Decatur Eagle, Volume 1, Number 47, Decatur, Adams County, 1 January 1858 — Page 2

- .WTIIE E A G L E 11. L. PHILLIPS,) '• Enmons aI’kOI’UISTOKS. W. G. SPENCER,S ■ j DECATUR, INDIANA. — FRIDAY MORNING, JAN. 1, 1858. i r—- - : What Does it Menu! The Republican members of Congress arc franking and circulating in great! abundance the late speech of the Hon Stephen A. Douglas, in the Senate of the United States, upon the Kansas question, in which he ably sustains the great and fundamental principle of popular sovereignty and is in perfect accordance with his former course, when he defended, with all Ins energy, the Kansas act from the unjust attact of the Republicans. The speech is a great one, and we hope their constituents will read it, for we feel confident that they will be enlightened by c ° doing. But what does it mean? Do the Republicans intend to become the champions of the democratic doctrine of non intervention by Congress, and of popular sovereignty, preparatory to the next election; ' if not, they are su-ely guilty of circulating documents antagonistical to that! party who denied the right of the people of the Territories to Erm and regulate 1 their own domestic institution in their own way; and advocated congressional interference upon the subject of slavery.— We shall publish this great speech in our next issue and assist in giving it circulation. /ft?" We publish to-day Gov. Walker’s letter of resignation of the governorship of Kansas. Read it. Senator Douglas and the Opposition. The eagerness and glee with which the opposition organs proclaim what they call Senator Douglas’s deseition from the Democratic party, make it evident that •the wish is father to the thought:’ but by no means prove any intention on the part <>f the Senator to abandon the party whose principles he has so often valiantly defended. J (the only reason for the belief io Mr. Douglas's desertion to Republicanism, be his speech in tbc Senate with regard to the action of the Kansas Constitutional Convention, all impartial men, however they may share or disapprove the sentiments therein expressed, will admit that there is no part of that speech which warrants the assumption that he has shaken off his party ties, taken a position of hostility to the Administration, or done anything but very respectfully

differ from the President as to the pro-) priety and policy of the Lecompton Con - j vention, In principle he and Mr. Buchan- ' an are entirely agreed. Mr. Buchanan thinks it would have been better if the Convention had submitted the whole of 1 the organic law of Kansas to the people and so thinks Mr. Douglas. Mr. Buchanan thinks, however, that as the Convention were not legally obliged to submit any other part of the Constitution than that concerning slavery; and as they have given ‘all the white male inhabitants of the Territory of Kansas, of full age, on the 21st of December, 1857,’ an opportunity to express their opinions fairly and explicitly on that great issue, that it would be wiser and better, in the interest of the Territory and of the whole country to admit Kansas under the Lecnmton Constitution, and thus remove the Kansas question from the sphere of national politics. .Mr. Douglas holds that the sub- ■ mission of the whale Constitution should be made an indispensable condition to the admission of the new State, and takes several technical objections to the action of Convention, which (he claims) strongly support his argument; but on no question involving a principle, is there any' difference between him and Mr. Buchanan and the great body of the Democratic party who support the President’s views. The only difference reallv is, as to the I expediency of the admission of the state of Kansas into the Union under tne Lecompton Constitution. Because Mr. Douglas differs with the majority of his party, and with the administration which that party placed in power, on a point or expediency, not, we repeat, of principle,

we see no reason whv he should be ‘read out of th- Demo U^Gblrean p;u . t ,, ( - We lA-deve, also, that the ‘split in the ranks of the Democracy,’ which the organs of the isms allude to with such evident satisfaction, and hope to see realized, is even more unlikely than the alleged political union of Stephen A. Douglas, the denouncer of Abolitionism, Sectionalism, mid I‘ree-Soilism, — the author of the ■Kansas-Nebraska act,--the repealer of ■the -Missouri Compromise, — the consistent powerful manlainer of the constitution and the Union, —with Wm. H. Seward, Thurlow Weed, Wendell Philips, Garlison, die , .in , who<e every doctrine, opinion and action, Stephen A. Douglas, more than any other man, has held up to' popular condemnation. We do not pre-,t--nd to say what Mr. Douglas may yet do <>r to what extent be may put himself in opposition to the administration, from ambitious designs, or conscientious conx ietion, but so far as lie has yet gone, we can see no reason for the Democracy to lament his defection, or for the opposition to exult over his accession to their ranks. —A J’ Jv.tr. U'.'in.

GOV. WALKER’S RESIGNATION. — ■ His Letter in Full’ r i I The following is Gov. Walker’s letter resigning the office of Governor of Kansas as telegraphed from Washington: To the lion. Lewis Cas Secretary of State: I resign the office of Governor of Kansas. I have been most reluctantly forced to this conclusion after anxious and care- j ful consideration of my duty to the country, to the people of Kansas, to the I’resi-1 dent of the United States and myself. — [ The grounds assumed by the President in his late message to Congress, and in the recent instructions in connection with the events transpiring here and in Kansas admonish me that as Governor of that Territory it will no longer be in my power to preserve peace or premote the pub-[ lie welfare. At the earnest solicitation of the President, after repeated refusals, (the last bej ing in writing) I finanally accepted this office upon his loiter, showing the dangers I and difficulties of the Kansas question, and 1 the necessity of my undertaking the task of adjustment. j Under these circumstances, notwithstanding the great sacrifice tome, personI al, political and pecuniary, I felt that 1 ' could no more refuse such a call from my country, through her chief Magistrate, than a soldier in battle who is ordered to command a forlorn hope. I accepted, however, upon the express condition that. ' I should advocate the submission of the j Constitution to a vote of the people fori ratification or rejection. These views weie cleary understood by the President and all his Cabinet. They were distinct-1 ty set forth in my letter of accep- | I tance of this office, on the 26th day of March last, and reiterated in my Inaugural Address, on the 27th of may last, as ! follows: “Indeed, I cannot doubt that the coni vention, after having passed a State Con- | stitution, will submit it for ratification or I rejection by a majority of the bona fide resident settlers ot Kansas.’ ■, With these views, well known to the I President and his Cabinet, and approved -\ by them, I accepted the appointment of i Governor of Kansas. Mv instructions from the President, l through the Secretary of State, under ■ date of the 13th of March last, sustain ■ the regular legislature of the Territory > in assembling a Convention to form a ■ Constitution, and they express the opinion ■ of the President that when such a ConI stitution shall be submitlted to the people . lof the Territory they must be protected i iu the exercise of their right of voting for -[ or against that instument, i | The fair expression of the the popular :, will must not be interrupted by fraud or - violence. I repeat, then as my clear con- , j viction, that unless the Convention should ’ submit the Constitution to the vote of all

j the actual resident settles in Kansas, and : the election be fairly and justly conducted, ! the Constitution will be and ought to be ; rejected by Congress. The inaugural | most distictly asserted that it was not the question of slavery merely, which I be- : lieved to be of little practical importance ’then in its application to Kansas, but the | entire Constitution, which should be subimitted to the people for ratification or rejection. (After quoting from the President’s Inaugural, Gov. Walker refers as follows ’ . to his course as Governor of Kansas, and I the good effect thereof:) The power and responsibility being dei volved exclusively upon me by the President of using the Federal army in Kansas Ito suppress insurrection, the alternative ; was distinctly presented to me, by the j question propounded aCTopeka, of arrest- . ing revolution by the slaughter of the peo- ' I pie, or of preventing, together with that i civil war, which must have extended] I throughout the Union. My solemn assurance was then given, I that the right of the people to frame their ) i own government, so far as my power extended, should be maintained; but for this ] assurtnee, it is a conceded fact, that the Topeka State government, then assembled in legislative session, would have been put j into immediate actual operation, and that a sanguinary collision with the federal army and a civil war must have ensued, i t j s fe are d throughout the 'Union. Indeed the whole idea of an inaugural, address originated in the alarming intelli- ; gence, which had reached . Wash.in,T ,< '" i City, of a per>J®«’ aua incipient rebellion ;

r rr This insurrection was rendered stijl more formidable, upon my reaching the > territory, by the near approach of the as--1 sembling of the revolutionary State Legislature, and the very numerous mass con- j ventiuns by which it was sustained. In truth I had to choose between ar- . resting that insurrection, at whatever cost of American blood, by the Federal army and preventing the terrible catastrophe as I did, by my pledges to the people of the exertion of all my power to obtain a fair election by the vote of the people fori a ratification or rejection My inaugural and other addresses were therefore really in the nature of proclamations, so often is-1 ■.ted by Presidents and Governors, with ! a view to prevent, as they did in thisease civil war and insurrection. Now, by mv i i oath of office 1 am sworn to support the j Constitution of the United States, which 1 have shown, in my judgement, required a submission of the Constitution to a vote of the Constitution to a vote of the people. I was sworn also to take care that I the Kansas Nebraska Bill should be faithfully executed, which bill, in my judgin''"', u heretofore stated, required that

" T the Constitution be submitted to the vote of the people; and I was, therefore, only performing my solemn duly when, as Goyernor of the Territory, to whose people j my first obligations were due, I endeav- i ored to secure to them these results. The idea entertained by some that ! should see the Federal Constitution and the Kansas Nebraska Bill overthrown and disregarded, and that playing the part of a mute in a pantomine of ruin, I should i acquiesce in my silence in such a result, I i especially where such acquiescence in-j ! volved as an immediate consequence a ! sanguinary civil war.it seems to me is most preposterous. That not a drop of blood has been shed by the Federal troops in Kansas during my administration; but i insurrection and civil war, extending 1 fear, throughout the country, were alone prevented by the course pursued by me upon these occasions, and the whole people abandoning revolutionary violence, were induced by me to go for the first time into a general and peaceful ejection these important results constitute a sufflcient consolation for all the unjust assaults made upon me on this subject. I do not understand that these assaults have j ever received the shghest countenance from the President, Ou the contrary ! his message clearly indicates an approval j of my’ course up to the pi esent most un- j furtunate difference about the so called ’ Lecompton Conslition. Inasmuch, however, as this difference, is upon a vital question involving practic-I : al results and new instruments, it is cer-, tainly much more respectful to the office [ of Governor and give him an opportunity I ! of filling it, as his right under the Constitution, with one who concurs with him in ; his present opinion, than go to Kansas and j force him to remove me by disobedience , to his instructions. In my judgement, it would be incompatible with proper re-1 spect to the Chief Magistrate of the Union and inconsistent with the rules of moral rectitude and propriety, and could be adapted with no advantage to the rights of the people. Some oppose the Lecompton Constitu- i tion because it distinctly recognizes and adopts the Oxford fraud apportioning the legislative members; others because unprecedented and viceregal powers ara given to the President of the Convention.— ‘ An overwhelming majority of 'he people have no faith in the validity of the returns and will not vote. Any attempt by Con- . | gress to force this Constitution on Kansas 1 will be an effort to substitute the will of a I small minority for an overwhelming ma:l jority and will not settle the question or localize the issue. Fears are to be entertained of a civil ' war, extending, perhaps, throughout the Union, bringing the question back again, ■' upon Congress and before the people in s most dangerous and alarming aspect. The President takes a different view I of the subject in his message.

From the events occurring in Kansas j as well as here, it is evident that the ques- ] is passing from theories into practice, and j that, as Governor of Kansas, I should be j compelled to carry out new instructions, I differing on a vital question from those received at the date of my appointment. Such instructions I could not execute con- | sistently with my views of the Federal) Constitution, of the Kansas Nebraska Bill | or with my pledges to the people of Kan- [ sas. Under these circumstances, no al- ‘ ) ternative is left me but to resign my of- ' lice as Governor of the Territory of KanI sas. No one can more deeply regret than myself this necessity, but it arises from ) no change of opinion on my part. On the contrary I should more cheerfully return to Kansas to carry out my original instructions, and thus preserve the peace of the | Territory, and finally settle the Kansas I question by redeeming my pledges to the people. It is not my intention to discuss at this time the peculiar circumstances and unexpected events which have modified the j opinions of the President upon a point so vital as a submission as the Constitution for ratification or rejection, by a vote of the people—much less do I desire anv controversy w ith the President on this I subject; yet, however widely my views may differ from those entertained by him ] on this question, as regards all those great Democratic measures which I trust will constitute the policy of his administration in other respects, it will give me pleasure ] .4 pi, 1., vipl Irn v 1 support. As late as the 3 1 of July 1857, when the Democratic Convention assemble nt Lecompton, in consequence of the laws of climate, and will of the people, cone contended that slavery could be established there, or wished it, until my Southern opponents interfered in the affairsof KanI sas, and by denunciation, menace, and otherwise, aided at a critical period bv several office-holders of Kansas,—including the Surveyor-General and the President of the Convention with his immense patronage, embracing many hundred employees—intervened, and, I believe, with out the knowledge and approbation of the President of the United States, produced the extraordinary paper called the Lecompton Const.itutioon. Yet this action of intervention by the ■ federal officers to defeat the will of the people seems to be sustained by my opponents, whilst my intervention, as it is called, in obedience to »y duty and oath of 1 office to support the Federal Constitution, and to take care that our organic law should be farly executed by endeavoring to secure to the people of Kansas their rights under that act, is denounced and calumniated. It is still more extraordinary thet the the hypothetical remarks made by me as regards the climate

in its connections with the influence and question of slavery in Kansas after that iisue had been abandoned there, which views were consolidating the union between the conversativc free state and proslavery Democrats so as lo prevent the 'confiscating of the small number of slaves then held in Kansas, have been denounced by many distingushed Southern ben- ; ators, who, when the Kansas and Nebraska Bill was pending in Congress, and when such remarks from them might e -1 I feet Southern emigration, were the loudest in proclaiming that because of its climate, Kansas could never become a slave State. . I Indeed, it seems that all persons, in and out of Kansas, whether in public or i private life may publish what opinions j they pleas in regard to these questions, j except the Governor of that Territory ; who has so little power and no patronage. Be pleased to express to the President 'my deep regret as regards our unlortui nate difference of opinion in relation to , ! the Lecompton Constitution, and say to him, that as infallibility does not belong to man however exalted in intellect and i I purity of intention or position, yet if he, has committed any errors in this respect, may he be overruled by a superintend- ' ing Providence for the perpetuation of. jour Union and the advancemant of the ’ honor and interest of our beloved country. ROBERT J. WALKER. A Central American Alliance. It was a favorite idea with the martyr statesman Morazan to combine all the States of the American Isthmus in a ‘peace alliance,’ which should mantain a kind of commission of arbitration at Washington, under the mediating eye Ql theUuited States. This plan is not without its difficulties; but ii is by no means j impracticable at this eventful crisis, and ■ the more possible as our Government is imbued with an earnest desire to have Central America become strong and prosperous. Morazan, like A ane?, Martine?, and many others of the most enlightened men jin the different States, knew hut too well j thestubbornness qf the violent sectional animosities that divide and distract these provinces, and which have reduced their magnificent country to ruin and desola- | tion. They knew from a bitter and bloody I experience that an absolute and permanent confederation was not to be expected ! until the people had advanced a step or ! two in the habit of self-government; but ! they had hoped—and some of their best [ men still hope—that a treaty alliance may j yet be formed for the establishment and I preservation of the general peace of the Isthmus. If the United States would offer, and i the Central American States accept, the | just and friendly mediation of our Government, their several commissioners ; would soon discover there are really no • r • ?„i_i ..!. ,i. , » «

formidable obsticles to an early and per- ) feet adjustment. It is the true policy of ] our Government —because it is uudiniably j for the general interest of our country — I to render every service in its power to the growth and advancement of the Isthmus i States; and it is no secret that President | Buchanan feels the deepest solicitude for I their independence and prosperity. These Slates embrace our best avenues to the] ] Pacific, and it would be in contradiction ] Ito nil his antecedents as a patriot and ■ statesman, if he did not seek to cover ‘ them with the egis of security. We have had a sharp example of what war and anarchy on the Isthmus may ' I cost our trade and citizens in the breaking up of the Nicaragua Transit. The Panama route became a monopoly, and every : passenger to and from California bad to pay a double rate of passage. This imposed a serious check on the business and immigration of the Golden State, and has taught us never to depend on any one single Isthmus route to our Pacific States. This war ing will not be lost either in the , way of admonishing us to be vigilent in protecting our interest on the Isthmus, and in seeking to so multiply our lines of inter-sea and inter-State communication, , that no future contingency shall again leave our Pacific trade wholly at the mercy of a little knot of speculators and revolutionists. An ajliarj.ce of the Central American States, by which their internal disputes . should be submitted to a fixed plan of arI bitration, instead of the ruinous hazards otwar, is a measure ot interest to all i iheir neighbor, as weli as to themselves, • and every friendly power will cordially [ lend its mediating influence to hasten this . desirable conclusion. Hitherto it has . been the policy of Europe to divide and i j destroy the American republics; but, since England and France now declare it as | ] their sincere wish to aid in the pacifica- > tion of those States, the way’ opens clearly for a happy settlement of thejr worst . troubles. The United States can have but one interes and one desire, which is, that the Isthmus, bound to us bv so many , ties of .natal advantage, shall become a .: strong, peaceful, and independent American power.— States. Tua Sai est Place in aßailroad car. ■ In travelling in a railread car, which is ; the safest seat in the train? Many an anxious mother has pondered the point. Ine American engineers, as the result of scientific calculations and protracted experience, say the safest seat is in the middle of the last car but oue There are I some chances ot danger which are the same everywhere in the train, but others 1 are least at the above named place. Butter retails at twenty cents per pound in tbe Indianapolis markets.

Congressional News. Washington, Dec. 18. SENATE. —Senator Douglas’ bill, introduced in the Senate to-day, pro'ides for a board of five persons, appointed by . the President and confirmed by the ben- , ate, to make an enumeration of the inhabitants and a fair apportionment of members of Convention, an election heki on a day designated by the board, not less than ninety nor more than one hundred and twenty days from the passage of this act, I and who shall be entrusted with the appointment of judges and places of voting which is confined to every white male citizen of the United States over twenty-one years of age who may be a bona fide inhab I itant of the Territory on the 21st ol Dec. I I and who shall have resided three months next to the said election in the county in [ I which he offers his vote. The Convention I to assemble not less than thirty nor more than sixty days after the election of delei gates; the Constitution to be submitted to the legal voters for their free accep- ; lance or rejection, and unless adopted by a majority of all the legal votes cast, it I shall be null and void. The bill secures personal and political rights to the people, including those of speech and the press. ’ The resolution submitted yesterday by Messrs. Pugh and Trumbull, calling on the President for further information in reference to Kansas affairs, was agreed to. I The Senate then resumed the consideration o: the Treasury Note Bill. Mr. Hunter, while explaining the pro visions of the bill, said that although the ! crises in commercial circles was perhaps I past, yet there would not be a general revival of trade before the last of April or 1 first of May. Before that time the money now proposed to be raised would be needed by the Treasury Department. Mr. Seward said bethought that there was a clear necessity for the issue of notes but the bill is not sufficiently guarded in several particulars. It had no limitation as to the time during which these notes might be issued. It was the opinion that the revenues to be collected during the present year would meet all deficientlies, and there would be another session of Congress next year, when any further acI tion might be taken which seemed neces- ■ sary. Therefore it is proposed to limit j the bill to b' ginning of the next session He thought 810,000,000 would be suffi- | cient, and the rate of interest contemplated would be too high. Four.per centum I would procure all the money of which the j government might be in need of. Mr. Hunter had no objection to limiting the time, but a large surplus is needed to carry on the government. The Senators have the experience of the Secretary of the Treasury to justify in supposing that it would be safe to issue this amount, or as much thereof as he might find ti-

cessary. The surplus in the Treasury has been rapidly diminishing ever since the suspension of specie payment by the banks. The proceedings were here interrupted by a message from the House, announcing the death of Mr. Montgomery, of Pennsylvania, when Mr. Bigler pronounced an eulogy upon the character of the deceased. Mr. Hunter resumed —As to the rate of interest, he had no idea that the notes would be issued at six per cent., but it was better to fix that rate as the maximum He presumed that the Secretary would try the market at three per cent. Without concluding the subject, the ] Senate adjourned. House.—Mr Huston thought that a special committee should be, appointed, to examine into this subject, and nothing else. There should be a law requiring a strict, examination into the accouts of every outgoing Clerk of the House. He was surprised that Mr. Collum’s friends had allowed so much of the time of the session to elapse without demanding an investigation.

Mr. Savage remarked that the charges against Mr. Collum were made a matter iof discussion in l.is District duiing the ' last canvass, and he had b-en told that Mr. Collum had made §40,000 outside of his pay as Clerk. This came from Mr. ■ Stanton, a member of the Tennessee Legislature, and who once was a pet of Mr. j Cullum. Mr. Mason said that the Committee on Accounts had found no improper conduct as yet, he nopeU iliat they would not. j He suggested other examinations. Mr. Maynard said that he was not here i to screen Mr. Collum’s conduct from full investigation and was requested by him jto ask an inquiry, and lie demanded it. Mr. Glancey Jones from the Committee on Ways and Means reported a bill authorising the issue of treasury notes; the bill making an appropriation for the support of the Indian Department and the Civil and Diplomatic appropriation bills 1 <ie House then went into a committee of the whole on the treasury note bill, similar to that introduced in the .Senate. Mr. Glancey Jones was unwilling to press the consideration of this bill unless the House would give its consent with some degree of unanimity, Messrs. Campbell, Banks, Rite.hie and Glow opposed an immediate consideration of the bill. They believed that the ■ great moment of the bill demanded that j it should be well determined upon. After further debate, the resolution was adopted, referring to it select committee of five, the accounts of the late Clerk, with power to report at any time, and send for persons and papers. Mr. Glancey Jones gave notice that he would ask for a consideration of the hill, t

Atihis point the eoinmittenTN Mr. Banks introduced a bi’l ing the people of Kansas to f .*1 stitution and State Governr nt ?. ’ j atory to their admission int,'")’ M with all the rights of the S J which was referred to tl le H 1 erritones Adjourned. —— —- Senate.—The Senate resum i\ I jsideration of the Treasury Mr. Wilson said that tli ec!o -', [of the 34th Congress forts lo deplete the Treasu fv were now, at lhe commenceLfJ 35th, trying to fill the treasury ty. He called attention toL d j connected with the 1 , government. o

He thought Congress tariff so as to restore the duties i- I Cotton and Woollen Goods to were by the tariff of “4G." '■ increase the revenues of 2W something like two million doian*B thus afford some relief. ■ He would vote for the issuetenmiß in treasury notes under the . but not for twenty millions. Mr. Hunter insisted that ten n" ! I was not enough. It would notbejM sary to pass another bill nextvear [ding for more, anJ we had bettiS now all at once. I House.—The House resumed sidei ation of Mr. Bennett’s mJ| I providing for the appointment daipß [committee to take into consiilem--B papers on the subject of the road. g The subject was passed over adß House w-nt into committee on the flB sury-note bill. I Mr. Glancy Jones explained thpß isb :is of the bill, which lie said is ■ to those heretofore passed, o. .■ i D •mocratic and Whig a hni:il,-ra':«B I lie would endeavor to oliair, tl- eB or it to-day. ■ Mr. Davis, of Maryland, oppwilß i bill, because there was no 1 when the notes arete be pres.-rs ■: B demption, and which would, taliO : continue in circulation as irrdttiuM I currency. The Committee here oB ! and lhe House adjourned. I Washington Dec lIH j Senate—Mr. Wilson introduced*■ to secure to actual settlers the ar.ctß I sections of public lands reservedu ■ i grants to the States for railroads. ■ ; Mr. Johnson, of Tennessee,iutroJß ! a bill granting to every Imlofa iiH [ who is a citizen of the Uniledi S:r<® homestead of one hundred airlsa ntß ■of land, on condition of occupwr B I cultivation. I

House. —The house went into? mitteeon the Senate Treasury-note I The bill was discussed at length, ring which many party and person*! marks were used of an unimportant lure. Various amendments were iht ed, one of which was that the banks f posing to raise an amount notex* twenty millions, by the issue of S.'t redeemable in one year, which jected bv a vote of 73 against I'K, The committee arose, and the» bill passed without amending-! 118, nays 86. The House then p issed, be a vote 97 against 88, the Senate joint resoU that when both houses adjourn to « row, it be until the 4th of Janney journed. The Vote in Oregon —Thenew-fi Oregon pulsus beyond doubt tin I people of that Territory have »t W concluded to come into the contra a State. The vote excluding free t : ! may be criticized in some quartet • i feeling is favorable to the pokey o ing all inferior races of peop.e 1,11 i State. It is much better to '‘’JT 'away than to let them come and <1( i them of all civil rights and P' 3 ' r i fending themselves or P 1 ’"!”' 1 ),;’ j done in this State. Every . I should stand on the equal-? ■' of the law. And as | festly prevent free negroes r ” ,( [ing any such '“Jj s “ to pul i the best and honestest plan ■ their coming altogether. The admission of Oregon ‘^, (l I will have no little effect u P°f."h ~ jof California Another Pacific prove a valuable auxiliary - I ’ ll out of Congress Four Senat 1 ’ 3 ’ , more than two —and as our I l ' portar.ee increases, so will I polit ins be more desirouso pr > us. We will have in the F'- J . h - ture veral coadjutors to tirgi . ic Railroad, and other nation?, - of vital importance to the peep coast.-- San Francisco Bulled-

III — A loving husband once physician to request him to P ti ■ bis wife’s eyes, which were ' L . , Let her wash them said doctor, every morning. wlt ' a .]).! of brandy. A few weeks a * ter j •or chanced to meet the hu> 1,1 my friend, has your wife iodo*. ' ■ vice? She has done everyt>‘ > . power to do it, doctor, said r, hut she never could get the g 1 than her mouth. , Late account’ from u< .’ol accounts of the hostile at >- Mormons.