, and brought all the power and patronage of the Govern- j ment to bear against Douglas, Walker, Stanton, and others, to crush them out and elevate snch Abolitionist as Linclon in their stead, merely because they stood firmly upon the Cincinnatti platform and i

refused to yield to the dictum of an arro-; ] gant official, what more natural than that . the varied and speckled isms that com- j posed the Black Republican party should , again firmly coalesce when they saw the vantage ground which the folies of the President and his followers gave them. And now look abroad over the State, , and mark if the result does not verify what we have asserted. Wherever the footprints of Bright, Fitch, Robinson, Hendricks, Hammond, and the other Administration pimps have marked the soil, 1 there we see large Black Republican gains. In the first Congressional district the Democratic majority is reduced from 3000, to 800; in the second, from 2000 to almost nothing; in the third, from 1000 Democratic, to 100 fusion; in the Sixth, from 600 Democratic, to 1000 fusion; jn - the eighth, the Republican majority is increased 200; in the Ninth and, Tenth, it'

is doubled. Over all this territory, these public pensioners have been perambulrting and preaching, and like a deadly plague, their influence has been felt upon I the Democratic party. In the Eleventh district, where we adopted an anti-Le-compton platform, and were allowed to •manage our affairs in our own wav,’ we have reduced the Republican majority about 500 or 600. In the burnt district i where the Democratshad no hopes of accomplishing anything, and kept away i from the polls, Kilgore’s majority is greats lv reduced. In the Seventh, which >■ bounds for over one hundred miles on the ■ i State of Illinois, where Douglas’ influence ! and his principles are strongly felt, an anti-Lecompton Democrat (John G, Da-

vis) ran, and increased his majority over what he received in 1856, over 1000 votes. With all these glaring facts staring the people in the face, how can they longer hesitate? Here is an important lesson for them to consider. Can they still shut their eyes and ‘go it blind’ after such leaders as Bright, Fitch, &c., much longer? We opine not. They have been leading us astrav over rough and thorny places, until we are wearied and foot-sore: and to maintain the integrity of our party, we have followed their lead until further forbearance will bring ruin in its wake. It is for the people now to speak out and avow their independence, to absolve themselves from all allegiance to those self-constituted dictators. We know the I feelings of themassas, and their potent j voice, if once-heard above the lashing tempest, will still the troubled waters, and drive away those hungry leeches that have been hook winking you whilst they continue to draw their sustenance from the public coffer. If we adopt the true policy as laid down by Judge Douglas, a bright future awaits the Democratic party. But if we follow further those mendicants at the footstool of power, an ignominious defeat is our doom, and we will have nothing left to i console us but the reproachful reflection that we beve been our own executioners. • —Bluffton Banner.

Foreign News. Quebec, Oct. 19. zk careful examination of onr files by the Anglo-Saxon, gives additional news of interest. Later advices from Lady Franklin’s vacht Fox, mention that the expedi:: r had safely crossed the middle ice of Baffin’s sea, and was in a fairway of accomplishing the object of the enterprise. The London Times says that all ap pearances indicates that the present Atlantic cable must be given up and hopes that the experience gained will be used to insure that success which is finally certain. It admits the great superiorly of the Niagraa over the Agamemnon, but thinks that a ship should be especially constructed for the laying of cable. It was said that Sir Bulwer Lyton, prompted by the Canadian ministry now in England, was giving special attention to the plan for the confederation of the British colonies. The London Shipping Gazette is informed tb.at Lord Berry leaves Galway in a week for British North America, with instructions from the colonial office to obtain the opinion of the legislature and people of Canada, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick on the subject of the confederation.

Lieut. Colonel Moody had been appointed chief eommiociontr of lands and works in British Columbia The shares of the Atlantic telegraph company had improved from £420 and £450. . The Times city article reports the funds very inactive and without fluctuation. The failure of a large city speculator in London, for £2,000,01)0, was announced on Tuesday. The London papers, of Wednesday, publish an able report by Mr. Henly, the electrical engineer, on the state of the Atlantic, He is of rhe opinion that the cable is seriously injured about 300 miles from Valentia. He has put his large magnetic instrument in operation with a view to transmit messages to New Foundland, but will not know the result until advised by steamers from America. Any attempt to raise the cable in deep soundings, would, in his judgment, cause its destruction. The papers publish a dispatch from Lord Canning, Governor-General of In-! dia, in reply to Lord Ellenborough’s dis-. ' patch. Lord Canning complains of the treatment he had experienced. He defends his policy, and asks to be releived it he I has failed to satisfy the government. France.—The Emperor was at the Chalons camp. The Moniteur publishes a circular for-

bidding unstamped newspapers to insert ’ advertisements. This return to the strict; letter of the law will be a death blow to a . multitude of minor journals. It is stated as certain that the Emper- ■ or of Russia has been invited by Prince i Napoleon to visit France, that he has accepted the invitation, and that he will visit both London and Paris next spring. In the last number of the Boston Pilot we find the following-just.sentiments. No religious paper of the Union exercise a more commanding influence than the Pilot: Senator Douglas.—As far as we can judge, the eminent influential, and conservative statesmen of the South are opposing the re-election of Judge Douglas | on account of his opposition to the English Kansas bill. We are pleased to observe i this decided manifestation of moderation

on the part of our Southern statesmen. — Nothing can be more suicidal to the interests of the Democratic party than the course pursued towards the Judge by some of the out-Heroding Herods of the ’ party. Even if they prevail against - Douglas, their only reward will be the contempt of that very South, whose interests they seem to have taken into their ■ especial keeping. They are making November 25th at ■ the eastward for Thanksgiving Day—it is also the anniversary of the final evacua- : tion of America by the British after the ;: revolution. - 1 Look on the bright side of everything.

Politics in Illinois, The struggle in Illinois is essentially for the United States Senatership. The Blaek Republicans In State convention formally and unanimously nominated Lincoln for that office, and badges bearing his name are tied in the button-holes of hundreds at every Republican assemblage. Local questions do not enter into their discussions. The name of Lincoln is their rallying cry, and his election is the paramount and almost the only immediate object for which they contend. A perfect organization of their party and co-operating factions is established, and the most singular unanimity and concert of action prevail among all the enemies of Democracy. They have enlisted the sympathy and have the aid of multitudes of Black Republican speakers from abroad, and all the money they can use is freely supplied them by their partisan friends in other States. The Democrats, fully aware of the momentous importance of the contest, are also earnestly at work with equal assiduity and enthusiasm, and, if we except a few office-holders, office-seekers, and saleriid agents of political aspirants, with equal unanimity. Some there are in Illinois, claiming to be Democrats, and so held hitherto, who, to their shame be it said, stand in sullen idleness, stupefied with the fear of giving offence to a few politicians, or poisoned by the slanders of a Eastern journalists; but the whole of these do not amount to a corporal’s guard although enabled from their position to exert a considerable influence in favor of the opposition. In the vanguard of this army of the friends of the constitution and foes to sectionalism stands Douglas, now as ever the champion of the Illinois democracy, now as ever the staunch supporter of the Cincinnati platform, now as ever the stalwart defender of the State rights—dealing his heaviest blows upon the antisiavery party, and scarcely deigning tospurn the mongrels that bark at bis heels. For weeks and months past he has been at work night and day. He freely challenges his abolition foes to debate and triumphs in every encounter. He has visited almost every county in the State, and wherever he addiesses the people a host of Democrats gather to hear his eloquent expositon of the doctrines which he and they held and labored for during many long years. They love and admire him for his unwavering adhesion to Democratic principles, and for the unsurpassed ability with which he has defended and maintained them. The specious sophis- ; try of his opponents crumbles to dust beneath his crushing argument, and the ; slanders of his personal enemies arc scatl tered like cobwebs by the truth’s he states. I —A’ete Orleans Courier.

The Unanlous Voice of the North. The Cincinnatti Commercial repudiates the idea that in the recent elections ‘Republicanism’ was triumphant. It asserts and maintains with great force, that the principle involved, and which has been sustained, is that of -popular sovereignty’ —the right of the people of the teritories to frame their own constitutions and institutions for themselves. It is the great principle for which Douglas is contending against the the powerful combinations in Illinois, and upon that point the Commercial says: The one incindary in Illinois no longer stands alone. We know now that he represents—imperfectly we admit—a principle which no party in the North can practically deny and live. The dcctrine of popular sovereignty—so far as it consists in an affirmation of the right of the people to regulate their local institutions in their own way—cannot be safely overruled or set aside even bv an administration backed by a slavish majority in the national legislature. The people is greater, more potent than all administration. We shall hear no more slavery carried into territories by the constitution under the Dred Scott dicision, without regard to the character, habits, laws and will of the people. Mr. Buchanan may put down Mr. Douglas, but he cannot wipe out popular sovereignty. The personal enemy of the Resident may be overcome by power and the force of adverse circumstances: but a principle implanted in the civil character of a people needs no champion for its vindication. It can make headway against wind and tide, and is never more likely to exhibit its efficiency than when it is supposed by parlies whose beliefs are with their wishes, that it is entirely nut out es the way forever.

Douglas and Lincoln closed their seventh and last joint discussion at Alton on the 15th. Hereafter the contest will be carried on by each ‘on his own hook.’ — Both have appointments to speak up to the day of the election. Illinois is now, and will continue to be, till the first Tuesday in November, the great point of attraction. The result in that State is one of national interest. Its effect for weal or woe upon the future of the Democratic party will be permanent and decisive. If Douglas triumphs, as we believe he will over the combination, both foreign and domestic, that is arrayed against him, he will do that which no other man living could accomplish.— National Dem. No Doubt of it.—the Cleveland Plaindealer, in view of the recent election in that State, says that ‘Ohio is good for the next Democratic Presidential candidate fifteen thousand majority, provided he is a popular sovereinty Democrat, and a | religious observer of the general princi- , pies and usages of the great national Democratic party .’