Decatur Democrat, Volume 51, Number 41, Decatur, Adams County, 22 October 1908 — Page 2

THE RIGHT RING-AND THE RIGHT WAY When You Talk to a Mole Use Language He Can Understand. The following dispatch appeared In the newspapers of Oct. 10: '‘Philadelphia, Pa., October 9,-r-The Sharpies Separator company’s works, one of the largest plants of its kind in the world, will shut down in the event of the elvctieu of \V. J. Bryan, according to the statement issued by P. H. Sharpies, president of the company. He «ays- "The possibility of such a dire calamity to us as his (Bryan’s) el ction seems remote, but the hour we are convinced such a thing will octa..- or lias occurred, these works will have closed down.” Under date of Oct. 12 the following letter was sent to the Sharpies company by Marbamfh Bros., of Monterey, Ind.: October 12, 120 S. Sharpies Separator Co.. Chester. Pa.; Gentlemen—We notice in the Saturday’s pap< r that you state you intend shutiing down your factory after Nov. 3rd, in ease Mr. Bryan is elected. We feel so sure that Mr. Bryan will be elecied that we would advise you to close down immediately, as we will at least make an effort to let the Democrats litt • that you are very unfair and unprincipled and that you do not deserve the trade coming from the Democratic business men. We have handled your separators for a number of years, but never knew until now that one political party won' I ihe cows *o quit giving milk. We consider this remark very unprincipled and resjiectfully ask that you confirm or deny this charge, as we do not want to leave this matter unnoticed, and v.e assuie you hat this will have ■ ■■;! attention at the Hard I ware Conventi i.' as we cjnsider it au insult to : :y American citizen who deserves the : to vote according to his political convictions. We are sending a copy o' this letter to your Chi ;, -o office and will give this matter full notice in tin- Associated Press, if uot denied. We are alio at this time sending a copy of this letter to the Democratic headquarters at Indianapolis. If you can conscientiously deny this charge we will forward it to the same parties. We respectfully await your prompt reply in this matter. Respectfully yours. MARBAUGH BROS. In order that it may be known what the Sharpies concern’s silly threat amounts to it is only necessary to call attention to the offer of a Chicago separator manufacturer to give work to all persons who lose employment in the Sharpies plant. “MUCH SUFFERING THIS WINTER" The Indianapolis News (Ind. Rep.) of Oct. 9. says: We have shown bow the trusts by keeping up prices lessen the demand for their products and so throw men out of- employment. Fred Starek, writing from Wheeling to the Cincinnati Enquirer, for employment by closing plants at will. In Wheeling there is a branch of the National Tube Company, which is constituent part of the United States Steel Corporation. This mill was closed a year ago when the panic struck the country, and has been closed ever since. The result was that 4,000 men were thrown out bf work and have been, most of them, unemployed ever since. Now it is not to be said that the trust is necessarily to blame for this. For it is quite conceivable that it found it possible to to produce more cheaply elsewhere. But stll ’ there are 4,000 men out of work. Other mills across the river have been closed since November last and as a consequence 2.000 more men, 500 of whom live in Wheeling, have nothing to do. The other day we were told in an official report that "five thousand childien who attend the public schools of Chicago are habitually hungry,” and that ‘ten thousand other children in the city, while not such extreme cases, do not have sufficient food.” Commenting on the above fa cfs the News says: Undoubtedly there will be much suffering this winter, and many calls for relief. For the panic and depression have lasted much longer than most people thought possible. There have been few concessions In the matter of prices, so that we have a most unusual combination—namely. fintimes .and high prices. Probably those people who have about as much as they ever had, and who have not been forced to change their style of living, do not realize how much distress there is, especially in the manufacturing centers. The notorious political blackmailer, i Mulhall, the creature of the Republi- j can committees and VanCleave’s antilabor union association, came into the state originally to work for Watson’s nomination. Since his nomination he has solicited brewery support for Watcon when his time was not employed with his other schemes. The Taft campaign headquarters have been transferred to the White House, where government clerks—paid by the people—are being used by Manager Roosevelt without expense to the Republican national committee.

ar**- (st REPUBLICAN EXTRAVAGANCE. The Republican state committee is r Issuing documents and sending "plate” matter to Republican papers attempting to show that there has been no unnecessary increase in expenses and I no increase in taxation under Republican management. We give the rate ■ of state taxation for 1896 —the last I year of Claude Matthews’ adminis > trarion as governor, and that of the 1 last year available —1907 —Governor , Hanly’s administration: , t 16—Democratic, t JL-nevo 1 and reformatory... .$ .7 ; State d . t 3 Educational 12 3 . State 9 State school 11 .29 2-3 ■I 1397 —Republican. .. Benr-vole■ . nd reformatory ..$ .5 Educational 2 3-4 Stat 12 . State school 13.6 * .33.35 We speak of the administration of l Claude Matthews as Democratic beI cause he was governor and in 1896 we ; had had only one Republican legisla- ! lure, which merely continued the DemI ocratic policy in vogue up to that ■ time. I Observe that in 1896 three cents of i ! the 29 2-3 went toward paying tne I state debt, and that there is no such levy in 1907. Under the operation of I the Democratic law for its payment | we now have no levy for that purpose; but the Republicans, instead of reducing taxation as the debt and interest was being paid, have increased taxation. They have imt only increased the rate, but th< total taxables as com : pared with the Democratic period, have been enormously increased. The | Republicans apply their levy of over ; 33 cents to $472.7(:9,67 more taxables than the Democrats had for the application of th'.ir levy of 29 2-3. So the full story cf excessive taxation is not told in the rate above. To illustrate the increased cost of government we present the following record of disbursements: 1894 —Democratic. State and general fund (including $647,088 applied on state debt) $2,787,267 1906 —Republican. State and general fund (no payment on state debt).. .$5,093,255 —Rockville Tribune. THE STEEL TRUST OPENS REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN. The Ohio Republicans opened their campaign at Youngstown and made a display through the aid of the steel trust. Speaking of the meeting the Cincinnati Enquirer said: The commanding feature of the day was the parade that preceded the speaking in Wick Park. There were a few over 12,000 men in line. Os these more than 10,000 came from the steel mills which form the chief and almost the sole industry of the city and suburbs. They were the employes of the Republic Iron and Steel company, the Youngstown Sheet and Tube company, and the United States Steel corporation, better known as the steel trust. Supplied with uniforms at the expense of these companies, the toilers presented a striking appearance as they marched past the reviewing stand. Because of the opening a shut-down of the mills was ordered until next Monday and the occasion made a holiday. But few of these workers attended the meeting in Wick Park. This was easily seen by the lack of uniforms in the crowd. Probably not over one-tenth of the turnout came to hear the speeches. The same account also says this: One of the unusual incidents occurred when the parade halted at the Elks’ Club. Someone called for a cheer for Taft. Ont of the uniformed ranks in response came a roaring shout for Bryan and the column moved on. So it seems that the steel trust may not be able to deliver the votes that it has promised for Taft. The harmony among the Republicans of West Virginia is intense. Not only do they have two nominees for governor, but the other day United States Senator Scott and State Senator Smith engaged in a fist fight when they met in a bank and exchanged | thirty-six blows, by actual count. And i the cause of the fight was Smith’s statement in a speech that West Vir- | ginia’s seats in the United States seni ate had been sold at auction for many j years. Scott resented such publicity : of party secrets. Governor Hanly and Speaker Branch dissolved the regular session of the legislature in a very panic of haste to prevent the passage of the metropolitan police bill over the governor’s veto. And now, to correct some blunders and to thrash out a strictly Republican party quarrel, the governor calls the legislat-re back again—at a probable cost of SIOO,OOO to the taxpayers. I

THOUSANDS OF MILLIONAIRES Ms by the Tariff—But Not One Is a Farmer, j {From a speech by Hon. B. F. Shively at Shoals, Oct. 12. 1908. | When the rising tide of artificial prices on iron, steel, woolen and cotton goods, and on glassware and crockery and furniture, farm implements, all forms of building material, and substantially everything that goes onto the farm, struck the farmer, was he to protect and recoup himself by writing up the prices of his own products? , Right there came the rub The farmer I stands between two markets, neither | of which he controls. Others fix the prices at which he must buy. Others fix the prices at which he must sell. I American agriculture is an expert in- ' dustry. In some of its staples it has ' been export since before the American ‘ Revolution. This industry has no com- j bination at home with which to limit ‘ production, write up artificial prices to , the American people, and unload sur- i plus at low prices abroad. Such a . combination is impracticable and impossible, and, if possible, could only spell ultimate misery and starvation to society. Millions of bushels of American wheat and corn and millions of pounds of American beef, pork and i cotton go every year to the great sur- j plus market of western Europe. Not I a bushel nor a pound would go there ■ but for the higher price paid there —at ; least enough higher to pay the cost of transportation. Wheat is sowed some , place on this earth every day of the 1 year. Wheat is reaped some place on . this earth every day of the year. * * The surplus grain from all these fields is poured into the surplus markets of western Europe in competition with the surplus grain from the American farmer. In that surplus market the level of prices is fixed, and from there the downward incline plane of prices extends backward past every farm and ranch in the United States. On any day of the year, except in rare instances due to purely local and temporary causes, the price of wheat is lower in New York than at Liverpool, lower in Chicago than at New York, lower in St. Paul than at Chicago, lower at Fargo than at St. Paul. To this market, dominated by the competition of the whole world, the farmer brings his wheat, his corn, his beef, his pork and his cotton. If the price of the staples in his annual output rises, it is a rise that attends the • same staples produced by the peon of South America, the ryot of India, the fellah of Egypt and the former serf of Russia. The rise in the level of farm prices in the last ten years, due to an addition of three billion dollars to the volume of the world’s gold, was general and uniform throughout agricultural countries, but during all this time International Harvester Company farm machinery could be and has been purchased cheaper in any othei agricultural country of the world than could the American farmer buy it at the door of the American factory where it was made. American mills, barb wire, shovels, axes, watches, sewing machines and scores of'other articles have been and are now sold cheaper in the foreign markets than at home. * ♦ Even some of the products of the farm, after they leave the farm, are so manipulated by domestic trusts as to almost double their price to the consumer without increase received by the farmer. By reference to the market reports in the files of the Indianapolis newspapers, it will be found that on April 7, 1888, hogs were quoted at $5.35 per hundred, and the best bacou at 9% to 10 cents per pound; on April 14, same year, hogs $5.75 and the best bacon at 11 cents; on May 14, hogs $5.75 and the best bacon 11% cents, and on March 14, 1889, hogs $4.85 to $5.00 and the best bacon 11% cents. These, of course, were wholesale prices. The quotations today and the record of actual sales show hogs at from $5 to $7 per hundred and the best baeon at 21 cents per pound. Here is an increase of about SI.OO per hundred on hogs and over SIO.OO per hundred on the bacon taken from the hog, and not one cent of the excess increase on the bacon goes to the farmer who produced it. The same thi|g is measurably ' true of all other parts of the hog. The meat trust controls the situation, lays the consumer under contribution, gathers in the profit and invites the farmer to support the tariff that supports the trust. The farmer’s selling prices are world’s prices. He labors in competition with the whole agricultural world. Duties of SIOO per bushel on his wheat and corn and per ;«ound on his beef, pork and cotton could not protect him. The duties on wheat, corn, beef, pork, hay, cabbage and other farm products In the Dingley schedules are purely political duties. These duties cannot secure to hte farmer higher prices on his sales. They are placed In the statute’ only to cajole and deceive him into the support of other duties which plunder him on his purchases. The system leaves him to sell his product at prices dominated by the competition of the whole world and to purchase his necessaries at high artificial prices fixed by domestic monopoly, induced, licensed, fortified and perpetuated by affirmative acts of his government at Washi ington. If he enjoys any degree of

prosperity, it is In spite of the fly his wheat, the rust in his oats, ths smut in his corn, the cholera in his hogs, the bots in his horses and the Dingley tariffs in his market, and not because of them. i Toe steel, lumber and other trusts may capitalize the taxing power of tbt government and write up the prices of their product 100 per cent; the far mer cannot capitalize his $1 wheat i into $2 wheat, nor his 75-cent corn into $1.50 corn. He may cast away the sickle, the cradle, the reaper, the Marsh harvester and bring on the selfbinder. the grain drill, the corn-shn 4 der and other improved forms of farm machinery to multiply his producing power, less, n cost, decrease waste arc 1 to increase economy in making, st or ing and marketing his product. Ths cunning device of high artificial prices on all things he must buy snonges up the profits and absorbs the gains arising from the cheapening forces of skill and invention. Whatever of margin between receipt and expenditure hr ■ has left at the end of the year is ti " I remnant of the harvest left by the I! censed locusts of monopoly which swarm his buying marker and pinch him on all that he brings onto his farm or into his household. If he has money in bank, it is usually the fruits J of stinting economy, lunching self- ' sacrifice and deprivation on the part j of himself and family, rather than the I natural reward of his industry. Th" ' natural rewards of American agricul- • tore are ambush I away in the pen- ! nies, nickels, dimes and dollars picked | up by and concealed in the fictitious prices charged for trust-controlled goods, and who are turned in splendid streams of unearned increment into the coffers of government favorites. I some of whom startle the country as I much by their ostentatious charity as ' do others by their ostentatious proflig- | acy. American farmers have been I creating splendid fortunes and making i millionaires by the thousands, but to this hour not one on the American j farm, t HOW .WILL YOU VOTE? Will You Vote for YourseU. or to Give More MMions and Power to the Trusts? Do you t\r.it to vote more millions into the cof' - : of the trusts and more power into their hands to crush you? Or do you bit nd to vote for your own interests? In other words, are you going to vo’e for Taft and Sherman, or Bryan and ' Kern ?—for Marshall or Watson? A letter just sent to manypersons in Indiana by the Republican national committee, asking for contributions and saying that "Bryan's election will be dangerous,” has printed at its head, as members of the advisory committee, etc., the names of the following men: Charles F. Brooker, head of the brass trust, and vice president of the New York. New Haven & Hartford railroad, against which a government suit is now pending in the federal courts. Charles Nagel of Missouri, one of the general attorneys of the Standard Oil company. This Standard Oil representative is in charge of Republican national campaign headquarters in Chicago. Frank 0. Lowden, multimillionaire son-in-law of the late George M. Pullman. and now the head of the great Pullman Palace Car trust, to which the travelling public pays tribute. T. Coleman Du Pont, the head of the powder trust, which is fighting a suit against dissolution. Boise Penrose, the political "boss” of the corrupt political machine in Pennsylvania. George R. Sheldon, the personal representative of J. Pierpont Morgan, in the capacity of director in all his trust companies, and who collected trust money for the election of Governor Hughes of New York. William Nelson Cromwell, the legal representative of Edward H. Harriman, and probably the greatest trust lawyer in the United States. Fred W. Upham, the “fat fryer” for the Republican party in the West, and the man who wrote letters to corporations whose property he assessed byvirtue of Iffs position as a member of the board of review in Chicago. This is a fine outfit to advise the farmers and business men of the West how to vote. Two of the signers are heads of corporations which are fighting for their existence in the courts Os course these men think Bryan’s ' election dangerous: that is natural when one becomes a—nainted with their connections. Rut there is not a legitimate business man in the nation small or large, who has any reason to fear a Democratic victory. TRUST MONEY ALL GOES TO TAFT William Nelson Cromwell, the legal representative of E. H. Harriman, and the Wall street lawyer who engineered the Panama deal—which made a profit of $36,060,000 for the syndicate made up of himself, Pierpont Morgan Charles P. Taft and others—was the first big contributor to the Republican campaign fund. He gave $50,000 to the Republican national campaign slush fund. Andrew Carnegie, head "of the steel trust, has made a donation of $20,000 toward financing the election of Judge Taft. These are a few of the contributions from trust sources that have reached the public, and indicate very clearly on which side the trust interests are arrayed in this camnaign.

i HOW TO VOTE t All Voters Shoull Read Carefully tin Following Specific Instructions. Every voter who goes to the polls is interested in making hU tup-, effective, instruction in voting, therefore cannot be too thorough. Notad is this especially true as to first voters, who will have their first exju-rj ’ with the Australian ballot system, but it is true of all others because of tC changes that have been made in the law since it was originally passed j. public meetings and privately voters should be given accurate information t- - to what is required in casting a ballot. The following instructions, 3 ihould be studied, as they will be found of value: The device at the head of the Democratic ticket is a rooster. The device at the head of the Republican ticket is an eagle. The Democratic ticket is in the first column, the Republican ticket it j, the second column, and so on. Below is a sample of the heading of the Democratic and Republican Ele» toral and State tickets, with the respective party devices, in the order <. which they will appear on ihe ballot. The names of the fifteen 1 Electors come first and are followed by the names of the candidates ter Jtau , offices. ■ d /' A &!!_■**&. M •I Ml 4 /V. A /A DEMOCRATIC TICKET REPUBLICAN TICKET For Presidential Elector- For Presidential DEM at-Large, bep. at-Large. ' |___J ADAM HEIMBERGER. _J WINFIELD T. DURBIN. 1 When you go into your voting place you will be handed three ballots: The State ballot—On red paper, containing the candidates to be votei oi for State offices, except for Senator and Representative. I The county ballot— Printed on white paper The township ballot—Printed on yellow paper, containing the townshlj candidates. ] If you want to vote a straight Democratic ticket, make a cross within the circle containing the rooster at the head of the first column of the ballot INSTRUCTIONS TO VOTERS: First. You must get your ballot and the blue pencil from the Polling Clerks in the election room. Second. If you desire to vote a straight ticket, then make a cross, thus, JC, within the large circle at the head of the ticket containing the device oi the party for whose candidates you desire to vote. It you do not desire to vote a straight ticket, you must not make a cross in the large circle containing the device of a party, but must make a cross, thus, X, on the small square to the left of the name of each candidate for whom you desire to vote, on whatever list of candidates it may be. If the large circle at the head of the ticket 1b marked with a cross or otherwise and the ballot is marked with a cross or otherwise at any other place, It will be void and cannot be counted, unleso there be no esmdidate for some office in the list printed under such markei device, in which case you may indicate your choice for such office by making a cross, thus, X, on the square to the left of the name of any candidate tor ■ueb office on any other list. The cross must be placed within or on the cirels or square, or the ballot will be void and can not be counted. I Third. Do not mutilate your ballots, nor mark them, either by scratching off a name or writing one upon them, nor in any other way put a mark upon them, except by placing one in the circle or on the squares, as above ds■cribed. Otherwise the ballot will not be counted. You must not put any nark of any kind Ttpon your ballot except in the manner above described. Fourth. After you have marked your ballots, and before you leave the •lection booth, fold them up separately so that the face of each one can not be seen, and so the initial letters of the names of the Polling Clerks on the back thereof can be seen. Then hand your ballots to the Inspector, the pencil to the Polling Clerks, and immediately leave the election room. Fifth. If you are physically unable to mark your ballots, or can not retd English, sc- inform the Polling Clerks, and make an affidavit to that effect They will then go with you into the election booth, and you can then tell them how you desire to vote, and they will mark your ballot for you. Neither you nor the Polling Clerks must permit any other person to hear or see how your ballot is marked. It is a penal offense to declare you can not read English ®r can not mark your ballot, if, in fact, you can. | [ln no case can the ballots be marked by the Polling Clerks if the voter can read the English language and is physically able to mark his ballot. Nor can they mark it until the voter has made the proper affidavit.] Sixth. If you should accidentally, or by mistake, deface, mutilate or spoil one of our ballots, return it to the Poll Clerks and get another one of the same kind. Seventh. \ou must not accept a ballot from any person outside of the election room. Any ballot outside is fraudulent; and it is a penitentiary offense to have it in your possession, whether you attempt to vote It or not. Eighth, lou must not attempt to hold any conversation In the election room except with members of the Election Board and the Polling Clerks. Ninth. Jse only the blue pencil handed you by the Polling Clerks in marking jour ballots. If j-ou mark with any other pencil, your ballot so marked will be void, and will not be counted. Tenth. You must not put any mark of any kind on your ballot, except as above described. VOTING BY MACHINE. If you are unable to vote by machine on account of physical disability or Inability to read English, and make an affidavit to that effect, you will he Instructed or assisted by the Polling Clerks, as in the case of voting by ballot If you request it, j’ou will, upon being registered by the Polling Clerks, be instructed by them as to the manner of voting by machine. You cannot remain to the voting machine booth more than one minute; and no person can be in or near the mathine when a voter Is in the voting machine booth unless it i. the Polling CierKs while instructing or assisting the voter. THE NEW LAW AS TO BUYING AND SELLING VOTES. (Approved March 6, 1905. Acts 1905, p. 481.) Penalty for Buying Votes. 1. That whoever, directly or indirectly, hires, buys c-t offers to hire or buy, or furnish any money or other means to be used, or directs or permits his money or other means to be used, or handles any money or other means, knowrl vnHn me r ‘ ndUCe ’ Wre Or buy any P e! ' s ’' n to vote or refrain lux Piertion h Jrt Jn Candidate office, to be voted for at voi » ? s h d r thlS State; Or whoever attempts to induce any person to vote or to refrain from voting for any candidate for any office to be voted for at any election held pursuant to law or at any primary held in this State, by offering such person any reward or fav - i « than fifty dollars and a’ be fined in any sum not more office of trust or profit for a period of ten vo iacapal),e of bolding an. tj on p Ol! °f ten j ears from the date of such eonvicPenalty for Selling or Offering to Sell Votes. refrain from votine 01 . °® ers to sell or barter his vote or offers so tion held in this State, either"J/aly °® Ce tO b ® V ° ted ** St " >!>: ' for any promise or favor or hope O s rewanl Pr ° Pei ’ ty ° f ” : - t to be voted for at any electio/ hel/ in S T n ° r ofEered by aay r '' : 2 persons, shall be lined in any sum not ° F by anV ° ther R " ° and rendered incapable of holdin- anv nffi/ “e ? * d ° llarS a “ d diSfr ' f >en years from the date of such conricttofi ‘° r Pr ° St fW ** Witnesses. 3. Any person called as a witness tn tion of any of the provisions of sections ’ estlfy a S ai “st another for the witness to prove the offense although k ° ne ° r tW ° ° f this act ’ is a co!lir< ’ int and-he shall be compelled to’ testifyL nthT** ave been concerned as s paFt? ,;i not be used against him in anv nrn= ?< ber w,tnesSes - but such evidence eha.l ing out of matters about whicVhe Usrifl” 1 SU<?b ° r aQy Other offense by indictment or Information or punished for’wchVffens/ 104