Decatur Democrat, Volume 50, Number 31, Decatur, Adams County, 4 October 1906 — Page 6

BEVERIDGE FOR GOV- * ERNMENT OWNERSHIP He Makes a Strong Attack on the Railroads. * I When It comes to talking about the railroads, Senator Beveridge, who glands very close to President Roosevelt, has something to say. In a speech in Chicago on the night of September 22, Mr. Beveridge took up the question of regulation and control of railroad rates by the government He said that personally he was opposed to government ownership of the railroads, but in his speech he went ns far along that line as Mr. Bryan, (Whose position has been wilfully misrepresented by a large part of the telepublican press. In his Chicago speech Senator Beveridge said: “If railway interference with the people’s government is not stopped, railway ownership' by the people’s government may be compelled.” Mr. Bryan has gone no further than that. He declares that he does not favor government ownership except as a last resort and says that the people will not want it if regulation shall prove.to be effective. But, like Mr. Beveridge, he says that if government ownership ever comes it will be forced by the refusal of the railroads to submit to fair regulation. Senator Beveridge;' after making the statement quoted above, speaking of stock juggling, rebates and discriminations, said: “Therefore it becomes necessary that the people whose savings are invested in these railways; the people from whom the railways derive their revenues; the people whom the railiways serve and who serve the railgrays should have a voice in their management. So It Is necessary that the railways whose rates are a tax upon all the people, whose operations •directly affect all the people, should Ibe controlled and - regulated by the government of all the people. A little further along In the same speech, Senator Beveridge said: “Let the railways attend to their own business, just as every one of iou is expected to attend to your own uslness, and no man will speak of government ownership. And their business is not to nominate and elect any public officer; their business Is Mot to purchase, coerce, or influence hl? action. “Their business Is to haul passengers and freight and nothing else. And it is that they shall attend to it as trustees of the people that the railroad rate law was passed, the Sherman act was passed, and generally the foundation of that system of government regulation laid of which these laws are illustrations. “It Is better for the government of the people to Interfere with the railways than for the railways to Interfere with the government of the people. Railway ownership Is an evil so far reaching and profound that no man can foretell Its dark results. But railway Interference with free government is also an evil which 'in the end will prove destructive of liberty because it pollutes the ballot'when the people’s representatives are chosen and the people’s legislature after tn Sir representatives are chosen.” Os the railroad in politics Senator Beveridge said that they too much," that when they meddled at all they meddled too much apd that “they meddled a great deal," and then he added: “Every man who, by railroad influence, ,1s nominated to any office, from constable to president, ought to be defeated, no matter to what party he belongs. The people have already begun to defeat such men and will hereafter defeat them increasingly as time goes pn until the absolute uselessness of trying to control politics •will dawn bn railway managers who see that they-, have squandered the money paid out to accomplish plans that an aroused and instructed people .wreck and destroy. ♦ • • “Criminal laws is the way to stop them. Prison bars for corrupting railroad lobbyists; prison bars for railway agents in primaries and conventions; prison bars for railway representatives who try to Influence the nomination and election of senator, congressman, judge, or any other public officer —that is the way to stop them.” It will be seen from the above that — Senator Beveridge, like President Roosevelt, has given public utterance to views which, to say the least, are as extreme as any charged to Mr. Bryan. Governor Hanly is a member of ths Columbia club, the big Republican organisation of Indianapolis. Mr. Taggart is a member of the company that owns the French Lick Springs hotel, [While Hanly is holding up to his aud fences what he calls a “Pluto” pokei chip why does he not at the same time hold Up for inspection one ol the poker chips used in the Columblt club? He might also exhibit a sarnplt of the whisky which la sold then without license. The French Ucl Springs hotel has no- bar and sells u< Whisky.

------- mow n r THE SPEECH OF MR. HANLY. The opening speech made by Governor Hanly at Tipton is merely a personal keynote—that is, it is a laudation of Hanly, of what he has “done” and “hopes” and ‘“intends” to do. From the beginning he attempts to create the impression that he is an honest official and about the only one in existence. He intimates that his brand of official honesty is the only genuine article and is patented and that all other makes are spurious infringments. Besides, he indicates his belief that in Indiana there can be no faithful public servants and little civic virtue among the people, except under his watchful eye. All of which, of course, is very serious. There is little that is new in the speech. Indeed, it may be said, that all of it, in one form or another, has been before the people for a long time. What he seems to want just now is the election of the Republican state and legislative candidates because, as he says, they will do his bidding. They are not expected to exercise any independent judgment or assume any individual responsibility. They are only to do, if elected, what Hanly, the boss, tells them to do. The evidence cited by the governor in support of his appeal for votes for the Republican ticket relates principally to what he calls his “housecleaning” and “law enforcement" performances. On these subjects he offers nothing new and the people are familiar with his claims on these accounts. He did not tell his hearers that in both matters he had been guilty of favoritism and discrimination which a genuine reformer or any man of honest purposes would have scorned. He did not tell how he had sent one state official —from whom he had borrowed the state’s money and which he was compelled to repay—to the penitentiary to gratify a vindictive personal spite and let another resign his office peaceably to satisfy a party demand. He did not tell how he “enforced the law” when and where it suited his whim or gratified his personal malice or would possibly result in a partisan advantage and overlooked notorious and glaring violations which it might embarrass him or his friends to suppress. In other words, he did not tell in this opening speech of his, that as a public moralist he is very much of an Impostor, and that he is a pretender to virtues which he does not possess. He has been an incessant seeker for office, with a great thirst for notoriety. He has been at all times and under all circumstances for Hanly. He invariably projects himself upon the people in the first person, singular number. He never loses sight of his own Interests. And just now he thinks It is to his Interest to have the Republican state and legislative candidates elected. Why? Because Jie is a Republican politician and hopes to extend his own power by building up a personal political machine. Mr. Hanly says that he is backed by “a clean and able party organization, the members of which believe in these things (the things he hag (Jone and hopes to do) from principle- That is a sop thrown to “Boss" Keallng, “Boss” Starr and the other state ringsters. And he throws another sop to the Republican party, too, which, he declares, has “purged itself and cleaned the house." But this eminent reformer does nbt want any Democrats elected to office, for, he says, they will “abort the pur- • poses of the administration," that is, ’ his own purposes. He thinks DemoJ crats, instead of voting for their own candidates, should support the Repubi lican candidates — his candidates — • who he says are the more honorar ble and capable. He does not want any divided responsibility, any non- > partisanship, in the state offices , though he praises that thing in the ■ management of the benevolent instl- ’ tutlons. All incumbents must be of t the Hanly stripe. . Taking it as a whole, Governor Hanly’s opening speech is ar Insult to the intelligence of the state. He , would have the people undestand that if he had not opportunely appeared on the stage they would have been lost and that if they do not now elect his puppets to office they will yet go down to civic destruction despite his efforts to save them. We do nbt be1 lieve that he will fool anybody by his baseless and hypocritical'asaump,r tlons. Certainly he will not fool any- £ body who knows what sort of a man [a J. Frank Hanly really is. le _ —: — • The man who votes for a Demofc crattc congressional candidate votes w against tariff robberies and trust ex- —■ tortions.

BffllM OfflllN OFBIILf Th&. Richmond Item, a Leading Republican Newspaper, Says Hanly Is “a Sham and a Fraud.” [From the Richmond Daily Item of Sept 26.] “I Include the women of the state in my appeal because I believe there is that in the work, in the policies and in the purposes of the (state) administration which greatly makes for their welfare and for their happiness, for the peace and sanctity of the home, and for the protection and the safety of the fireside, and which tends to give the childhood of the state a “square deal” and a fair show." —Governor J. Frank Hanly in his “keynote” speech at Tipton. When the peace and sanctity of the home and the protection and safety of the fireside was the laaue In Richmond a year ago, where did Governor A Frank Hanly stand? He stood for a polluted homo, legalized and blackmailed prostitution and political corruption, and stood there knowingly, defiantly, insolently, because ho had an alliance with the Machine of this city. Less than a year ago within the auditorium of the First M. E. church of this city, there assembled a meeting of the citizens of Richmond to listen to the address of the president of the Good Citizens’ League. He reviewed is vivid language the situation as it was in Richmond at the time —the combination of the machine, the liquor Interests, the corruption of the then-existing administration, the system of legalized prostitution, protected by the police system then in power and in turn taxed as a means of private revenue in order that they might.be protected. Then the speaker related how the most prominent business men had protested to Governor Hanly who was upholding this sort of a system “until after the election,” how the ministers of Richmond had protested against Governor Hanly openly espousing the cause of vice and political corruption, how mothers and wives had protested against his holding up the hands of those officials in Richmond who were leading sons and husbands to disease, death and hell, and then this minister told how a committee representative of the business community, the churches and Earlham College had visited the governor and how he insulted them. And this is how this minister in a public meeting at the First Methodist church on the evening of October 22, last year, summed up the situation: “We were fearful of our cause when we left the governor. Women of this city sent him communications and others went to see him, and yet Governor Hanly had the presumption to say that he knew more about the situation in Richmond than we did. Honest and upright men he refused to recognize, but he did recognize the very kind of men against whom he preached in our city.” And this is how the Rev. S. R. Lyons backed up Rev. Huber’s remarks: "I am standing by the Rev. Mr. Huber in his utterances concerning the governor. In my judgment Governor Hanly Is selling out Richmond for the sake of the party Machihe." And the vast audience applauded these sentiments. • • « • Shortly after his induction into office in 1903 the auditor of state became a defaulter. The fact was not known until the latter part of August, 1905. The defalcation was heavy. A shortage of >145,000 was admitted. There were those who counseled condonation and secrecy, and the continuance of the defaulter in office, but the governor of Indiana could not consent to that He owed an obligation to you which he could not discharge in that way. Before him stretched the path of duty, rugged and thorny, but straight and true and sure. That path he chose to follow. The resignation of the derelict official was demanded and received, and a citizen of probity and integrity appointed to succeed him.—Governor J. Frank Hanly in his “keynote" speech at Tipton. Yes, but at the same time Hanly discovered Sherrick a defaulter, he discovered Storms, secretary of state, a defaulter. Yet did he tread the “path of duty, rugged and thorny?" Did he refuse to consent to Storms's continuation in office, or to listen to counsel of condonation and secrecy in Storms’s case? He did not! Instead he tried to cover it up, he protected Storms, he gave Storms until the next quarterly settlement to make up his shortage. He made no grandstand play about treading the thorny path of duty in the Storms ease! And the chances are one hundred to one that Storms would* still: bo in office with a dean reputation had not the facts in the case been dlscorered by the Sentinel and published. After their publication Hanly had to act. His hand was exposed. His demagogy was laid bare. Hit hypocrisy was made apparent, so he called for Storms to resign. Storms did not. A long-drawn-out sham battle was fought to force Stores out, tpit-it was Ineffectual. Finally Hanly went so far as to say ho would call a-special session of the legislature and have Storms impeached.' Storms called Hanly’s bluff and joined in the hope that such a session would convene. So Instead of calling the legislature Hanly took a trip to Washington, D. CL, tq sen Charles Warren Fairbanks. When he came back Storms made good the shortage and was allowed to go out West to take a position with a wealthy corporation. He was not prosscutod, as was Sherrick. He was not molested. Storms knows, Hanly knows, Indiana politicians know, the railroads know, the people at Lafayette, the former home of Storms and Hanly, know. There was good reason why the psuedo-refonn governor did not tread the rugged and thorny path, nor turn a deaf ear to those who counseled condonation and secrecy in Storms’s case. Sherrick was not able to strike back, so he was sent to the penitentiary in order that a governor might rise upon the ruins of Sherrick’s reputation to heights where he now stands proclaiming to the state and world his wonderful and dazzling attributes of piety, and political probity. But Storms was not exposed until a newspaper did it; ho was not ousted from office; ho was allowed to take his time about settling, and ho was rewarded for his conduct with a more lucrative position which he was permitted to take without any effort on the part of the governor to prosecute. • eo e o ■o (the governor) must stand consistently and at all times for integrity in public office and for decency in'civic affairs. He must toad in the moral progress of thepeojfle. Hot his word alone, but his deed as well, must uplift and strengthen and lead the way to exalted service ’ and consecrated citizenship.—Governor J. Frank Hanly in his “keynote”’ speech at Tipton. To this sentiment wo say “Amen!” And ft is not by his words, as spoken by him at the local Chautauqua, but by his deeds in connection with deeoney and honesty in this community, that the people of this community judge our governor, and know him to be a sham and a fraud, a political.-hypo-crite, a thorough-going Machine politician who apes such real reformers as Jerome and Folk and Roosevelt, but who never puts his destiny to the touch by inaugurating reforms or following them in communftites where reform will hurt his political associates. It is because in cases of state notoriety that he has not mado a consistent stand for integrity in public office and decency in civil affairs that the people are coming to know him for what he is—a consummate demagogue. i| ■ . - . . ... - . ' i - ■ • ■ — ■— m A vote cast for a Democratic congressional candidate is a vote against the trusts which are levying a private tax on the people and collecting it. with heavy penalties. * It a man wants the cost of living to Increase and his income to go down ho will naturally vote the Republican ticket. But there are not many such mon loft. ' — L ~ s Ho man should vote for the Republican state and legislative candidates* unless he is anxious to pay higher taxes. Reenomy in government and tax reduction will follow the success pc the Domooratio party at the election. .... -

1 | THINGS MANLY DID NOT MKN> TION. In his opening campaign speech Governor Hanly did not mention some things of interest to the public. For instance, the following: He did not tell that he had borrowed from David E. Sherrick, when he was auditor of state, >750 of the state’s money which he was afterward compelled to pay back with interest ... He did not refer to the charge that he borrowed from the state oil inspector >2,500 of state funds and that he failed to pay it back when he was asked to do so. He was silent concerning the current report that while he was making his canvas of the state for governor he met by appointment the notorious gambler and Republican politician ol West Baden and French Lick—the man who was at the head of the "Monte Carlo” business —Ed. Ballard, in Jonce Monahan's bank in Orleans, and received from Ballard a contribution of a large sum of money for his personal campaign expenses. He did not explain how it has happened that the same Ed. Ballard, gambler and Republican politician and head and front of the “Monte Carlo” business in West Baden and the French Lick valley, has not been arrested by his officers, though Ballard, it is said, makes no attempt at concealment. He did not tell why he refused to pay Interest on >1,334 which he collected for the city of Lafayette, kept for more than six years and only paid over to the city on demand when he was entering upon his race for governor. He did not tell how, to gratify a petty spite against a Democratic newspaper, he directed the whitewashing of charges of gross mismanagement and cruelty against the superintendent of the Girls’ Industrial School. He did not tell how many extra “legal advisers” he has employed to do work which should have been done by the salaried force in the attorneygeneral’s office. He was careful not to give the figures showing how much of his >40,000 contingent fund he has paid out during this year for “extra legal advisers,” “experts," “secret agents" and similar things. He said nothing about drawing salary from the state treasury at the rate of >3l a day while working for hire in other employments. He neglected to tell, if he pays only >9OO a year house rent, what becomes of the balance of the >I,BOO a year appropriated for house rent. He did not tell that the last session of the legislature increased the taxation for general state expenses about >5’00,000 a year by raising the general fund levy three cents on the >IOO. He did not tell that the state up to October 31, 1905 was compelled to draw on the counties for advances to the extent of >994,000 in order to meet its obligations. He did not tell that the state for the fiscal year ending Oct. 31, 1905, received and disbursed >9,260,827 which was >3,000,000 in excess of the receipts and expenditures for the last year the Democrats were in power. He did not tell the people that the state debt was paid with money supplied by Democratic laws passed for that purpose. Hanly Did Not Mention It The chairman of the Republican national committee, George B. Cortelyou, in the 1904 campaign, received from three New York life Insurance companies alone >150,000 of money which had been stolen from widows rand orphans for the use of the Republican party. Thousands of dollars of stolen money Were received by the Republican committee from other Insurance companies and used in the campaign. Mr. Cortelyou is now post-mester-general of the United States under Mr. Roosevelt’s appointment, but neither he not the committee has paid back the stolen money. Governor Hanly in his opening speech did not mention this subject just as he did not mention many other embarrassing things. Speaker Joseph G. Cannon attacks laboring men for "going into politics.” And yet the Republican party of his own state has indorsed him for president. From this it seems clear that the Republican party is against the laboring man «who goes into politics « of his opm rights. Governor Hanly is exhibiting poker chips to his audiences why does he not hold up to view one of the chips used in the Republican Columbia club of Indianapolis, of which he is a member?

’ TTISNCTTKVn.- * The Republican state committee has put out a pamphlet which says, among other things, that “a vote for Republican state and legislative is a direct vote for debt reduction and tax reduction.” This statement is ridiculous. It is also not true. The state debt was reduced as a result of Democratic legislation which the W’ publican party denounced as "odious," “unjust," “cruel" and so forth. Ti/ir legislation, which the Republicans not dare “revise,” as they threatened, made the reduction of the debt compulsory. • As for tax reduction, there has been none. There is no more of the state debt to be paid until 1910, but the sinking fund tax of three cents was not suspended; it was just transferred to the general fund for current expenses, thereby increasing the tax for such expenses by that much, which means about a half million dollars a year. Roosevelt and Bryan on Public Ownership. In his annual message to congress last December President said: “I wish to see such supervision and regulation of them [the railroads] in the interest of the public as will make it evident that there is no need for public ownership." If this means anything it means that if there can be no effective regulation “in the interest of the public,” then there will be a need for public ownership. Mr. Roosevelt said that he did not want public ownership and Mr. Bryan says that he prefers effective regulation to ownership, but both seem to agree on the proposition that if no other adequate remedy for abuses can be found public ownership may Ultimately come. It is a matter of the distant future, however, and its solution will depend largely on the attitude of the railroads themselves. Secretary Taft went into Maine and told the people in his speeches that Roosevelt was the issue. And yet when the votes were counted the Democrats had made a gain of 20,090 on the state ticket, cut down the majorities of all Republican candidates for congress to almost nothing, gained about fifty members of the legislature and carried many cities and counties that were considered to be reliably i Republican. Governor Hanly, who, iyi is said, wants to be “the issue” in Indiana, made speeches in Maine and contributed to the result Really the Republicans are in sore distress about-, their “issues.” What they actually face and must answer for is ten years of national subservience to the trusts and twelve years of mismanagement in Indiana. , It is understood that the Republican state central committee will insist on Vice President Fairbanks making some political speeches in this state. In the summer it was given out that Mr. Fairbanks would make no political speeches during the campaign. If he now breaks his resolution it will probably be due to the fact that Hanly’s friends are booming him for the presidential nomination and to the additional fact that the state is to be invaded by Speaker Cannon, Secretary Shaw and perhaps other candidates. To an outsider it looks very much as if the Indiana Republicans are widely divided in their affeo tions. The campaign book issued by the Republican congressional committee winds up its “stand pat" arguments with this plank from Speaker Cannon’s platform: “Put none but homemade cake in the pantry.” Thia means that all Americans must - patronize the trusts, buy their products and pay their prices, although the trusts send the same products abroad and sell them to foreigners at much smaller prices. That is what “standpatism" means. There would be no special objection to "home-made cake” if the baker would sell it to his neighbors at the same price that he is willing to accept from the people ini the next town. But mat is what the trusts will not do. The independent oil men have, appealed to the state railroad oommission for relief against the Standard Oil company’s operations in this state. Tiie attorney general of Indiana: had his attention called frequently to i the oil octopus, but - refuses to take any steps against it Whether the railroad commission, on which Governor Hanly brags, will do anything remains to be seen. — rm 1 -a With such tremendous statesmen as the Hon. James .Ell Watson midi the Hon. Charles Beefry Landis ttylgg to get a little notoriety ,b> attacking him, -Mr. Bryan doubtless finds that Doiitica is not devoid of humor.