Decatur Eagle, Volume 1, Number 46, Decatur, Adams County, 25 December 1857 — Page 2

the lives and the property of our citizens inhabiting Arizona, and these are now without any efficient protection. Their pre- i sent number is already considerable, and is rapidly increasing, notwithstanding the disadvantages under which they labor, — Besides, the proposed Territory is believed tobe rich in mineral and agricultural re- , sources, especially in silver and copper, j The mails of the United States to California; are now carried over it throughout its whole extent, and this route is known to be the nearest, and believed to be the ' best to the Pacific. Long experience has deeply conceived me that a strict construction of power granted to Cougress is the only true, as well as the only safe theory of the constitution. Whilst this principle shall guide my public conduct, I consider it clear that under the war making power Congress may appropriate money for the construction of a military road through the Territories of the United States, when this is absolutely necessary for the defense , of any of the States against foreign inva-1 sion. The Constitution has conferred j upon Congress power ‘to declare war,’ ‘to raise and support armies., to ‘provide , and mantain a navy,’ and to call forth [ the militia to ‘repel invasions.’ These high sovereign powers necessarily involve | important and responsible public duties, aud among them there is none so sacred and so imperative as that of preservingour soil from the invasion of a foreign, enemy. The Constitution has therefore left nothing on this point to constrnclien, but expressly requires that ‘the U. States shall protect each of them (the States, ) against invasion.’ Now if a military road over our own territories be indispensably necessary to enable us to meet and repel the invaded, it follows as a necessary consequence not only that we possess the power, but it is our imperative duty that we construct such a road. It would be an absurdity to invest a government with the unlimited power to make and conduct war, and at the same time deny to it the only means of reaching and defeating the enemy at the frontier. Without such a road it is quite evident we cannot ‘protect California and our Pacific possessions

‘against invasion.’ We cannot by any other means transport men and munitions of war from the Atlantic States in sufficient time succeesfully to defend those re-, mote and distant portions of the repubb ‘ Experience has proved that the r'"* es across '.he isthmus of Central Am> ,c l ale 1 . . , . • . unrehant best but a very uncertain ab’.e mode of communication 1 , , . ... they would at if this wcre not the case . f . , , • ~s in the event of, once be closed ogams' , , . , 7 «cer so much stronger war with a naval r 11 i i , .o enable it to blockade i iun o.ir c>« i. a ej . t | )ese roule6 — Afte P r°all S ' ! " r^fore ’ We Mn ° nly fely “ P ‘ "ary road through our own ter- *.?. and ever since the origin of our ,K ?rnment Congress has been in the of appropriating money from the public treasury for the construction of such roads.

The difficul'ies and the expense of constructing a military railroad to connect our Atlantic and Pacific States have been greatly exaggerated. The distance on the Arizona rout near the 32d parallel of north latitude, between the westen boundary of Texas on the Rio Grande and the cstrn boundary of California on the Colorado, from the best explorations now within our knowledge, does not exceed four hundred and seventy miles, and the face of the country is, in the main, favorable. For obvious reaons the government ought not to undertake the work itself bv means of its own agents. This ought to be committed to other agencies, which Congress might assist either by grants of lands or money, or by both, upon such terms and conditions as they may deem most beneficial for the country. Provision might thus be made not only for the safe, rapid, and economical transportation of troops and munitions of war, but also of the public mails. The commercial interests of the whole country, both East and West, would be promoted by «tieh a road: and above all, it. would be a powerful aditional bond of union.— And although advantages of this kind, ■whether postal,' commercial or political, cannot confer constitutional power, yet thev may furnish atixdiary arguments in favor of expediting a work which, in my judgment, is clearly embraced within the war making power. For these reasons I commend to the friendly consideration of Congress the subject of the Pacific railroad, without finally committing myself to any particular route.

The report of the Secretary t.f the Treasury will furnish a detail- 1 statement of the condition ot the public finances and of the respective branches of the public service devolved upon that department of the government. By this report it appears that the amount of revenue received from all sources into the treasury (luring the fiscal year ending the 30th June, 1857, was sixty-eight million six hundred and thirty-one thousand fivehun tired and thirteen dollars and sixty-seven cents, ($68,631 67,) which amount, with the balance of nineteen million nine hundred and one thousand three hundred and twen*v five dollars and forty-five cents, f sl9. 901,325,45,) remaining in the treasure at the commencement of the rear, made an agregate for the service of the year eighty-eight million five hundred and thirty-two thousand eight hundred and thirty-nine dollars and twelve cents. ($88,532, 836,12) I The public expendatures for the fiscal vesr ending 30th June, 1857. amounted to seventy millions eight hundred and

twenty-two thousand seven hundred and twenty four dollars and eighty-five cents (870,822,724 85) of which five million nine hundred and forty-three thousand eight hundred and ninety six dollars and ninety-one cents (§5, 943, 896 31) were applied to the redemption of the public debt, including interest and premium, leaving in the Treasury at the commencement qf the present fiscal year on the Ist July, 1857, seventeen million seven hundred and ten thousand one hundred and fourteen dollars and twenty seven cents (817,710,1 14 27). The receipts into the treasury for the first quarter of the present fiscal year, commencing Ist July, 1857, were twenty million nine hundred and twenty-nine thousand eight hundred and 19 dollars and eighty-one cents, (820,929,819,81.) and the estimated receipts of the remaining three quarters to the 30th June, 1858 are thirty-six million seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars, (836,750,000,) j making, with the balance before stated, an aggregate of seveny five million three \ hundred and eighty-nine thousand nine , hundred and thirty-four dollars aud eight ■ cents, ( 875,389,934,08,)10r service of the ! present fiscal year. The actual expenditures during the l first quarter of the present fiscal year were twenty-three million seven hundred and fourteen thousand five hundred and i twenty-eight dollars and thrity-seven ' cents/(823,714,5?8,37,) of which three million eight hundred and ninety-five thousand two hundred and thirty-two dollars and thirty-nine cents, (83,895,232,39,) were applied to the redemtion of the public debt, including interest and premium. The probable expenditure of the remaining three quarters, ,J 30th June, 1858, are fifty one million two hundred and forty-eight thousand fi ve hundred : and thirty dollars and four cents, (851,- ! 248,520,04’) inciting interest on the public debt, mskitg aggregate of seventy four millin' nine hundred and sixty three thousand fifty eighh dollars and fortv one co 4 ' 8 . (874,963,058,41,) leavingan est irtna ‘ ei f balance in the treasury . at the cHse of the present fiscal year ot • i four hundred and twenty-six thousand ; ' (jiglgliundred and seventy-five dollars ar u sixty seven cents, (8428,875,67.) ;: The amount of the public debt at the 'commencement of the present fiscal year i was twenty-nine million sixty thousand ' three hundred and eighty-six dollars and I ninety cents (829.060,386 90 )

The amount redeemed since the Ist of July was three million eight hundred and ninety-five thousand two hundred and thirty-two dollars and thirty-nine cents, (83,895,232,30,)— leaving a balance unredeemed at this time of twenty-five millions one hundred and sixty-five thousand one hundred and fifty-four dollars and fif-ty-one cents (825,165,154,51.) The amount of estimated expenditures for the remaining three quarters of the present fiscal year will, in al) probability, be increased from the causes set forth in the report of the Secretary. His suggestions, therefore, that authority should be given to supply any temporary deficiency by the issue of a limited amount of Treasnry notes, is approved; and I accordingly recommend the passage of such a law

As stated in the report of the Secretary, the tariff of March 3, 1857, has been in operation for so short a period of time and under circumstances so unfavorable I to a just development of its results as a revenue measures, that I should regard it as inexpedient, at laest for the present, to undertake its revision. I transmit herewith the reports made, to me by’ the Secretary of war and the Navy, of the Interior and of the Postmaster General. They all contain valuable and important information and suggestions which I recommend to the favorable consideration 'of Congress. 1 have, already reccommended the raising of four additional regiments, and the report of the secretary of War presents strong reasons proving this increase of the army, under the existing circumstances, to be indispensable. I would call the special attention of Congress to the recommendation of the Secretary of the Navy in favor of the construction of ten small war steamers of light draught. For some years the gov ernment has been, obliged on many occasions to hire such steamers from individuals to sunpiy the pressing wants. At the present moment we have no . armed vessel in the navy which can penetra’e the rivers of China. We have but few which can enter any of the harbors south of Norfolk, although many millions 'of foreign and domestic commerce annually pass in and out of these harbors.— Some of our most valuable interests and most vulnerable points are thus left exposed. This class of vessels of light draught, great speed and heavy guns would be formidable in coast defence.— the cost of their construction will not be great and the will require but a comparatively small expenditure to keep them in commission. In time of peace they will prove as effective as much larger vessels and often more useful. One of them should be at every station where we maintain a squadron, and three or four should be constantly employed on our Atlantic and Pacific coasts. Economy, utility and efficiency combines to recommend them almost indispensable. Ten of these small vessels would be an inrulable advantage to the naval service, and the whole costof their construction would not exceed two million three hundred thousand dollars, or two hundred and thirty thousand dollars each. The report of the Secretary of the Interior is worthy of grate consideration

It treats of the numerous important and diversified branches of domestic administration intrusted to him by law. Among these the most prominent are the public lands and our relations with the Indians. Our system for the disposal of the public lands, originating with the fathers of the republic, has been improved as experience pointed the way, and gradually adapted to the growth and settlements of Western States and Territories. It lias worked well in practice. Already thirteen States and seven Territories have been carved out ot these lands, and still more than a thousand million of acres remain unsold. What a boundless prospect this presents to our country of future prosperity and power! We have heretofore disposed of 363,862,464 acres of the public land. Whilst the public lands as a source of revenue are of great importance, their importance is far greater as furnishing homes for a hardy and independent lace of honest and industrious citizens, who desire to subdue and cultivate the scil- — They ought to be administered niiinly with a view of promoting this wise and benevolent policy. In for any other purpose, we ought to use even greater economy than if they had been converted into money and the proceeds w c re already in the public treasury. To squander away this richest and noblest inheritance which any people have ever enjoyed upon objects of doubtful constitutionality or expediency, would be to violate one of the most important trusts ever committed to any people. Whilst I do not deny to Congress *.\e power, when acting bona fide as a proprietor, to give away portions of them for the purpose of increasing the value of the remainder, yet considering the great temp tation to abuse this power, we cannot be too cautions in its exercise.

Actual settlers under existing laws are protected against other purchasers at the public sates, in their right of preemption, to the extent of a quarter section, or 160 acres of land. The remainder may then be disposed of at public or entered at private sate in unlimited quantities. Speculation has of late years prevailed to a great extent in the public lands. The consequence has been that large portions of them have become the property of individuals and companies, and thus the price is greatly enhanced to those who desire to purchase for actual settlement. In oder to limit the area of speculation as much as possible, the extinction of the Indian title and the extension of the public surveys ought only to keep pace with the tide of emigration. If Congress should hereafter grant alternate sections to the States or companies, as they have done heretofore I recommend that the intermediate sections retained by the government should be subject to preemption by actual settlers. It ought ever to be our cardinal policy to reserve the public lands as much as may be for actual settlers, and this at moderate prices. We shall thus not only best promote the prosperity of the new Stales and Territories, and the power of the Union, but shall secure homes for our posterity for many generations. The extention of our limits has brought, within our juiisdiction many additional and populous tribes of Indians, a large portion of which are wild, untraotable, aad difficult to control. Pedatorv and warlike in their disposition and habits, it is impossible altogether to retstrain them from committing aggressions on eacl other, as well as upon our frontier citizens and those emigrating to our distant States and Territories. Hence expensive military expedititions are frequently necessary to overawe and chastise the more lawless and hostile.

The present system of making them valuable presents to influence them to remain at peace has proved ineffectual. It is believed to be the better policy to colonize them in suitable localities where they can receive the rudiments of education and be gradually induced to adopt habits of industry. So far as the experiment has been tried it has worked well in practice, and will doubtless prove to be less expen- ' sive than the present system. The whole number of Indians within our territorial limits is believed to be, ; from the best data in the Interior Department, about 325.080. The tribes of Cherokees, Choctaws, Chichasaws and Creeks, settled in thu territory set apart for them west of Arkansas are rapidly advancing in education and in all the arts of civilization and selfgovernment; we may indulge the agreeable anticipation that at no very distant day they will be incorporated into the Union as one of the sovereign States. It will be seen from the report of the Postmaster General that the Post Office Department still continues to depend on the treasury as it lias been compelled to do for several years past, for an important portion of the means of sustaining and extending its operations.— Their rapid growth and expansion are shown bv a dicimial statement of the number of post offices, and the length of post roads, commencing with the year 182 7 . In that year there were 7,000 post offices; in 1837, 11,177; in 1847, 15,146; in 1857, they numbered 26,586. In this year 1,725 post offices have been established and 704 discontinued, leaving a net increase of 1,021. The postmasters of 360 offices are appointed by the President. The length of post roads in 1827 was 105,336 miles; in 1837, 141,242 miles; in 1847, 153,818 miles; and in the year 1857, there are 242,601 miles of post road, including 22,530 miles of railroad, on which the mails are transported. The expenditures of the depart men', for

the fiscal year ending on the 30th June 1857, as adjusted by the Auditor, amounted to 811,507,670. To defray these expenditures, there was to the credit of the department on the first of July, 1856, the sum of 8989.599; the gross revenue of the year, including the annual allowances for the transportation of free mail matter, produced 88,052,591; and the remainder was supplied by the appropriation from the treasury of 82,250,000, granted by the act of Congress approved August 18, 1846, and by the appropriation of 8666,883, made by the act of March 3, 1857, leaving 8252,763 to be carried to the credit of the department in the accounts of the current year. I commend to your con-' sideration the report of the department in relation to the establishment of the overland mail route from the Mississippi’■iver to San Francisco, California. The route was selected with my full occurrence as the one, in my judgment, best calculated to attain the important objects contemplated by Congress. The disastrous monetary revolusion may have one good effect should it cause both the government and the people to return to the practice of a wise and judicious economy both in public and. private expendatures. An overflowing treasury has led to habits of prodigality and extravagance and legislation. It has induced Congress to make large appropriations of objects for which they never would have provided had it been nocessary to raise the amount of revenue required to meet them by increased taxation or by loans. We are now competed to pause in our career, and to scrutinize our expenditures with the utmost vigilence; and in performing this duty, I ptedgu rny 00-operation to the extent of my constitutional competency. It ought to be observed at the same time that true public economy does not consist in withholding the means necessa-1 o • I ry to accomplish important national objects intrusted to us by the constitution, and esspecially such as may be necesary for the common defence In the present crisis of the the country it is our duty to confine our apppropriations to objests of this character, unless in cases where justice to individuals may demand a different course. In all casses care ought to be taken that the money granted by Congress shall be faithfully and economically applied. Under the federal constitution, ‘every I bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the. Senate shall, before it comes a law,” be approved and signed by the President: and, if not approved, - ‘he shall return it with his objections to that House in which it originated.” In order to perform this high and responsible duty, sufficient time must be allowed the President to read and examine every bill presented to him for approval. Unless this be afforded the constitution becomes a dead tetter in this particular; and even worse, it becomes a means of deception. Our constituents, seeing the President’s approval and signature attached to each act of Congress are induced to believe that he has actually performed this duty, when, in truth nothing is, in many cases more unfounded. From the practice of Congress, such an examination of each bill as the constitution requires has been rendered impusible. The most important business of each session is generally crowded into its last hours, and the alternative presented to the President is either to violate the constitutional duty which he owes to the people, and approve bills which for want of time, it is impossible he should have examined, or, by his refusal to do so this subject the country and individuals to great loss and inconvenience. Besides a practice has grown up of late years to legislate in appropriation bills at the last hours of the session on new and important subjects. This practice constrains the President either to suffer measures to become law which he does not approve, or to incur the risk of stopping the wheels ot government by vetoing an appropriation bill. Fomerly such bills were confined to specific appropriations for carying into effect existing laws aud the well established policy of the country, and little time was then required by the President for their examination.

For my own part I have deliberately determined that I shall approve no bill which 1 have not examined, and it will be a case of extreme and most urgent necessity which shall ever induce me to depart from this rule. I therefore respectfully, but earnestly, recommend that the two houses would allow the President at least two days previous to the adjournment of each session within which no new bill shall be presented to him for approval. Under the existing joint rule one day is allowed, but this rule has been hitherto so constantly’ suspended in practice, that important bills continue to be presented to him up till the very last moments of the session. In a large majority of cases no great public inconvenience can arise from the want of time to examine their provisions, because the constitution has declared that if a bill be presented to the President within the last ten days of the session he is not required to return it, either with an approval or with a veto ‘in which case it shall not be a law.’ It mav then lie over, and be taken up and passed at the next session. Great inconvenience would only be experienced in regard to appropriation bills; bqt fortunately under the late excellent law allowing a salary, instead of a per diem to members of Congress the expence and inconvenience of a called session will be greatly reduced. I cannot conclude without commeding to your favorable consideration the inter-

ests of the people of this District. Without a representative on the floor of Congress, they have for this very reason peculiar claims upon our just regard. To this I know, from long acquaintance with them, they are eminently entitled. JAMES BUCHANAN. Washington, Dec. 8 1857.

The Wisdom of Democratic Measures.—ln the course of a pointed and well written article on the wisdom of democratic measures, the New Haven Register remarks: •In the present financial crisis the whole country turns to it (the Independent Treasury) as the pillar of our salvation. Formerly, when the government made its deposites in the banks, and those banks traded on the money thus deposited with them, or loaned it to their customers, every disbursment from the United States Treasury added to the financial pressure, by requiring the banks to demand payment from their customers to enable them to meet the treasury drafts. But now every disbursement lets loose the golden stream from the treasury itself, and the banks end their customers feel the relief when most needed. The operations of the treasury in the present crisis, under the advice superintendence of Secretary Cobb, are praised everywhere by all business men, irrespective of party orcreed; and the wisdom of the independent treasury system is acknowtedeged everywhere, and by none more heartily than those who twenty years ago would have compassed sea end land to have had it trampled in the dust. 'Men of the present day think there never was a measure so deeply execrated as the Kansas Nebraska bill; when the truth is, that that honest bill never received one-half the denunciation and abuse that was heaped on the independent treasury; and we have not a doubt that the former, like the latter, will be generally admitted, at no distant day, to ba one ot the wisest, most just, and safe measures of public policy that have ever marked the ascendency of the democratic j party.’

Important from Kansas. St. Louis, Dec. 14.— A special session of the Kansas legislature organized on the Sth. Acting-Governor stanton’s message says: ‘ln consequence of recent events, 1 find mvself compelled by a sense of duty to call you together, that you may adopt prompt legislative measures to avert the calamnities which threaten the public peace.’ Stanton recommends the passage of an act directing that an election be held under different officers on the same day and at the same places, provided a proclamation be issued by the President of the convention authorizing the people to vote for a constitution in either of the forms presented by the convention, and also against the constitution in both forms. The governor also recommended the the passage of a law making fraudulent returns of votes felony, with suitable punishment. Intense excitement prevails throughout the Territory, and it is probable that the parties opposed to the Lecompton convention will not permit the election. Lane, with 300 men, was encamped near Lecompton, and threatens to drive the Calhoun members of the convention out of the Territory. No outbreak has as yet occurred.

From Utah. ST. LOUIS, Dec. 14. —The Kansas City Journal of Commerce says Joseph Magasns, a trader on the green river, arrived on Tuesday, being the latest arrival from Utah. Mr. M. confirms previous advices. He reports that nearly all the emigrant trains were suffering from Mormon depredations, their wagons being burned and cattle stolen, large quantities of grain and forage stores at Fort Bridger had been burned by the Mormons to prevent its purchase by the government. The Mormons had also burned all the grass on the route beyond Fort Bridger. The snow was three feet deep on the mountains, and the country was covered with snow as far as the Blue river. The buffaloes were very abundant. ———<>———

Division of Texas. —The public jour nals of Texas are discussing the subject of a subdivision of that State Into two or more Slates. No State of the Union has increased within a few years more rapidly in population and wealth. The population is now estimated at over half a million, and under the next census it will be entitled to six or seven representatives in Congress. The great size of the State, the great dissimilarity of its parts, and the difficulty in the way of constant communication between all of its parts and the one centre of government, are the reasons urged in support of the division. It will be remembered that the joint resolutions annexing Texas to the Union provided for its ultimate subdivision into five States. The line of division suggested is the same with that now dividing the State into two congressional districts.— Union.

A man often bitterly denounces his opponents as unmittigated villians for holding exactly the opinions that he once expressed himself. His denunciation is, of course, as applicable to himself as to them. His present self brands his former self as everything base; and his former self, if it could open its mouth, could return the compliment. Then we should see a couple of precious villians, or two halves of the samevillian, blackgaurding each other.

Burglary—Five Houses Brok (n {n , () ‘ On Manday night, the 7th inst, sev J al daring burglaries were committed 1 the town of Tipton. The thief or ihievj entered the house of Dr. Parker, went J his bed-room, stole his pants therefroU and took a pocket-book containing abol 810 and some valuable papers, 'fij house of 0. Bishop was then entered bJ we have not leanred that any valuabj were stolen. The houses of J.'b t'assj and Edgar Rumsed were broken into. bJ the thieves found but little money. J n J these places the pants of the propt i<>( o J were found in the halls or outside of til doors. The burglars then proceed to tj house of Michael Shoit, one of them w e! l into the room where Short and bis wid were steeping, in hunting for money til hands of the robber came in contact will Mrs. Short’s faze, she awoke, and LhinlJ ing it was her husband, told him the ‘cat! die was on the stand;’ this startled th] bold thief and be placed his hand ovej her mouth to prevent her from making noise until he could get a chance lorud Mr. Short, on Tuesday mortning, fouu the track of the robber from the house ti the railroad; it seems that he had remove] his boots at the railroad and gone into t’J house bare-footed. Since writing the above, we learn tha the house of Thomas Murphy, Daniel B Rawlings and William Carroll wereah broken intoon the same night. No cl J has yet been found by which to trace tu perpetrators.— <Tipton Dominion>. ---<>---

UTAH.—SAFETY OF DR. HURT.—By private advices, received by the last arrival from the plains, we learn that Dr. Garland Hurt, the Indian agent, and the only United States officer who remained in the Territory of Utah after the other official left last spring, has effected his escape and reached Colonel Johnson’s camp on the Sweetwater. Previous to the deparure of the other federal officers, Dr. Hurt had taken refuge with a band of Utah Indians, who were devoted to him; he was not in Salt Lake city when they left. Some twenty of these Indians guided him through the passes to the south of the Wintah mountains. He was six weeks in reaching the South pass [pass]. ---<>---

Walker in Nicaragua—Oregan Election Nxw York, Deo. 14—The steamshi Star of the West arrived at this poiteat )y this morning, and-brings intelligenc that General Walker had landed thru hundred men in Nicaragua. The British and American ships wi blocka le the port of San Juan, and st; tion a force to prevent Walker from pa sing up the river. The elections in Oregon have result! in ths success of the constitution-rejectid of slavery and exclusion of free negro! from the Territory. Lieutenant Beale and party had arril ed all well, with camels, at California !

Why can't you tell truth once rsl while? —A Washinton correspondent the New York Tribune writes to th journal concerning the proceeding of ti Democratic caucus on the night of tl sth instant: “Mr. Geo W Jones of Tennessee, w recommended, by his seniority, aspre-it ing officer, and Mr. Ruffiin of north 0‘ olina. served as Secretary. The soul thus modestly divided the preliminM honors.’’ This story is not true. According the custom that has prevailed for iniu years the oldest member present wi made the chairman, and the two youn. estthe secretaries of the caucus; ot of them being Mr. Phillips of Pent sylvania. Had a nothern member ser't longest in the House, he, and not M Jones of Tennessee, would of course hat been elected chairman.— Wash. Star, Specie Sake. —A correspondent su< gests that all ships carrying specie < treasure, in any shape or form, shouldb provided with a water-tight safe, in wbic all valuable should be put. The sal ought to have been made of boiler iroi globe-shaped, well painted, and lined it side for six inches wi’h cork, and harm a lining of thinner iron inside the corl if requisite; a small water-tight dod would be all the entrance required, a” the safe could be made of any size » means of two handles it should be tied 1 the deck, and might have the ship’s nan empossed upon it, so that incaseofwrec or a catastrophe like that of the Centr America, it would only be necessary loosen the safe, and it would float a w( and be picked up by the crew of son vessel, who might return it to its prop* owners. This is a suggestion worthy 1 attention, although we think it will pro* practically inoperative. — Scientific An ican.

The probate fees on admitting to f cord the will of the late Mr. Morrison. England, amounted to the sum of §591 000. He died worth §20,000,000. Moffat’s life pills and phoenix bI ters. —A philosopher once said, if 1 was a thing that money would buy. 10 the poor would die. Os course lie mea' to say that the wealth would be healthy, and the poor have to endure a the ills that flesh is heir to. it nnot be so, for by the curative propt• a of Dr. Moffat’s valuable medicines • health may be restored to the poor as i as preserved to the rich, at a very s outlay, in the purchase of his family medicnes. Proprietor W ■ ■ , fat, 335 Broadway, New "Y ork, an i by his njents.