Decatur Democrat, Volume 50, Number 15, Decatur, Adams County, 14 June 1906 — Page 2

Legal Advertising APPOINTMENT OF EXECITOR. Notice is hereby given that the undersigned have been appointed executors of the etate of Joshua Bright, late of Adams County, deceased. The estate is probably solvent GEORGE H. BRIGHT. NELSON W. ABBOTT, Exeutors. Merryman & Sutton. Attorneys May 28th, 1906. 13-3wks. NOTICE FOR BIDS. Notice is hereby given that the Common Council of the City of Decatur. Indiana, will receive sealed bids or proposals for the improvement of Second street, commencing at the north side of Monroe street .thence north to the corporation line of the city of Decatur, Indiana, said Improvement to be with modern paving blocks or bricks. The improvement of said Second street from Monroe street north to Jackson street to be 40 feet wide and from Jackson street north to the corporation line to be 34 feet wide, according to the drawings and specifications now on file in the office of the city clerk of said city on the 19th. day of June, 1906, blds to be received between the hours of eight o’clock a. m. and six o’clock p. m. Each bidder must file with the clerk of said city, when he files his bid, the usual statutory affidavit and deposit with him the sum of One thousand dollars, in money or certified check as a guaranty that he will accept said bid and carry out the .construction of said work. The successful bidder will be required to give bond with surety to be approved by the Common Council insuring the faithful completion of said work according to the contract The Common Council reserves the right to reject any and all bids and readvertise for bids for said improvement, this 23rd dav of May, 1906. CARL O. FRANCE. 12- • City Clerk. SHERI FFF'S S •?. ( t' State of Indiana, Adams County ss in the Adams Circuit Court of Adams County, Indiana. The German Building Loan Fund and Savings Association. vs. Jennie Case, Norman Case and William H. Niblick. No. 2602. By virtue of an order of sale to me directed by the Clerk of 'the Adams Circuit Court of said County and State, I have levied upon the real estate hereinafter mentioned and will expose for sale at public auction at the east door of the Court House in the City of Decatur, Adams County, Indiana, between the hours of 10 o’clock A. M., and 4 o’clock P. M., on the 22nd day of June, 1906, the rents and profits for a term not exceeding seven years, of the following described real estate, situated in Adams County, Indiana, tb-wit: Commencing at the north-west corner of inlot number 758, in Wm. H. Niblick’s subdivision of out-lot number 26 and part of out-lot number 25, thence south 132 feet, thence east 84 feet to the west side of Russel street thence north 34 degrees east, along said street 52 feet, thence north-west 148 feet to the place of beginning, comprising inlot number 757 and 758 in said sub-di-vision in the town (now city) of Decatur, in Adams County, Indiana. And on failure to realize therefrom the full amount of judgment, interest thereon and costs, I will at the same time and in the same manner aforesaid, offer for sale, the fee simple of the above described premises. Taken as the property of .Tennie Case and Norman Case to satisfv said orde this 24th day of May, 1906. x ALBERT A. BUTLER. 13- Sheriff. APPLICATION FOR LIQUOR LICENSE Notice is hereby given to the citi- ’ zens of the Secohd ward, of the Citv of Decatur, Adams Countv, in the State of Indiana, that I, Frank Bogner. a male inhabitant and resident of said ward, a JpfersQn over the age of twenty-one ye'ars, a person not in the habit of becoming intoxicated and a fit person to be intrusted with the sale of intoxicating liquors, will make ap- 1 plication to the board of commission- i ers of the County of Adams, at their July session for the year 1906, for a license to sell spiritous. vinous, malt and other intoxicating liquors in less quantities than a quart at a time, with the privilege of allowing the same to be drank on the premises where sold. The place where I desire to sell said intoxicating liquors is on the ground floor of a two-story frame building fronting on Madison street, inlot No. I eighty-two (82), which is one hundred 1 and thirty-two (132) jfeet in length and twenty-one (21) feet in width, said room where liquors are to be sold, drank and given away is twenty (20) feet in width and forty-five (45) feet long with front and rear openings and is part of inlot number eigr.hy-two (82) as the same is designate! in recorded plat of said City of Decatur. Tri (ana. 14 3t. FRANK BOGNER. NOTICE OF PUBLIC LEMING. Notice is hereby given that the Board of Commissioners of Adams county, Indiana will receive bids for the construction of a macadam road in Hartford township in said county, known as the L.- O. Bears extension two Macadam Road, up and until 10 o’clock A. M., on Monday, July 2, 1906, at a regular session of the Board of Commissioners, held in the City of De catur, Adams county, Indiana, sealed bids will be received for the construe, tion of said road in accordance with the plans, specifications and report of the Viewers and Engineer, which are now on file in the Auditor’s office of said County, said roads to be built of crushed stone alone. A bond must accompany each bid in twice the amount of the bid filed, conditioned for faithful performance of said work and that the bidder if awarded the contract therefor wi]l enter into contract therefor and complete the same according to such contract and in accordance with the bid filed. All bids shall be made so as to give the amount for which said road will be Constructed for cash payable on estimates to be made by the Engineer in charge, not to exceed eighty per cent, of any one estimate out of the funds to be hereinafter raised by the sale of bonds as required by law. Each bidder will be required to file affidavit as provided by law. The Board of Commissioners reserve the right to reject any and all bids. « C. D. LEWTON, 14-3 t Auditor of Adams County. MANY CHILDREN ARE SICKLY. ' Mother Gray’s Sweet Powders for Children, used by Mother Gray, a nurse In Children’s Home, New York, breaks up Colds in 2 4hoursf, cure Feverishness Headache, Stomach Troubles, Teething Disorders, and Destroy Worms. At all druggists, 25c. Sampl mailed FREE. Address Allen S. Olmstead, Leßoy, N. Y.

Tit KEIIOTE Chairman Shively Addresses Democracy on Issues of Campaign. THE PARTY OF THE PEOPLE Earnest Presentation of the Issues of the Campaign Made by the Hon. Benj. F. Shively. Fewer of Government Is Power Held In Trust For All the People. A Stinging Rebuke to the Pretension* of the Republican Party in It* Theories of Government Mew That Party Regards Public Power and Public Property as Proper Party Asseta. Present Tariff Act Is Private Legislation Procured by Private Influences for Private Ends. Indianapolis. June T. —In his address before the Indiana state Democratic convention today the Hon. Benjamin F. Shively, permanent chairman, said te part: Sentiemen of the Convention: You are the representatives of a political party that knows that what i* called wealth la a social, not a governmental product; that such wealth 1* born of brawn of muscle, skill of hand and vigil of brain, not of acts of congress; that what is called industrial prosperity is a social, not a political product; that such prosperity is born of the energy and genius of man applied to the bounties of nature, not of the greed and cunning of man applied to the powers of government. You are members of a political brotherhood which holds that the power of government is power in trust for all the people; that our government has no separate or independent fund of power out of which to carve privileges; that property of whatever kind possessed by our government la property in trust for the people; that our government has no separate or independent fund of property, out of which to make gifts; that every speelal privilege granted and every gift of property made by government is in derogation of rights common to all the people; that the powers of governmeat should be employed only for the specific public purposes to which at their creation they were ordained, to the end that all citizens shall be equally secure in their rights under the reign of the law; that to habitually , bend the powers of government, cm ; whatever pretext, to private ends is make commerce of power and proBENJ. F. SHIVELY. duce the very mischiefs which government was designed to prevent. The Republican Theory. That the leaders of the Republican party regard public power and public property as proper party and private assets clearly appears from the record. On this theory and in pursuance of J this policy, they seized and turned over to private corporations an 'area of public lands more than seven times as large as the state of Indiana, without requiring a farthing of compensation to government or people in return. They turned over the public credit to private interests to the extent of hundreds qf millions of dollars, without requiring a penny of compensation to the government or people in return. They subsidized the sugar interests In the sum of millions of dollars out of the public Revenues. They have for over a third of a century farmed out the taxing power of the government to private interests and subsidized the beneficiaries of their tariff schedules out of the pockets of the American people. Having subsidized at the public expense and in exchange for party support every available interest in sight on land, they recently voted through the United State® senate and sent to the house a ship subsidy bill with which to rain prosperity from th® United States

treasury over the corporate interest* I of the sea. I Selfishness of Human Nature. * , True, all this time there was eager I suggestion that while the benefits of j this vicarious liberality with public , property and power would go in the first instance to the Immediate recipients of government favor, such benefits would eventually be reflected over the whole people. Vain suggestion. There was no alchemy in this policy to refine away the selfishness of human nature. The grants, both of property and power, reappear in those gigantic fortunes which the president of the United States pronounces a menace, and which, as a police measure, he suggests should be subjected *to a death tax, and partial distribution through the United States treasury. The more immediate and vital consequences of this policy appear in the loose, vague and confused notions of the nature, functions, and resources of government it has engendered; in the rampant class spirit it has bred; in the crumbling of the foundations of political and business morality it has undermined, all of which manifest results are confronting the country with some of the gravest problems in its history. The Taxing Power. It was under such auspices that recently from this hall the voters of Indiana were invoked to rally to the support of prosperity in the name of the Dingley act. The Dingley act is a tax law. Power to tax is power to take, not power to make. When exercised rightfully, it takes from the citizen and gives to the government in exchange for the security that government gives to life, liberty and property in return. When exercised wrongfully it takes from one citizen to give to another with nothing in return. In the practical affairs of life the citizen regards taxes as burdens. In his bookkeeping he enters them not as receipts, but as expenses. Whatever else he may pray for, he never invokes an increase of his taxes. Call them import duties, property taxes, poll taxes, license fees, or what taxes are so much subtraction from income, from wages, from profit. Origin or name cannot take them out of the category of burdens. In practice the common sense and universal experience of mankind have assigr 4d to taxes this character and none <~ther; and yet the exigencies of Republican politics require men to believe that taxation is a wealth-producing agency and the author of public prosperity. Land of Boundless Resource. Here in the north temperate zone, oetween the two great oceans, lies a land of almost boundless resource of field and forest and mine. This land was settled by rugged, courageous, independent. self-reliant men and devoted women—those choice spirits which the genius of popular freedom ever claims as her own. Here these men conquered the wilderness, built their homes, erected their altars, and ran the metes and bounds of new commonwealths. Here, through the years the people preserved in organic law the muniments of civil liberty, erected schoolhouses, churches, libraries, a free press—all dedicated to the security, growth, progress and happiness of society. Here, by the thousands of inventions that have leaped from the human brain, they have harnessed the forces of nature and multiplied the wealth-producing power of mankind in every department of industry from two to' a thousand fold. But now, in this propaganda of wealth by taxation, the influence of popular liberty and popular education, the bounties of nature, the beneficence of Providence, the daring aggressive, indomitable spirit of a free people, aye all passed by, and prosperity is ascribed to an Bxl6 roll of parchment flecked elver, with percentages, lying in the department of state at Washington, and called the Dingley act. Dominant Feature of Dingley Law. What is the dominant feature of the Dingley law? To the extent that a tariff is for revenue, the tax is assessed by the government against the imported article, is ultimately paih by the consumer, but always goes into the federal treasury. To the extent that a tariff is protective, the tax is assessed by the protected producer in the form of an increased or protected price on his product, is always paid by the consumer, and always goes into the pocket of the protected producer. The one is taxation for public purposes, the other is taxation for private purposes. The Dingley act possesses none of the characteristics of general public legislation. The clauses of its protective schedules are a string of private contracts between the United States government and that confederacy of special privilege which the principle of the act had quickened into life and fattened into wealth and power. The terms of these contracts were based on private considerations alone. It is an obvious vice of all such legislation that only the owner of the private interest seeking special favor knows the mysteries of his enterprise and alone is qualified to prescribe the percentage of subsidy he requires from the public in his business. It is not surprising, therefore, that the printed and published hearings on both the McKinley and Dingley bills disclose that the very clauses, lines, words and figures prescribed by the owners of private Interests were imported bodily into those bills and subsequently became law. The congress did not conceive, dictate or fix the protective provisions of the present tariff act. The congress was only the medium through which selfish interests annexed themselves to and armed themselves with the taxing

, 1 gower of the government for their own exclusive profit. The revenue schedi ules are the merest incidents in the I general scope sad purpose of the act ’ i Bota cu ltd face and in its effect -the act primarily is private legislation, • procured by private influences, and > only for private ends. . The Power of Competition. What is the function of the Dingley act? Confessedly to exclude compe- • tttion. Only foreign competition, they say. We shall see. Competition is , that force in the market, and the only ' force in the market, that establishes and maintains equitable relations between seller and. buyer, between the coat of an article and the price that i is asked for it. It is the one influence that can protect the citizen when he goes to make his purchases. Competition removed, he is helpless against extortionate prices on articles which ' necessity compels him to buy. Under our economic system reasonable competition, operating in the market, does more to maintain equities, conserve justice, and preserve the rights of the citizen in property than all our courts do or can do. In the absence of the prohibitive principle in our tariff laws, the owners of American steel might •till pool their interests, but to what purpose? To combine and artificially raise their prices against the citizen would be only to invite outside competition to take their market. Stevenson. the Scotch railway builder, said: “Where combination is possible, competition is impossible.” The broader the area of competition, the more difficult the combination. The narrower the area of competition, the more easy the combination. The first function of the protective schedules of the Dingley act and kindred legislation was to exclude the possibility of foreign competition. This done, the protected beneficiaries got together to exclude e domestic competition. Entrenched within prohibitory tariff walls, they pooled their issues, strangled competition, established monopoly, put limits on production, wrote up their prices and proceeded to transfer by means of these artificial prices the wages of labor, the profits of agriculture, the earnings Os manufacture, and the incomes of nonprotected business in golden streams of unearned increment to their own coffers. As men are likely to act as it is to their selfish interest to act, especially when invited by every implication of law to so act. It is clear that the-second and principal, function of the Dingley act was to suppress domestic competition and usher in the reign of the trusts over the American people. Word From Washington. Within the past few days word has arrived from Washington that the Dingley act is to be defended, but that the trusts are to be assailed. Os all the contrivances ever devised by the wit of man to create and foster trusts, the Dingley act is the most effective. There are instances where transportation lines, being separate natural monopolies within certain limits, form mergers and create a -general monopoly. There may be instances where the raw material of the industry is so limited as to easily become the basis of a trust without assistance from the tariff. But these exceptions, are so rare as compared with the number of trusts organized under the protection of the tariff and that now swarm the country as to only emphasize the rule. The Dingley act is the cause, the trust the effect. The Dingley act is the parent, the trust the offspring. The Dingley act is the fruitful seed, the trust the ripened harvest. The Dirgley act is the broad foundation, the trust the finished structure. Why embrace the cause and assail the effect? Why garland the mother and pillory the child? No one will be deceived. As well support the trust in the first instance as to assail the trust and then support the support that supports the trust. Paradoxical Self-Defeating Policy. It is not my purpose to undervalue any effort made by the government in prosecutions against trade conspiracies. More power to the arm of the department of justice! But here again the fatal palsy of a paradoxical selfdefeating policy appears. Under one statute prosecutions are instituted to punish and destroy conspiracies against trade. By the side of this statute is kept as a. sacred thing a tariff statute that hatches into life, nourishes into strength, and warms into activity more conspiracies against trade in five years than the whole force of the department of justice could, destroy in fifty years. It is well enough for the executive department to set its constables after the stray whelps of privilege; but the situation requires t b at the legislative department unllmber a few guns and train them on that jungle of class legislation wherfe the old beast herself has her lair. Constant Republican Solace. When every other expedient of the average Republican leader falls, he recurs for solace to the panic of 1893, and attributes that financial crisis to what he calls the "free trade WilsonGorman tariff.” "Now gird up thy loins like a man; I will ask of thee, and thou shalt declare unto me, If thou hast understanding.” The panic of April, 1893, produced by the WilsonGorman act of August, 1894? But he says it resulted from apprehension of Democratic tariff legislation. Did this apprehension produce the panic that swept over Canada in 1893? Did this apprehension cause the panic that broke over Germany in 1893? Did this apprehension cause the panic that swept commercial destruction over far-away Australis th 18931 WM it

1 1 vency througti the Argentine Repeßli* [. tn 1893? e Cause and Effect. World-wide effects are usually due e to world-wide causes. For years prior to 1893 the world’s annual supply of 1 gold was unequal to the demand. The gold-using nations were in a fierce scramble to supply the necessary r stock of primary money and replenish their gold reserves. Meanwhile under the Republican act of 1890 our government purchased vast quantities of 8 silver, stacked it away uncoined and r as pig metal and issued against It 5 treasury notes which it treated as Ua- " bilities against the gold reserve In the - treasury. This policy intensified t rather than relieved the strain on gold, s and augmented the increasing depresJ sion in agricultural and other property “ values. In the extra session of con--1 gress in the spring of 1893, Thomas B. 1 Reed, Republican leader of the House, r and John Sherman, Republican leader ■ in the senate, declared the silver pur--3 chasing clause of the Sherman act a - moving cause of the panic, and voted 5 for Its repeal. ’ The McKinley Law. Two years before, the Fifty-first cont gress had enacted the McKinley law, t which contributed to disorganize revr enue and unsettle industry. It was , a tariff for monopoly, with incidental . revenue. Following its passage the . protected industries universally, as if by common consent and agreement, wrote up the prices of protected art!- . cles against the consumer. Every person here recalls the uniformity . with which increase of prices was an- , nouneed across their counters by the f merchants of the country. Parallel with the increase of the price of pro- ! tected articles, there came a decreaie In, the wages of labor in protected sacI orles. The Homestead strike in 1892 , arose out of from 12 to 40 per cent I decrease in wages in the Steel Indus- ► try. There was no rise, but a fall, rather, in the price of the products of non-protected agriculture. As prices of protected articles increased on one side, the purchasing power of the ( country decreased on the other. The margin between cost and price widened. The forces of production and consumption were unbalanced, and the ( foundation of business enterprise undermined. Meanwhile the same con- ‘ gress authorized drafts on the federal treasury In the sum of , a billion dollars. Profligacy of j expenditure, whether private or public, is not without result. New schemes of expenditure dissipated the surplus in the treasury. The 154,000,000 trust fund for the redemption of national bank-, notes was covered Into the general fund and went the way of the surplus. Work was suspended on river and harbor improvements from lack of funds wherewith to pay. The last dollar in the treasury was flung into the widening gulf between federal receipt and expenditure, and plates were prepared by Sectetary Foster for a bond issue for means to meet the exigencies of current expenses. The Republican lea'ders turned over disorganized finances, an enipty treasury and insolvent revenue, and took their departure, leaving, in so far as government policies contribute to panics, on the doorstep of the incoming Democratic administration their own brat in the panic of 1893'. Under Republican Administration. There is nothing in Republican policies to render the country immune from panics. It is within the personal recollection of the great body of those here present that in 1873 a panic burst on the country which continued with increased severity until 1879. On the public highways of the country were a million and a half of men asking in vain for employment. The word tramp was for the first time applied to a human being. Public soup-houses appeared In the larger cities of the land; the poorhouses of the country were crowded with paupers; its jails and penitentiaries were crowded with criminals; Its courts were glutted with litigation; the homes of the people went by the thousands under the red flag of the auctioneer; the country was strewn with the wrecks of 6,000 bankruptcies, and the nation thrown backward ten years in material growth and development—all under an administration Republican in all its departments. Effect of New Gold Mines. The latter part of the year 1896 marked a vast increase in the output of gold, due to improved processes in the operation of old mines and the discovery and opening up of new mines among the richest in the world’s history. Since that time three billions of the yellow metal has been lifted from the earth and most of it has passed through the mints of the nations into the commerce of the world. The effect of this vast increase in the value of primary money was to arrest the decline of the world's prices, return lost value to agricultural lands and products, remove industry from the auction block and restore life, energy and security to business enterprise everywhere. The recovery of prosperity in this country due to the reinforcement of. its money supply, failure of crops abroad, good crops at home, augmented demand because of foreign wars and our own war with Spain, none of which was. the product of Republican legislation, is claimed as a triumph of Republican statesmanship. They disclaim credit for a disaster aggravated by their policies, and seek to monopolize credit for a recovery which arrived in spite of their policies. “Protection” a Burden. The tide of rising prosperity was met by the provisions of the Dingley legislation which, so far from contributing to such prosperity, neutral--4

' ■ II \ . lied fta efleet and made it the special gain of the few, rather than the general boon of the many. Its protective schedules, as does all such legislation, ' I bring burdens, not benefits, to th? • I American farm. Agriculture is an export industry. It has no combination by which It arrests production and puts up artificial prices at home while r unloading surplusage at low prices abroad. The price of the great export j staples of the farm is fixed in the sur- • plus markets of western Europe, from which it extends on a downward Inclined plane back to the remotest farm ' and ranch in the United States. Du- ' ties of SI,OOO a bushel or SIOO a pound could in no way increase the price to - the farmer.—He sells .his product at prices fixed in the market dominated by the competition of the whole world. In his buying market he encounters prices written up by protected monop- ’ oly against nearly every article that he brings on to the farm or into his household. He stands between two j markets, neither of which he controls. If the price of his annual output rises it Is a rise that attends the same staples produced by the fellah of Egypt, - the ryot of India, the serf of Russia , and the peon of South America. The - tariff cannot add warmth to the sunj shine, freshness to the rain or rich--1 ness to the soil, ft cannot add value j to the corn, wheat, beef and pork f which he has to sell, but ft can and , does add to the price of the barbed ■ wire, binder twine, lumber and agrfr cultural machinery that he has to buy. r At this banquet of> taxes, the farmer - occupies a seat at the lower end of j the table. All the luxuries of the 1 feast are exhausted before they reach - him. He is remitted to the napkin, th* 3 finger-bowl and the toothpick, and - then finds at the end of the festivities 1 that the host has gone through his t pockets and of his loose - change. Labor figures nowhere in , this system except as a victim. The [ special advantages accruing to the 5 beneficiaries of the protective sched- ■ ules remain with such beneficiaries. • The act does not contain any enforce- ! , able obligation to distribute them as • wages among the toilers who produce ■ the protected article. The effect of ! the system is to limit production, dr- • cumscribe the demand for labor, write • up the cost of living to the laborer' I and narrow his opportunities. The merchant finds each year a larger pro- , portion of the articles on his shelves • subject to trusts which prescribe to him both the price at which he shall buy and tfie price for which he shall i sell. Under the operation of the system he ceases to be an independent trader; his genius, foresight, shrewdness and energy are discounted and he becomes increasingly the clerk, understudy and factotum of monopoly. The non-protected factory, and there are thousands of them, must pay its tribute to iron, to steel, to lumber, to oil, to paints, and to all other articles it uses as material in its industry, and then make its sales against whatever of competition a like factory bring* into the market. The influence of the system on society in the concrete is seen in the artificial distinctions growing up in the country, in the startling extremes between unmeasured affluence and modest competence, the rising spirit of social and industrial discontent and the relaxation of the bonds that contribute to the order, peace and progress of the community. The Two Extremes. We were told some weeks ago from this hall, in boast of the success of Dlngleyism that the value of our annual manufactured product is $13,000,000,000, of| which Idbor receives $3,000,000,000. By the last census the proportion assigned to salary and wages is less than $2,300,000,000. But let the difference pass. What becomes of the other $10,000,000,000? Is it between these extremes that appear those colossal fortunes whose owners startle' the country with the magnitude of their ostentatious benefaction*? Do these two extremes throw on the canvas the picture of proflgate affluence on the one side and the pallid faces of childhood in the sweat-shops of the country on the other? Let ttie Republican leaders inscribe theae figures on their banners. Let them translate aright the parable they contain, and we will bury them in Indiana under an avalanche of ballot* 50,000 deep. Ghost Effectually Laid. Again they produce the ghost of British free trade with which to terrorize weak minds Into the support of their policies. They hold England up as an awful example of decay under commercial liberty and other European countries as prosperous under protection. As the struggle in this country is between a broad system of., tax schedules for monopoly and a broad system of duties for revenue, the subject is interesting only as showing the vast originality of facts — attending the Republican contention. The wages of labor in free trade England are 30 per cent higher than in protected Germany; 60 per cent higher than in protected Austria and Hungary, and 100 per cent higher than in protected Italy. The people of those countries best know which system to escape from. From which European countries does the largest population press each year through the gates of Ellis Island? For the years from 1900 to 1903 inclusive from free trade, England came 61,945; from protected Germany 108,548; from protected Austria and Hungary, 606,137; from protected Italy, 645,128. But recently the issue of a return to protection was presented squarely to the workingmen of Great Britain, and they with overwhelming majorities whipped the discredited dogma back into the oblivion to which it was assigned over half a century ago.