Decatur Eagle, Volume 2, Number 25, Decatur, Adams County, 30 July 1858 — Page 2

TIIE E A GLE H. L. PHILLIPS?) • Editors a Proprietors W. G. SPENCER,S DECATUR, INDIANA. * —■ ■ . - : •-*— ---- ■ '.--=23 FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 30, 1858. DEMOC RATIC STATE TICKET.SECRETARY OF STATE DANIEL McCLURE, of Morgan. AUDITOR OF STATE, JOHN W, DODD, of Grant. TRr.ASCRtt OF STATE, NATHANIEL F. CUNNINGHAM, of Vigo. BVrtßlNTrxntNT OF PUBLIC INSTBUCTIOX, SAMUEL L. RUGG, of Alien. ATTOBNIT CLM.RAL. Joseph e. McDonald, of Montgomery, FOR SUPREME .It DOE.’, SAMUEL E. PERKINS, of Marion. ANDREW DAVISON, of Decatur. JAMES M. HANNA, of Vigo. JAMES L. WORDEN, of Whitley. DISTRICT TICKET. FOR CONGRESS. j JOHN R. COFFROTH. FOR STATE SENATOR. DAVID STUDABAKER. COUNTY TICKET. JirPItrSKNTATIVE, JONATHAN KELLEY, Sr». TREASURED, DAVID SHOWERS. BECOBTIKIt. W. J. ADELSI’KRGER, suf.btff. GEORGE FRANK. COMMISSION! n. J. R. MILLER. sravirOß. E. W. REED. COR ON FR, i LEVI EWING. ADAMS COUNTY POLITICS. We propose under the above caption, to examine the various positions and names the opposition to'.he Democratic party have assumed in a few years past: though it should disturb the nerves of some ofi onr fastidious Republican friends. We say opposilion, because it is the only name bv which the party can be identified for ■inv space of time, and is more emblematical of the principle of the party than anything in which the party has maintained consistency, in all things else it has be< n, as evanescent as the winds. The year I E.tJ witnessed the first great debate in t’ongress on the policy of organizing new Territories, which the venerated day, |, Webster, Cass, Calhoun and Benton participated, in whom was concentrated the acknowledged wisdom of the nation. The result of that discussion was the adoption of that principle in organization i of the Territories of Utah and New Mexico (now cognomenated ’’Popular Sovereignly’’) which gives to the people of ev-' rry Territory the right I > settle their own Domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the constitution of the I United States. Se<- proviso to 2 Sec, Acts Congress 1350, organizing Ulah and New | Mexico, which reads as follows: “And 1 provided further, That when admitted as a State the same Territory, or any por-! tion of the same shall be received into! the Union with,‘or without slavery as her Constitution may prescribe at the time of her admission.” This Act, as is plain to every person, embraced that great principle of popular government on which our free institutions arc founded, and received : the support and sanction of the great men of the nation. Irrespective of party fealty, and was opposed by the Abolitionists of the north and fire eaters of the South. In 1852 the election came on for President. The Democrats met in Convention and nominated Gen. Pierce and endorsed by resolutions the compromise measures of 1850, in which is included the Act above refcred to as a finality on .the subjects to which they refcred. The Whig party soon after met in National Convention—nominated Gen. Scott, and endorsed the Compromise measures of ,1350 in the following language: “The series of Acts commonly known as the Compromise or adjustment, are received and acquitsed in by the whigs of the United States, as a final settlement in principle and substance of the subject to which they relate,” What were these measures? to what did they relate? one was ibe Act of which we have quoted a part and related to the subject of domestic Slaverv ill the Territories. All these men calling themselves Republicans who then whigs, were as fully committed to the principle of non-iuvervention by Congress in their support of Scott and their . li.lors.-ni-u! of the pi Cf irm as men eoul I Z' !l Lt.

In 1854, Senator Douglas’embodied the same principle in the Nebraska bill; , and said “chat it was not the intention of this Act to legislate slavery into any territory, or, to exclude it therefrom; but to leave the people thereof, perfectly free to form their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the constitution of the LTnited States.” The note Republicans had to oppose this bill in order to be consistent in their one principle: (opposition to the Democratic party,) notwithstanding, two years before they were fully committed in favor of it. The people’s party then organized in this countv, as its members called themselves, with about four planks in its platform: Down with foreigners and catholics in particular. In favor of reinstating the Missouri Compromise. In favor of Congress legislating on the subject of slavery and in favor of the Maine Law, was the cry; but all these plankshave floated away and with them the people's party. The same individuals now claim to be Republicans; and have what they call a Republican paity; but they are not. Opposition is their true name. Whatever the Democratic party advocates, it opposes; if there is any hope for capital. We i know there are many persons who vote with this opposition party that are honest in their judgment and feelings, and do [ ■so mostly from the fact that they have never been identified with the Democrat- ■ ic party and permit a kind of false mod- ; esty to deter them from joining that parity that pursues the even tenor of her ways regardless of who favors or who opposes; to all such we would say, do noti let prejudice compel you to be a Whig in 1852 in favor of “popular sovereignty.” A Know Nothing in 1851, in favor of Inteivention by Congress. ■>A Maine lawite iin 1855. A Republican in 1856 in favor of Intervention by Congress and opposed to the Admission of any more Slave States and then in 1858 endorsed the following i i resolution which was adopted at Indiana- [ polls al the Slate Convention, held on the ' fourth of March last: i “2. That the people of a Territory when I they come to iorm a Constitution pre-I i paiatory to their admission into the Union as a State, have the right to adopt such a Constitution, being Republican in form, as may be acceptable to themselves and that, no Slate ought to be received into . the union before the Constitution thereof has been fully and fairly submitted to the people for their adoption or rejection and receive the approval of the majority of its i legal voters.” On this platfoi m endorsing in principle the doctrine contained tn the Nebraska bill. The Republicans nominated and \ are runing their State ticket. A platform diametrically opposed to the Republican ! platform of 18.56. Our little Republican 1 politicians about Decatur were loud and long in their praise of the Great Chami pion of “popular sovereignty,” were loud in their praise of the Crittenden Montgomery bill, which in effect provided that the i people of Kansas might form such a conI stitution as they desire, either with or ; without shivery as the majority might ' decide. Yet now that the Great Horace | has said through the Tribtiue, “that, be ■it distinctly understood for himself he ! does not accept it.” What? The doctrineof popular sovereignty. Now our Adams County Republican politicians will have to take another tack and sing the song of Intervention. Such in short has been some of the various positions that this opposilion partv has assumed in Adams County in the last eight years. All the lime, the Demo-

cratic party has been steady and unyiel ding in her support of the principles of popular sovereignty—they have endorsed ■ - it in all their State and Conventions—have the proud satisfaction of seeing the people endorse it in the election of James Buchanan; and last of all, the Republicans themselves endorsed it in their State Convention and the Montgomery bill; although they arc now endeavoring to back water. We cannot close this article without asking every young man in the county, that is about to assume the responsibilities of a voter, to ponder well these facts; ask yourself whether you wish to be changing your political man and faith everv year or two. If you do, you must join the opposition; If you do not, but wish a party that takes a principle and maintains it, join the Democratic party. The party that has controlled the government from its organization, almost without intermission. The opposition cannot boast of a single measure that they have established and maintained. We ask aL honest Republicans how you can deny the correctness of the principle of popular sovereigulv after endorsing it in your State Convi nrirr. and suppmling the Montgomery bill'’

[ At Our Post. After an illness of near three weeks, f we are again at our post; though unable to do hard labor, we feel thankful that we , are even up and about; and hope by care / soon to be able to perform our duties in j the office. We cannot refrain from tendering our acknowledgements to our wor- , thy friend, Dr. D. W. Champer, who tended us while sick;’hc,is both a gentleman ■ and a physician in every sense of the ■ i word: kind and obliging; possessing in a great degree, that cool self-judgment so necessary to the success of a physician.\ Indeed we know of no better; and can with pleasure recommend him to the contidence of the public. —Sen. Popular Soverixnty. We clip the following pharagrapbs, i from an able article under the above caption, from the Weekly Commercial (opposition paper) in which it sustains the true theory of Government, and is opposed to a party being based soly as the Republican party is upon unworthy cap?-* lai, opposition to the Democratic party. The origin of Popular Sovereignty* as a Right, is in the constitution of the; Human Race; and is older than any law [ of positive enactment. When it is di Biscuit to determine; but that it formed a part of the consciousness of the first man, ” as it will of the last, there is reason to believe, Whatever histories may say, it is probable that the earliest human govI ernmenls were, in their spirit, popular; and among the literature that has decen- [ ded to us from a remote antiquity, we I find instances not a few, in which the idea that the people are the fountain and! ( source of civil power, is expressly recognized and affirmed. The right of pupular sovereignty was; 1 that to which the people of the British 1 Colonies adhered when they determined ( .to shake off the yoke of an usurping ( power, and establish an independent policy of their own. ‘We hold,’said they,; 1 ‘these truths to be self-evident, that all ' men are created equal; that they are en- ; dowed by their Creator with the certain , inalienable rights; that among these are [. life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments ’ 1 are instituted among men, driving their just powers from the consent of the gov- 1 . erned.’ Neither Mr. Jefferson nor the : patriots of the Revolution are entitled to * I the credit of having invented ordiscover- 1 ed the doctrine of popular sovereignty.— < They sat up no such claim. They speak j .ofit as self-evident—as seated in the t spontaneous consciousness of men. and requiring neither reason nor testimony 1 to give it authority. In so doing, they ' not only lav down the only tenable argu- | meat in favor of the revolution that fol- , lowed, but the only substantial basis upon which to establish the government that ; succeeded the Revolution. Take away ' I that which represents the rights, the ’ i power, the magesty of the people from ; the American governments, and there is I, ! nothing left—the entire fabric has disap- [ • peared. ****** The editor of the New York Tribune is of the opinion that ‘the doctrine of the unlimited right of the people of the States to regulate their own institutions in their own way. is in the very face and eyes, not onlv of the Federal Constitution, but of each and all of the Constitutions.’ lie doesnot seem to be aware that the Constitution of the United States is the act of the several States, and that the Constitution of the several States, are the acts of the people of the same. A written Constitution is a sad stumbling-block to the wits of gentlemen of the class to which the editor of the Tribune belongs, who, while they prate of the blessings of a popular government, have no confidence in the I people, and are perpetually in search of ■ something that shall bear the appearance ; of divine right, to hang over them as a paramount authority to prevent them from ruining themselves. The declaration of Independence asserts that the right of the people ‘to alter and abolish’ t their government when it has become in-

iinical to popular freedom, is self-evident-, i the editor ot the Tribune ingeniously puts the government above the freedom, and would suppress .the latter rather tiian endanger the tranquility of the former. Popular sovereignty is an organic right —it is the organic right constituting the basis of all the government we have. To curtail or restrain it in any manner whatsoever, is a fundamental error. The party by which it is entertained no little to tiie control of the nation. It will not ao to say that it is an abstract idea, in regard to which an opinion pro or con is of [ no consequence. It is not an abstract' idea. It was not abstract al the Revolution—in the training of the Union—in the great national questions that have arisen under the Constitution—in the Kansas dispute—in any of the debates into which slavery has entered. It is the most practical of all questions, and its reception or rejection by any party will give character to the acts of that party at all times, and under all circumstances.— With such leading journals as the New York Tribune, and such leaders as those ! who speak their views through that journal, the Republican party will never come to a profession of the doctrines of popular sovereignty; and, will, consequently, never present merits of its own to entitle it to the possession of the government. It will be forced to base its hopes of success 'nlely upon that most unworthy of all political capital, the heresies and bad prac"’•rt -jf the uther party.

i For the Eagle. ' . medical association, obser- ’ VER Ac.” 5 ! Messrs. Editors:—The physicians of ! our town, never having had a proper and ; mutual understanding in regard to prices 1 for medical services, and knowing too, I that much discreptancy and irregularity existed in this particular, met together for the purpose; and did establish a unij form system of charging—to which all, mutually and in good faith, agreed; and their feebiil was published in the papers of the place. It would seem that this , movement, bn the part of our medical m en (which, pardon me, was a matter ! peculiarly their own) has created some isensation in tl.e community. And has: been quite extensively commented upon, bv one Observer, to the no little amuse- : ment of ourself. With some, the idea has obtained, that the object, sought by the profession, was, ft increase their fees and some, no doubt, honestly too, beleive this has been done in fact I have heard one man say that i the charge per visit, (in town) was now, ; i one dollar; which by reference to the bill itself you will readily discover is a mistake—a dollar being charged for the first, visit only. But sirs admit that the bills have been increased, which (taken as a whole we deny, Iwhere I ask is the blame, what rule •’• I • \ I has been violated, and where lies the sin. ; Has not the physicians the right, the le-: [gitimate right, to say, as well as you Mr. Editor, or any other man, what shall be the price of his labor? dare he not put, his own estimate upon his own services, j as well as any other professional man,! mechanic, or laborer; as the case may be? must he be an exception to the long and well established rules of al! business transactions? must the physician because for- j sooth he lives in Decatur, be deprived the; benifit of the time honored usages of his profession? —we conclude not. Self preservation imperatively demands I at the hands of every man, that is competent for his business, the exercise of this j right. And I fear that if the Doctor of; medicine would waive this, right, and I propose to accept wliat the generosity of I the public might deem a sufficient reward for his labor, would soon be forced to acknowledge the truth, “That in these degenerate times, an empty pocket was in- . deed the worst of crimes.” How then is [ he, who, haying some regard for the hon- I or and dignity of his profession, and has . properly qualified himself for itspractice, I to obtain, unless protected in the exercise iof this right, even a meager living, much less that competency, which is the sure reward of proper qualifications, in all other branches of busines. I repeat, that in the aggregate the fees are not higher than usual—we will give an instance or two:—The fee now, for first visit in town is 81,00, and 50cts, fo< each one succeeding, the old rate of charging did not make this distinction; but we did charge 81,00 for night visits, and also made additional ■ charge for unusual detention; which lat-i ter, are both included with the 50 cent visits, unless the night visit be the first I one of the case. Now according to the ! late fee bill, it can in no given case of sick-1 ness, make more than fifty cents in favor of the physicians, while in protracted and I bad cases it would in all probability make! dollars in favor of the patient. The. obst. fee, with a few exceptions, remains' the same, in town; but 85. is now charged in all cases, in the country—Now who, that has a reasonable soul within him,

would object to this fee, when it is well known that the charge all over creation (except Wilshire) is not less than this, whether in town or country. We subscribe to the doctrine that the laborer is worthy of Iris hire, and if the competent physician, should be so unfortunate, as to be located, in a community, too parsimonious to award him a “just and fair compensation” for his services, or if his professional brethren around him are mean and unprincipled enough, to underbid him with starving prices, he has a right to say he wont work. I ara glad however, to see, that disposition to honesty and fair dealing, which by the establishing of their fee bill, the members of tbeprofes-i non in this place, show to exist between them. It will commend itself to all high minded and honorable men; and must, if faithfully adhered to. not only result in their mutual benefit, but a benefit to their patrons. They say this,—each for himself, we seek no undue advantage, we feel ourselves equally qualified with y OU , and we will charge the same price for the same kind of service, we will stand upon our merits aloae; and as an earnest of our in tegrity wc will publish to the world our common fee bill, that OUr patrons may

I know in advance what is expected of them, ! when they employ us, and further, that • they, end all concerned, may know, that if we do not faithfully abide by it, that we forfeit our honors, acknowledge our inferiority as medical men, and show ourselves unworthy the confidence of each other, or the confidence and support of lan intelligent community. Now I ask, is there any appearance, of unfairness or I dishonesty in all this? Now comes Mis ‘'close Observer” and makes dire and sundry charges against the whole fraternity ot doctors, and the “second and third on the list” in particular. But before proceeding with the particular skinning of this vile wretch, I would here ask pardon of your readers generally, and especially of my professional brethren for thus having condecendeJ to notice this “silent observing” piece es pusilanimity. We ask in the first place, “in wbat instance have they failed to se-, cure a fair compensation, and the cause” —we answer in all cases, where the pa- • tient answers to his description; for, be- ' ing a quack tn your own business, are too mean to pay any theing more than quack prices for what you receive—all such we , enter on our list of depd heads and put I them through free; —don’t you think Mr. Observer if we get a fair pop at you, we ‘ would prevent a similar occurrance” secondly;—“from what imposition do they expect to protect the public?’ I answer, bv setting an example, which, it would be well for the community if you would imI itate, well knowing, that if such a miser- ' able botch, would undertake to compete 1 with your brother mechanics upon fair, and honorable principles, that the demand ■ for your individual productions would ; soon cease, and you be compelled to “leave your country for your country’s [good.” Thirdly, this hybrid charges l the “second and third on the list,” with I having spoken derogatory to the profess- [ ional character of some of the others — now you opposite of all things decent, honorable, and good, don’t you know that a false witness, he that speaketh lies, and Ihe that soweth discord the brethreii, are three of the seven things, that the Lord hates—and are an abomination uuto him? Our kind admonition to you Mr. Observer, if you really belong to the “geI nus homo,” is to “flee the wrath to come; ■ for he that soweth discord, his calamity [ shall come suddenly—suddenly shall he ibe broken—without remedy.” Again he charges, “these two worthies” with dishonesty, and attempts to prove it by putting bis own, and a false interpretation upon our acts; he says these “two, now turn round and recommend those whom they had declared as unfit. &c.” A wise construction of the record, indeed! don’t you think so, “illiterate mechanic?” “illiterate”! tru h’, but an unnecessary confession, yet honest no doubt. But hear this Mtn? soa«E ‘I find from what I have heard of my communication that I have [ been understood;’ “the association has | not talent sufficient to reply &c. Oh! i what a great literary production that I "communication” was, it fairly makes w s \ doctors quake in our boots to think of it! Surly the mountain has labored and bro’t forth,” but this rime, not even a “mouse.’ Dont you think reader, “them observations” ought to be preserved in the arI chieves of the nation, as being among the i most grand and sublime specimens of the scholastic attainment of the age? Age, to which future generations, with pride might refer, as masterly efforts, efforts of ; a noble, wise, and patriotic ancestry.— I This bragadocio, and his “Observations” ; remind us of the following specimen, from i a conceited coxcomb of the bar. As nearly as we can recollect it runs thus. Gentleman of the jury; when this mighty, and terraqueous globe shall cease topcri form its diagonal revulsions around the | moon, and be consumed as a ball of fire! i and when the heavens shall have been [ rolled together as a scroll! and the light , ot the sun shall have been blown out by the breath of God—Jehova God—then l\ Shaderick Sheepskin!! will stand here an eternal monument of myself!! Yes reader, I, Observer, when I shall have wiped out, and annihilated, wi»h my potent “dose of observation,” the whole fraternity of Doctors,—then I, Observer'. will stand here an eternal bore to the community in which I five.’ As the Observer seems anxious to know why some [ of the association has not answered him, [ ere this, (as for the rest I can not say but for myself) I would say to him, that’ once, when young and inexperienced, I had a recounter with an—animal, which is quite vivid in my reccollection yet. One evening as I was passing along, an animal, black and white, and about the -size of a small dog, crossed the road just ' before me. Being poorly posted in nat- i uraf history, and somewhat suspicious as so Us meank of defense, yet togratifjy rov bump of destructiveness, I determined upon an attack. Accordingly I picked up a , ong heavy stick and sharp at the point . which happened to be at baud, st ar . ,

ted in pursuit. Just ahead of me I i covered it had cralle<l under a , I bunch of leaves that lay againsta leaving a small portion of itself exposed' I so proceeding with the utmost cau>V,' until within the the proper distance g poised my weapon, and with all the p' Ow 11 er I had, made a dive at the mark. \V e Mr. Editors I could not, positively. f r ' 0 my own knowledge, say that I killed ' I thought from the noise it made, that c weapon had pearced it through « Cl through, but I knew, from other sympt - ( it would not be convenient, just at w time, for me to examine; but wheels 8 and clapping my thumb and fingers' w ' - j either side of my probosis, to prevent :, J jgress, beat a sudden retreat, not veutm i ing to breathe so long as I COU IJ riln ? without. Mr. Editors 1 have been aw( t ] 'I ; shy of that kind of "varmint” ever since . and I would say to the Observer, ify o j o will promise, not to use weapons of that E kind, in the futute, you, may count me ]■ in, at least, so long,as the thing can b# « made interesting. . SCALPEL, e For the Eagle ■ “VINDEX.” Messrs Editors: —I again, had |,1 9 *. pleasure of observing in your last week's w I paper, another article over the above sb- r€ : nature, which made another very j a I attempt to defend the almost defunct and oi nearly forgotten “Medical Association," gi from the charges made against it by me, p, It is very weak indeed, and I helievt 0 admitted to be so, by nearly all the phy. w sicians of the Society; and ridiculed tu most of them; and fromtown talk I learn u [ that they have dropped him and taken up - one “Scalpel,” who, if report is not mi s - a I taken, is some in a “bear fight.” I also, Ji see by your paper, that you have cuthh v head clear off. (You should have hit him b on the heel if you wished to tourli his a brains). In answer to his inquiry, lean o tell him that lam not the editors of th t il Eagle, but an humble mechanic, as I be- h fore stated. 1 shall now drop Mr. Via- o dex for two reasons. The first one is.I neither like to kick a dead carcass nor ; chew carrion. The second reason is:that 1 what little thunder I have left 1 wish to * retain for iny friend “Scalpel,” who they 1 . say is a keener; but if he does not scart> * me too bad the first pop, I'll surely shw: ? i him under the rib. Yours, OBSERVER. ’ .. M s The Cardinal Principle of the Kepubli- c con Party. I In all the calls for conventions ofevery 1 kind, preparatory to the coming cam- ♦ paign, the onlv test required by the R - f publican party “is opposition to the dr- ’ ! mocracy.’ This entitles any one to full 'fellowship. It matters not if they aro 1 Know Nothings, Abolitionists, 'Free * i Lovers,* “Woman’s Rights,’ ‘AnZ/cAris « i tians, ’ Infidles. or anything else, itisa.i « right just so they are ‘opposed to the I democratic’ party. The party has left fl the Philadelphia Platform, and as they > have not framed any other, they are with- J ; out any principle to contend for without B any object to be attained, or any good to I 1 I accomplished. The only desire oftM J leaders of that party is to defeat the de- | mocracy and get into power. In 1850. J they said in their platform that Congress 3 had “sovereign power over the Icrriu- a ries.' Now some of them are contend- | ing for Popular Sovereignty, and some 3 ■ for ‘Negro Equality.’ and others f. < Know Nothit gism and so the cotiglotner ■ I erated tiring is going, The only semiment the different factions can unite cni' • [ the one we have spoken of—‘opposition .a Ito the present Administration.’ it must , be a very mortifying fact for the iof this party to know, that nearly all * , their leaders and offioe holders are ‘s-’re ■ headed,’ renegade Democrats, who ii’' ! , left their former party and went in'.oMP' j ranks for no other purposse than to’ o :1 tain office at their hands, and fthisw 1 ment was taken out of the party it »o ,J ■ j not be known as a party six mou’.ns ( this time. Notwithstanding the 5 r < ous efforts of these ‘Bolters’ to kw 1 , thing together, yet there are strong >- ■ toms of a speedy, dissolution of tbto | sion parly. . , Many of them cannot go ‘Niggc | ' t0 ’ I straight through—others won’t go wl “ out it. Some cannot abide and some think they have rights tbe^ me as other men. And a difference o(op® M ion on any of these subjects aniouo ■■ more than what they appear to have ■ ered with the democratic party 01,1 ' ,| Kansas question, for they Lave vote- 1 “ ,■ every side of it, and of course there not any thing about it that they "• “ very sacred. . Again we say! as u party, the licans have no issue to present to th e P e , I pie, and the only thing they are u! upon, is‘opposition io the present | ministration.’ We can but congrat®* ■ the Democracy of the Nation on " g good fortune in getting rid ot ; 'h ll .“ traitors, that compose the leaders o so called Republican party. —^ e<l " The Penobscott Indians are now ib®? | a smashing business in inanuii^- 1 '- 1 j hoops for ladies’ dresses out o> ~ stuff'. The red ladies have also a the fashion in its greates amplitude Conundrum —Why is the j can ticket of Adams County, li<t® a |j ■ garoo? Ans. —Because its strenglays in its hind parts. Ice Cream —Mr. Sipes, at the r a ’’“ r . , Exchange will be prepared ev ei ' i daysJoingtofu/nish this | ticle, to those who may la'ot • there patronage-