Decatur Eagle, Volume 2, Number 31, Decatur, Adams County, 10 September 1858 — Page 2

TH E EA(i EE. H. L. PHILLIPS,) > Editors * Proprietors. W. G. SPENCER,) DEC ATUR. INDIANA. FRIDAY MORNING, SEPT. 10, 1859. DEMOC RATIC STATE TICKET. SECRETARY OF STATE. DANIEL MeCLURE, oT Morgan. AUDITOR or STATE, JOHN W. DODD, of Grant. TREASURER OF STATE. NATHANIEL F. CUNNINGHAM. . of Vigo. RITBRINTENDEXT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION, SAMUEL L. RUGG, of Allen. ATTORNEY GENERAL, Joseph e. McDonald, of Montgomery, FOB SUPREME JUDGES, SAMUEL E. PERKINS, of Marion. ANDREW DAVISON, of Decatur. JAMES M. HANNA, of Vigo. JAMES L. WORDEN, of Whitley. DISTRICT TICKET. | FOR CONGRESS. JOHN R. COFFROTH. FOR STATE SENATOR, DAVID STUDABAKER. JUDGE 10th judicial circuit. Wm. W. CARSON. • i PROSECUTING ATTORNEY. J. H. SCHELL. COMMON PLEAS JUDGE, JOSEPH BRACKENRIDGE. DISTRICT ATTORNEY, •JOHN COLERI CK, COUNTY TICKET. REPRESENTATIVE, JONATHAN KELLEY, Sex - TREASURER, DAVID SHOWERS. JI RECORDER, W. J. ADELSPERGER, SHERIFF. 'J GEORGE FRANK. COMMISSIONER J. R. MILLER J SURVEYOR, . 1 E. W. REED. i J CORONER. LEVI EWING. . ...... — i DARE THEY DENY IT! In our paper of the 20th ult., we copied I an article from the Huntington, Demo-W 'rat, under the above caption, we believed the charge contained in the article , against Mr. Pettit was true, and thought i it right that the “dear" people should be 1 informed of the acts of their representa- 1 true and judge him by his acts. The article caused quite an uneasiness . aipopg the Republican leaders, they de- I J nounced it as false and unfounded. On ' the 23d ult., Mr. Pettit opened his speech t by reading the article referred to, from i opr paper, which is as follows: , < "That Pettit voted to increase the pay ! of the officers of the army, and never ] •>n<?e said a word in behalf of the poor i ‘ soldiers. Citizens this is truth. Examine for yourselves the Journal of Con-J ! gress,* and you will see that we don’t 1 misrepresent him. The poor soldier, who ' bears all the burden of the service, only j gets §8 dollars per mouth, and the aristocratic officers gets large salaries. His t sympathies are truly with the aristocrats, , and| against the poor man. Laboring men! Look to your interests! P. S.—Since the above was in type, it occurred to us that Pettit imagined the soldiers would receive an extra compensation in “Garden Seeds and Picture Bookft.” *See Congressional Globe of 1856-7— , pp. 477. Mr; Pettit frankly admitted that he vo-j ted to increase the pay of the officers of the Army; and the reason he gave was, , that their pay was entirely inadequate and ought to have been raised. He said he did »6t vote to increase the pay of the common soldier, for the reason that Congffifes does not possess the power; that he belongs to the President and Sec- . retary of War, they are Democrats and if the “poor sol Iler’s” pay is insufficient, tire Democratic Administration, alone, is responsible, and rut members of Congress. So says Mr. Pettit. Now this is the first time in the history i onpoli-tics that we ever heard of the Executive department of the Government possessing the law making Power; nor do we believe Mr. Pelttit could convince any sanaiuraji, that even one dollar is drawn out of the treasury without being authorized by an act of Congress, for the Constitution of the United States exoressly ' prohibits it. Yet this is the simple manner in which Mr. PeLtiL attempted to explain, or evade his vote on that question and thereby en- ( dearor to throw the responsibility of his own acts, unjustly, upon others. Js not lljis noble and worthy the Re preseutatije of a free and independent! Dcepier •

Why I ain a Democrat. That is a strange question. The usual answers about political measures I need not give you, but I will tell you why.— Democracy is the party of progress and of the people. You know that the opposition never originate anything. In regard to Territories, State or National ■ measures, what has been, with them, is the rule; with the Democracy, it is what J ought to be the measure? Democracy is not afraid to check corporate power, to aim at such policy as will make wealth equal, as near as the accidents which happen to mankind will permit. Democ-, > racy, too, is American, for though it held, in contempt the midnight Americanism, -ommonly called Know Nothingism, and defeated it. yet Democracy is truly American. It separates itself from Old World i forms—from Aristocratic privilege—it ’ j has helped to fount! new States, new law systems and new constitutions. It takes the lead in progress, in living, education, in literature and in political science. Are judges to be made elective, power to be restricted, Democracy does it. Is a foreign power to be battled against —our | territory to be preserved, our national 1 honor to be vindicated, new territory to be acquired, it is from a Democratic Administration this is looked to be accomplished: and it is. From the acquisition 'of Louisana until the present day, Democi acy has dared everything, acquisition, diplomacy, war, to maintain the nation’s honor. * Democracy, too, accomplishes what it undertakes. Does it war upon a National Bank, inimical to public Rights, away goes the Bank, and bursts j aad blows to atoms, to show that Democracy is right. Does it propose a better means to preserve the public money —the independent treasury.it is enacted; and the test of war, panic and revulsion, vindicate democratic sagacity. The opposi--1 lion to Democracy never manage to pass, a great measure into a law that will stay on the Statute Book. The National laws are the work of Democrats. Do the Democracy inaugurate a new policy in tern- \ tories; they carry it out and freedom is the result. There is a noble daring about Democrats, too; they aie not always trying to be popular, they would rather be right: and in the long run they prove to < be. They have bull-dog tenacity. Tri-I fles don't discourage them or break their organization. They are the same fifty i years back, to-day and will be, in matte! I of principle, fifty years hence. They pro-! gress, it is true, but it is in the develop-1 inent of ideas and measures, carrying out those great principles which lie at the foundation of free government. They go , for principles and men —not men without j ] the principles. When you are a member ■ of the Democratic party, you are not sure, 1 it is true, but that occasionally in a man ■ or a measure, they may be somewhat mistaken, but you are sure of pledging al- J legiance to great principles, are sure of es- J , forts for great truths, and you need not ] fear that to-morrew or next day, you’ll have a new name, new leaders and new ■ principles, and have to ask, as a great opposition man once did, “Where am Ito ( go?” The path of the Democracy is J | straight, steadily traversed, without turn- j ing to the right or left, of Northern Sectional, or Southern disunion principles.— , It is upward and onward with a march as steady and keeping step and time with , the onward march of our country’s glory, prosperity and greatness. I could not be . a true patriot unless I were a Democrat. Do not wonder, then, that with heart, soul and intellect. I’m a Democrat, and shall so be while life lasts with me. I could be nothing else.— Lima Dem,. Horrible Blasphemy. We take the following from the proceedings of the Rutland (Vt.,) Abolition and Free Love Convention: “In the discussion of the Slavery qnes- . tion, which followed that on free love, j Mr. Curtis made his second appearance, j He quoted that resolution which declares that “Any Christ, or any God that, by j silence oi otherwise, authorizes man to enslave man, merits the scorn and con- I tempt of mankind.” Curtis inquired ’ who was the God that people talked about? If he wan the all powerful being he was ; represented to be, why don't he go down south and put down slavery? He desired | to ask this plumply: How is it that vou don’t do your duty? With what consis- I tency could men worship this God, whom i they considered all powerful, when he neglected to exercise his power for the extinction of slavery?” This Mr. Curtis, who indulged in this horrible blasphemy, was the Black Re- J publican editor of Putnam’s Magazine, and is now a principal writer of the At- ; I lantic Monthly, a periodical of the same ; school in politics. He was crazily enthu- ■ siastic in behalf of Fremont for president, in 1856, and lias been thesubjectof great ' praise and laudation in that leading Republican paper, the New York Tribune. Such sentiments as the above do not affect his standing in the Republican ranks but are considered as ebullitions highly honorable to his head and heart. It is a noteworthy fact that nut cne of the leaders in these “Free-love,” “woman’s Rights,” “Anti-Sabbath” and “Anti-Christian,” “Infidel” gatherings has any sympathy with the Democracy; but on the contrary, in politics they are all noisy Black Republicans.— Cin. Enq. j There is in Henry county, Tennessee a quarry of brown and variegated marble similar to, but of finer grain than the East Tennessee marble, as seen at the capitol at Nashville. This quarry is said to be of a supply inexhaustible, in the vicinity of Sulphur Springs

Keep it Before the People. I That the English Compromise mH is j based on correct principles, and haibeen productive of much good to the contry. Keep it before the People, that it tendency has been to allay sectional gitation and remove al! cause of hardfeeling between different portions o the Union. Keep it before the People, that i has healed the wounds of ‘bleeding Kanas,’ and secured to her people the privlege of ‘regulating their domestic affais in their own wav, subject to the constittion , of the United States.’ Keep it before the people, that it ha reunited the Democratic party and broight all national, and conservative mennto affilition with that political organizati n. Keep it before the people, that ithas relieved Congress and the National idministration from a complicated and ran- 1 gerous question, and prevented furher interruption to the transaction of the^b-, lie business. Keep it before the people, that it tultified and demoralized the Republcan party, causing members of that part; to exhibit duplicity and and hypocrisy beore the face of the country, in pretening to favor a measure (for Crittenden-Mmt-gomery bill) under which J come into the Union as a Gold' with only forty thousand ihtfaLrf/Ns. contrary to their professionsjn thev national platform and otherwise. Keep it before the the people, tFat Kan-1 ■ sas, bv means of the English compromise ■ bill’ is' now at peace—that the •eturns of .1 the election and others information conclusively show that her pojulation will , ’ be sufficient to entitled her t< admission under that bill, whenever lereafter she may properly apply; and tlat when she does apply with a constitrtion properly adopted and republican in form, she will be admitted by Democritic votes, and ■with or without slavery, is her own people may determine.’ , | Keep it before the peojle, that there is no doubt but that Kansaswill be admitted into the Union under tie English bill as a FREE STATE. i Keep it before the Peiple, that the opposition shriek for freedom,’ but do nothing to secure it; that ivery one of the nine free States admitted into the Union within the last fifty-six years were admit- ; ted by Democratic Congresses, and all but one (California unier Filmore) under Democratic President*. Keep it before the People, that when the Republicans charge that the English i bill contains a land bride or that it pro-; poses to grant more land than that usual- i ly granted to new States, or more than was proposed to be granted by the Crittenden Montgomery bill, they charge what is not true. Keep it before the people, that when Kansas comes to form a constitution and apply for admission, under the English . bill, with the same amount of population for a free as for a slave State, and that all assertions of the Republicans that it J will, in that case; require a greater amount: of population for a free State than it would ! for a Slave State is utterly false and un- J founded. Keep it before the people, that there is not one word us truth in the assertion, i made only by hypocrites and demagogues that the census referred to in the bill is the decennial census to be taken in 1860 and 1870. The bill shows directly to the contrary on its face, and besides all persons the least familiar with the legislation of the country know that the census in such cases is usually taken under the Territorial authorities and whenever they choose. Keep it before the people, that what the Republicans really want is sectional agitation, office, and spoils.— New Albany Ledger. Bleeding Kansas. The Mississippian, one of the most rabid Lecompton advocates, in referring to I the defeat of the ‘proprosition to admit

Kansas,’ says: ‘•To influence the Presidential election ' ' the majority in Kansas will be advised ’ to disregard the act of Congress and form i a constitution with a view to admission. ( If the application is not granted, then all Abolitiondom will be filled with lamentations of the ‘freedom-shriekers’ and the wrongs of ‘bleeding Kansas’ will be chant- j ed upon a more dismal key than ever before. If on the contrary they succeed to their application, Kansas will add two votes more to the free State cause, in the election if decided by the electoral college, or one more if it is taken to the House of . Representatives.” Now, we should like to know from the Mississippian, whether the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton constitution i as contended for by that paper, would not have resuited in precisely the same thing, viz: ‘the addition of two votes more to the free State cause?’ Calhoun gave the Legislature to the Black Republicans and ’ if the Lecompton constitution had been adopted, two of the most infamous of that party —Jim Lane and Topeka Robinson—- , 1 would have been elected to the United , States Senate. — States 1 ™ ■" , The following correspondence is said - to have taken place between a new Haven merchant and one of his customers: ‘Sir—Your account has been standing a for two years; I must have it settled ime I mediately.’ e ! To which, in reply—e ‘Sir—Things usually do settle by stand11 ing; I regret that my account is an exception. If it has been standing too Ion?, ' suppose you let it run a little while.’

The Republican Party and the Prohibi-J tory Liquor Law. The odious prohibitory liquor iaw of i 1855 was enacted by the Republican par- < ty —was one of the fruits of the fusion of < that rear. Ithas been pronounced un- j constitutional by the Supreme Court and , that decision has met with the approval ( of a large majority of the people of the ~ State. The law yet remains upon the statute book, in consequence of therefus- , al of the Republican Senate winter before ( last to concur in the bill for its repeal, , which passed the Democratic House on j | the 26th of January. 1857. If the Re-j publicans are successful in electing their ] candidates for the Supreme Court and have j the control of either or both branches of | the next Legislature, it is their intention ( bv reversing the decision of the present < bench; to again put the law in force. I n- i Ider the cover of‘Bleeding Kansas’ they ] hope to revive that act—repudiated by ( the people and by the highest judicial ( tribunal of the State. _ , s On the passage of the bill in the House s repealing the law, there were sixty nine i voters in the affirmative, all Democrats, j with two or three exceptions, and eigh- ( teen Republican votes against it. Among i the few Reoublicans who voted for the < repeal of law was Mr. Todd, of this coun- < w, while the other member, Jonathan i A. Gordon, now Republican candidate,, for re-election, voted against its repeal.— | Not a Democratic representative voted j against the repeal of the law. Tn the ; Senate, on the third reading of the bill, on ; motion of a Republican Senator, by the < vote of every Republican Senator consti- , tuting a majority of that body, it was laid ] table, and thus defeated. Only I ] Democratic Senators voted against laying ( the bill on the table, and thus in favor of its repeal. The law was enacted by the > < Republican party, and it remains upon . the statute book, in consequeuce of the ; refusal of the Republican Senate to repeal it. The Republican party are re-,, sponsible for the prohibitory law. If they , are not in favor of it, why is it that they j, refused to repeal it when they had an op- j; portunity to do so, by concurring in a bill,, which has passed the House to expunge it |, from the statute book? It is clearly evi- 1 dent that the Republican party intend to ' stand by the law. Every vote given for ■ the Republican candidates for Supreme Judges and for Republican candidates for : the Legislature, will by a vote in favor of sustaining the prohibitory liquor law of 1855.— State Sen. A Tragedy at Knighstown, Ind. The Indiana True diepublican, of the 18th inst., says: The citizens of the quiet little vil-1 1 age of Knightstown were thrown into J I the most intense excitement on Friday ‘ evening bv the discovery that Miss. Ann Ragan, daughter of a respectable widow | lady of that place, had been most foully I murdered. On Tuesday evening the deceased was I taken ill, and continued to grow worse , rapidly until Friday, when sh» died while in a severe convulsion. On Saturday morning a post mortem examination was held, and it was ascertained that an abor- 1 \hon had been produced upon the body of the young girl by mechanical means. This sad occurrence is not without its J moral. The murdered girl will rest in her dishonored grave, the poor old bro- i ken-hearted mother will bend under the great weight of the sorrow that has been thus cruelly thrust upon her aged heart, , until she sinks into the grave; but the se-1 ducer—who will require this blood at his I hands? Who will meet him with a less friendly grasp? What young lady will de- ; cline ‘the honor’ of ‘his company?’ What J mother will forbid her daughters to as- , 1 sociate with him? What ‘circle’ will re-' ( fuse him admission because of the stain ' of outraged innocence and murdered woj manhood upon his hands? And yet this is i I society; the society our daughters, sisters I and wives move in. k -

Since the perpetration of this daik act\ we have seen the principle actor in it, in a company of respectable men, laughing | gaily jnd talking lightly. This was the ' day after her burial, and there was no j shrinking back among them. And why should they shrink? Her Hood is upon bis hands, but then you know his tine kid gloves will hide all that. The Democratic party promised that 1 Kansas should not be forced into the Union without her consent. Accordingly, a vote was taken under the English bill to ascertain the sense of he people.— They have spoken by a large majority against the proposition to come into the Union. The Republicans now require that we shall insist on their coming in, notwithstanding this. We are for allowing the people of Kan-: sas to determine what they want, irrespective of the complaints of the Republicans.' We are for popular sovereignty. They advocate the sovereignty of Congress.— Cin Enq. Calling Names.—Calhngnames is one of the most convenient methods for puttingdown obnoxious truth. Often, when j a thing cannot easily be refuted, it maybe branded as to answer the same purpose. A plausible epithet, whose meaning and application many are too indolent to examine, will carry in their minds the weight ;of Judicial decision. A well-turned phrase outstrips the slower processes of i logic, and accomplishes in the impudence of stratagem, like Ethan Alien’s at Ticon- - deroga, what no force of reasoning alone - ever could achieve.— Observer. ° Three little words you often see.

Tom Corwin on Slavery. , Governor Corwin delivered a political address at Morrow, Warner> n ty OhK> on Friday last, upon some of excßin, questions of the day. Mr. sno ken fesses to be a Repubhcan, andja spoken of as a Republican candidate for Congress from his old Ohio district. During h.s soeech Mr. C. suid. . P «He had seen it stated as tru e«® n did not know but it was true—he diJn t care whether it was or not—that he was not a good Republican. Well, he though he was, (Laughter); but if it was a doctrine of the Republican party that a Uate had not a right to admit slavery or expel it, and should be kept out of the Lmon for doing either of these, then he was not a aood Republican. He felt that theconstftution gave to every State or Territory the to form its own institutions, and having formed them, to come in on an equal footing with the other Mates. Al discrimination for or against its admission simply because it adopted or rejected slavery was unconstitutional. Governor Corwin said he was not an immediate emancipationist. Would they tell him what to do with the negroes it they were-emancipated? He knew that some said: Do right, and leave the con-

sequences to God. He was agreed to that, but what was right? Had we a right to destroy the black man to benefit • him? We could emancipate every negro, we saw, if we would only cut bis throat. No man would have any property in him after that. (Laughter). We had no slaves in Ohio, therefore emancipation gradual or immediate was not a question here; and we could not intefere with the laws of Kentucky so as to produce emancipation there. i He asked what consequences would j flow from the doctrine that we ought to keep out States with slavery in them. — Suppose Pennsylvania should hold a convention and ordain slavery. If we had a right to exclude slave States, ought we not have some way to turn out a Statealready in, that should become a slave 1 State? And if the constitution was de- i signed to confer the former power, was it not imperfect for making no provision for the latter case? He could not, as a moral citizen of Ohio, destroy the symmetry of the constitution by contending I that it allowed us to exclude States because they had slavery in them. These sound conservative views will hardlv suit modern Republicanism, but they are not the less just and true because they will not square with Republican notions. They are such, however, as are held by the National Democratic party, and bv all men who are willing to be bound ! bvor respect constitutional obligations. — State Sentinel. The Republican Party Dissolving. • j Horace Greelv, the foremost and ablest of Black Republicanism, when I that ism had life, has distinctly and broadly repudiated the doctrince of no more , elavo States, nioroJj bcoftuoc of , and reluctantly adopts the Democratic principle upon this subject. He made a ; speech, a few days ago at Ulster, N. Y.. ! 'to that effect We commend the following extract from it to the people of IlliJ nois, who are expected to elect Lincoln to i the United States Senate —Lincoln, who . not only declares that no slave States I shall be hereafter admitted into the Union J but that slavery shall be blotted out by dint of agitation from the States where the institution now exists. Says Greeley: “Whatever might be said of the policy lof excluding a slave State, he thought ! they would never be able to exclude a slave State, on the ground of its being a > slave State. When a community is form- ! ed, and with slavery, and says, we pro- ; pose to come into the Union as a State, J they would not be able to go behind her own action, or intertere with her soveJ reignty, so far as to prevent her coming ; into the Union with slavery, so as she

was republican in form. He stated this, not as his opinion, but as a deduction from history. For instance suppose, Cuba should come into the Union, (and he did not desire that she should; he desired that she should not), and bad formed a Slate government, they never would be able to keep her out because she was a slave : State. I “Another point: He thought that experience had settled the matter, whatever we might say o( popular sovereignty or of the rights of the people, that the principle obliquely laid down in the Cincinnati' I Platform and were deliberately expressed in the President’s Message, that the appropriate time for a State to decide for herself when she will have or when she will not have slavery is when she comes lto ask admission into the Union, was practically settled. He did not sav he would not like to have it otherwise, but it was so very difficult to determine when Territories should decide this question for themselves, that he saw no other course of action than to say, that when they come to frame a State government they shall decide for themselves whether they will have a slave State or a free State.” — Chicago Times. Barrett, whose election in the St. Louis district, over Blair, is so loudly trumpeted by the organs, happens to bean out-and- • out Douglas democrats, and was elected ‘ by the votes of Douglas democrats. What will the party do with Barrett and Green ■ of Missouri? Read them out?— Clarksville, Tenn. Chronicle. A young poet out West, in describing I Heaven, says: “It is a world of bliss, fenced in with girls.”

Correspondence of the Huntington Search the Book. Messrs. Editors: — The voters of tb e j ijl gressiona! district must soon sele ci j ' to represent them in Congress. portant that we select a good ' V l ' important that we bestow this great upon one in whose honesty Hn d we can safely confide. The itnmej s^ ! ? H f lie domain, and the millions of moneys I flow into the national coffers are \ f disposal of Congress; therefore letu ( p'j t a man who will look to our interests'(S a vigilant eye, and see that our subs’aj? ’ is not squandered. As the present' > icumbent John U. Pettit, aspires toil j station again, a reference to his r ftOr ' whilst a member of that body may amiss to inform the people, whose be solicits, of his fitness for < On the 21st of May 1856, there,,■, Jf 1 pending in the House of Representatives I a bill appropriating public landst 0l t, I State of Alabama, for the construction, | three Rail Roads, with various branehtijß traversing the United States in directions. It gave the state every otuß

section of land for 6 miles on eachiij, of the road and branches. This w Ol4 l form a strip of land 6 miles wide, as all the roads and their branches,q' I would be about the same as a tier of toiq.H : ships reaching from here to ’ New ' City. The effect of this appropriation fl I to make Indiana, and any other sttyß bear an equal proportion with Alabanaß herself of the expense oi buildingUeuß Rail Roads within the boundaries olth® latter state without one farthing’s equin. lent at least to Indiana. Mr. Pettit io# I for this appropriation, (see Congressioml Globe 1855 <fc 56, page 1276, On the 27 of May 1856, the Michigan land bill, making a similar one equaliy ■ large appropriation of the public landsto ® that State for a similar purpose >y brought before Congress, Mr. Pettit voted for the passage of this bill, aswi.J he seen by the Congressional Globed , ’ 1855 & 56 page 1315. i On the 2d day of March 1857, the M-■ esota land bill was passed, appropriatiiii ; an immense body of land to that Territory for Rail Road purpose. Hereagaiuvt find Mr. Pettit’s name recorded in fain S l of this bill. See Congressional Globe. 1856 & 57, page 974. On the 21st of May, 1856, the greit ■ bill of abominations, termed the Wiscon. | sin land bill, passed the lower houseoi 9 Congress. This bill gives to that Stale I 1,048, 320 acres for rail road purposeaTo secure its passage it is said more bn berv and corruption were used than for M any other bill that ever passed Congres | It is worthy of remark that Mr. Petii’ I voted against this bill in nearly all its it- 9 cipient stages, but upon its final passagf. | when all the Influence of its frienh g would be made to tell in its favor, we fit. I Mr. Pettit ‘bout face,’ and record hisvoK : in its favor. See Coagressional Glob 1855 & 56, page 1272. Thus in a tew montns time was give- p away to the States of Alabama; Michigv. Wisconsin and Minnesota, a portion of 0* 1 public domain, nearly half as large astbf | 1 State of Indiana, not only the approbate , i but by the assistance of Mr. Pettit. Or I rather it was given to the hordes of spec- | ulators, who swarm around Washington | City, and for whose interests, and t I whose money these bills were I And what equivalent have we, the voten j !of the 11th Congressional district recety | . l ed for it? Let Mr. Pettit and his fneod’ | answer. I These bills are frequently passed by I ■ what is termed in the politicians vocabu I lary ‘Log-rolling,’ that is by all the friend’ I !of various bills, joining together any || helping one another by voting for a 1 I them as the neighbors in the country iie.j l ' one another to roll up the logs ynt H clearings, ready for farming I misdemeanor at common law, puntsna

by indictment, and though a veryo jec * tionable and corrupt mode of procurin', the passage of a law. Still it has one n deeming point. It is supposed to con e, some benefit upon members constitu_n., Os this offence we readily acquit Mr rev tit, because his constituents have none ceived a shillings benefit from the pass*,’ of any of these laws, or any other law p ed Congress since he has been a mem e ‘ of that body. When Log-rolling fails to produce the desired effect 'stronger medicines physicians say, are administered. • their nature the communication of r. mus R. Matteson, (a co-member o • Pettit) to the corruption investiga h committee of Congress willgi'’ e ) oU idea. The committee were investig» l,D i charges of bribery and corroption P( clcr ‘ ed against him, that resulted in signing his seat co avoid expulsion, his defence he says among many ° ‘ precious things that ‘alarpe number vj ‘ members of the House have associated Z |f i selvee together, and pledged themselves«« to the other to vote for no law or resold i granting money or lands unless Iney ß paidfor it.' That Mr. Pettit is one of this number’ we have no positive proof, is hardly possible to procure proof of s a charge, so well are the plans laid, » so effectually do the guilty ones cover• their tracks. Hence we prefer no s charge against him. We only gi ve ® 0 { of his acts and votes whilst a mem e Congress, and leave his constituen s draw their own inferences. On the 28th of February, 1857 ' ' “corruption bill” passed the lower o ,of Congress. This was entitled guard against corrupt and secret ''f ae iin matters oj legislation,” and i ts P r