Decatur Democrat, Volume 36, Decatur, Adams County, 9 September 1892 — Page 2

f gft Nope F Sud) rmv tf&rs? * 1 V CONDENSED obW?c« ’ || ' Meat Makes an every-day conwnLwe M an old-time luxury. Pure and wholesome. Prepared with scrupulous care. Highest award at all Pure Food Expositions, Each package makes two large pies. Awiv Imitations—and insist on having the NONE SUCH brand. MERRELL & SOULE, Syracuse, N.Y,

Save . Your ed Nickla rJJ FOR FIVE C_ F WILL " jPmost .' j. * ■Gen. I Ladies Vest wff he Kar 1 pair Ladies IloseV lyd. Unbleached /begin to J *43.j0 per 1 yd. Light Calico was 1 pd. Dark Calico worth 7c. 1 1 yd J Chailie worth 6 l-2c. 1 yd. Ribbon, all colors, worth 1 yd. Delana worth Bc. 1 yd. Knickerbocker. , ew 1 yd. Cheese Cloth. ‘ a the .iarrison 1 paper pimp 1 paper.needless ■— r . question that In fact 5 cen.L was the greattoo numerous country has ever sT'uits it himself. > ’ £? Pthat Harrison was the o*l the respectable element .rJBY Republican party. What a ..,..|Mrity nominee he must have been! cost of running the GovernjP’ment under Harrison is $7.01 per capita; under Garfield and Arthur it was $6.43 per capita, and under Cleveland only $6.12 per capita. The Republicans are hunting up “devices” for the heads of their tickets. In connection with Harrison, Carnegie and Whitelaw Reid, how would a rat-trap do? If “the foreigner pays the tariff tax” for Kansas and Nebraska, why doesn’t he send Western farmers money enough to catch up with the interest of their McKinley mortgages? Secretary Foster is a great financier. Only a Napoleon of Finance would hold back the Government workman’s pay in order to make a false showing for a depleted Treasury. We do not recollect having seen Mr. Blaine’s name in a single Republican newspaper during the whole of last week. It seems to be considered treasonable for a Republican paper to mention him. The difference in Major McKinley’s assertions regarding the tariff may be accounted for by the fact that he was the hired attorney of protection, and served it up to suit his clients. Thus he gave them high-priced iron in Pennsylvania, and cheap iron in Nebraska. The President is still using his officeholders for all they are worth, paying them out of the public treasury while they are whooping it up for him in politics. The sending of Steve Elkins, Secretary of War, to manage the West Virginia convention is only one of many instances of tax-consuming bossism. ~ During the ten years of high tariff taxes from 1880 to when the taxes were made higher, still, the numt>er of farm mortgages filed in Nebraska exceeded by thousands the total number of inhabited houses in the State as shown by the census of 1860, and this is true of Kansas also. So here is one Western industry that has been promoted by McKinley Republicanism. St. Louis Republic: The lowa Democrats are in the field for business again this year. The platform adopted by the convention at Davenport and the speeches made therein Indicate not only that lowa is good fighting ground but that the Democrats are going to fight on it aggressively. lowa has already voted Dem-

>' .... — thls Linn Grove Itf tlon t 0 j. T. Diwson, oflj Ting' Among us in the interest avoid Henry Kreps left her of tho last week for Micron (J, P re ' At. oilcan rule. Samuel Roush 5 an’.’ nto BCssion Bluii on were lieroSon j’ as against day, /t session of Alexander Ki 4 neglcCtS 10 floor with person ' >ening session lift bn Saturday ! »000. tunately no bojCJo/’""’ Geo. Wccht, t° Onc ’ whlch has were at Blu^ == Ildeaof1 ldeaof rCvivln * They have r fl 'T e c;lt out of tho in the meafettiu/The breath of life The pec into the force bill ho’danitle Jblicans can carry a wor ß hh ract Jaouse, hold the Senbeniii'* Harrison.” As tho invit< J JoingTost shows, then

D e lca< Y to keep the force bill an of ll ¥ fi ’dcct the Democratic tji oft» lyes ~ ) , u . ty Jhdianapolis Journal says ‘ joj’ in the Democratic *lll W, " .>er one failure of one manu•n enterprise than over the aC of twenty. Very often rec’aafaiinre of a manufacturing estabis a greater benefit than tho stifablishment of twenty. Manufac■iring establishments are divided ■ nto two classes, those that are self--supporting, and those that require enormous subsidies. Self-supporting establishments do not fail, but blood suckers—like tiij-plate mills, for Instance —demand much and give little. Chicago Herald: In their efforts to return that distinguished corporation attorney and “political” greaser, John C. Spooner, to the United States Senate, the Republicans of Wisconsin are apparently determined to Mexicanize that hitherto peaceful and orderly commonwealth. Ever since Spooner's involuntary retireaunt to private life, a little more l i a year ago, the .earth has been, i ft the opinion of the average Wisconsin Republican, out of its orbit. The wind has blown steadily from the wrong direction, an 1 the sun has failed to rise at the right point. It is not unusual to hear it asserted that protection means higher prices to the farmer, to the mechanic and to the manufacturer. In the same breath it is asserted that the cost of living is not increased. How can this be? If protection increases the price of the farmer’s products and of the manufacturer's products, why is it that the cost of living is , not increased? If protection causes j wheat, potatoes.butter and eggs to', bring higher prices, does it not cost • more for the laboring man to live? I Possibly the high-tariff prophets assume that the cost of living is not increased because he and his family , eat less when prices advance. This may be the explanation, but it is not a satisfactory one. r — From the beginning of the world until the present day no Government ever raised the wages of the people, ; and no Government ever will. It is something no Government can do, but in the campaign made by Messrs. Harrison and Carnegie in 1888 the most ignorant among the people were ; encouraged to believe that by voting for high-tariff taxes they could get their houses furnished with Brussels carpets and pianos. Such speeches were made throughout Indiana, and Harrison himself did all he could to encourage, this belief. It appeared that there were people ignorant enough to listen to such arguments' and to be convinced by them that the Government owes them high, wages; that it is the duty of Govern-' ment to make their wages high, and it is their right to have their wages increased by Government. It is said, in aggravation of Chair, man Carter’s conduct as a book agent, that he proposed to show the farmers how they might escape from financial difficulties that oppressed them. He represented, it is said, that if- they ■ would put second mortgages on their ( farms to acquire an Interest in the “Footprints of Time” they would soon earn money enough to payoff the first mortgages. The advice proved delusive, and the homes of the victims were sold to satisfy the mortgages. We take no stock in these scandals. ; If the" statements are true they show . that Mr. Carter is a marvelously proper man to stand at the head of the Republican party organization and to conduct its canvass. What he is charged with doing on a small scale, the Republican party has done for a quarter of a century on a large scale. | It has represented to the farmers of the country, and particularly of the Northwest, that their only chance for prosperity was in supporting’the protection system of the Republican party. Those who have been deluded by these statements have been persistently , robbed by that policy, and many of them have lost their homes in consequence. If Mr. Carter, therefore,~has done.picts imputed to him, his party has done well to select him as its representative. He is a true Republican, and thoroughly in accord with Republican policy.

THE WORK OF CONGRESS IT’S A BAD SHOWING FOR REPUBLICANS. All of the mill Which tho Democratic llouao Pawad for * h » Boneflt of tho People Wore Killed l>y tho Republican Senate. CongreM »n<< 11" Work. The work of tho first session of tho Fifty-second Congress will be tho subject of much controversy, end necessarily tin issue of no small importance in a national campaign which involves the election of a new llousp of Representatives as well as that of a President and a Vice President. For this reason judgment of its acts will be influenced more strongly than In intermediate years by partisan inclinations. It is obvious, however, that no better or fairer method of judging its performances from a political standpoint than by comparison with its Republican predecessor can be devised. This is a tost which Democrats will welcome, and to which Republicans must submit The Democrats of tho House did their best to lighten the burdens of taxation on the people and industries of the country. Under the lead of the Ways and Means Committee a bill was passed making wool free, in tho hope of reviving the drooping woolen manufacturing interests and encouraging the wool-grower. The same bill abolished the compensatory duty on woolen goods. The result of this would have been tho cheapening of clothes which had been made much more costly by the McKinley law. Another bill made free the binding twine used by tho wheat growers an 1 the cotton ties used by the planters of the South. Another made ore containing both silver and lead free,

I TT« ITfIIWI Wi® H LUI i 1 f . the ornocMTi diclare 1 U, YW "A L C rnt MWiniEY Bin nct| I lit ' -\ f .r 1 ONLY UIKOHSTITUTIOHAL BuFI \ Mnt CULMINATING ATKOC |Tt I V /us ’BS"'' WW \Vc\\ e '' Os CLASS LEGISLATION/ fl \ WELL.<«U HAVE ’// ' WORKS '\w ' ■cwgSsgf n Hwjyk' f><h 1 t a la w ri l o) Iki - t at ■irRiNGfiUDK/’T—■« BMLfSVifiSA |>HX'\V WHOW IT WORKS.

the purpose being to cheapen one of the I most cbmmon articles of domestic and industrial use. The bill to reduce the enormous McKinley tax on tin plates would have put an end to a contemptible fraud, and would have saved the people of this country from $10,000,000 to $15,000,000 a year. When these tax-relief bills reached the Senate the Republican majority promptly pigeon-holed them. In the interest of certain manufacturers of cheap plushes, shoddy and certain kinds of woolens, they denied the people cheap clothes. In the interest of tne cordage trust they refused cheap binding-twine to the wheat growers. In behalf of the hoop-iron makers of Pittsburg they Insisted upon dear cotton ties for the Southern planters. To help the makers of plate they refused to put an end to the robbery of the people who buy din-ner-pails, pots, pans and roofing-tin, and retained the tax that increases the price of canned goods and has already closed up a score of canning iactories, depriving labor of its work as well as making food dearer. In brief, all of the bills which the Dembcratic House passed for the benefit of the people were killed by the Senate. The material results of the session will not be of great advantage to the country, for the simple reason that Republican legislation in the billion dollar Congress, a Republican Senate and a | Republican President prevented the | Democratic House from carrying out l the reforms desired by the people. The New York World is satisfied that I the political situation is un hanged by the session. It remains what it was in the campaign of 1890. The Democrats have tried to reduce expenditures, but they could not. They have tried to drive the administration to reform the abuses in the pension bureau, but they have been met and overcome by the President's obstinate adherence to a scandalous administration. Above all, the Democrats have tried to abolish some of the evils and to lighten some of t|s burdens of the McKinley tariff law. The have attacked some of its most flagrant abuses and some of the worst trusts it has engendered, but the friends of trusts and monopoly controlled the Senate and sat in the White House, and the efforts of Democratic tariff i eformers were lost except as they show to the country that the party is still bent upon accomplishing the task which the people assigned to it In 1890. Cleveland’s Pension Policy. Mr. Cleveland has always advocated a pension for every, veteran who received a wound or incurred a disability in the service. He believed that pen-aleastAe-saet-veterans were a debt incurred by the country in their enlistmeift in its service. But he did not believe in pauper pensions; in a pension theory which holds every veteran to be an outdoor pauper, and that all such must be supported at public expense (without discriminating between merit ■ and demerit. He did not believe in “reinstating” deserters to enable them to receive pensions. He did believe that a dishonorable discharge should be a bar to pension. He did not believe that the crippled veteran of a dozen battles should be put on the same level with three months’ men who never were under fire in their lives. He believed in pensioning ths honorable widows of veterans who had died from wounds or disability incurred in service, but he did not believe in putting such honorable women on a level with drunken strumpets from the District of Columbia workhouse. His profession and his practice were perfectly consistent. Compare his record with General Black In the Pension Office with the record made by Harrison with Raum’s assistance. Honest veterans and honest people of all classes will have no difficulty in determining ■ which is the honest, conscientious and

— patrlotlo record; which tho record of tho unscrupulous doniagoguo. Let Mr. Clovoluuj no judged by thia record. Let no inan vote for him who expects to obtain public money by fraud and false pretense, for it is not from Cleveland that such can hope to obtain aid and coinfort, however confidently they may expect it from the Harrisons and tho Raums. -St. Louis Republic. Cleveland Acaln.t Ilnreauorner. Do the people of this country wish to go on with no more control over their officeholders than they have now? If they do they will support Harrison, who stands for less control over officeholders by the people; for more control over the people by the officeholders. His supporters will not deny that ho represents this. After his record, culminating in the packing of the Minneapolis convention with his officeholders, it is undeniable. Tho Democratic party has always striven to make officeholders servants, , not masters, of tho people. And for [ this Mr. Cleveland has striven in his ; work for civil-servloo reform, which, however various the methods employed, always had the same object—that of bringing the enormous and rapidly increasing body of officeholders in subjection to the people. These officers in the Federal civil service alone are now numbered by the hundred thousand, and every year adds to their number. Under the Harrison system they became trained politicians, and the whole object of their training is to enable them to get the bettor of the people; to prevent a free expression of the will of the people; to substitute for it an expression of the will of the offiejholders. No evil of our polities is more crying than this. Unless we can reform this wo con hope for no permanent reform

elsewhere. Popular government and I bossism by Federal bureaucrats are not j compatible, and one or the other must cease to exist Cleveland, Ninety-two. [Air—“Bonnie Blue Flag.”] The Democrats are coming, boys, with Graver at their beat. The freemen of America advance with solid tread; We come to cast our ballots for retrenchment and reform. And we will sweep the spendthrifts out In next November's storm, CHORUS Hurrah! Hurrah! To Cleveland we are true, . And we’ll elect him President, November, ninety-two. And we will send the force bill down, with Mister Lodge in tow. To keep McKinley comp'ny, in November, don’t you know; And Grandpa’s Hat and Benjamin will follow In their track, And they can hold a “caucus” there with Johnny Wanamak! And we’ll reform the tariff, boys, that makes our living high. And light the big monopolies that turn mon out to die; And we’ll resent the insult then flung out by little Ben—- “ Cheap clothing’ for Americans can only “make chaap men.” • » • With Cleveland and Stevenson, with honest hearts and true. We’ll rally round their standard, boys, and we will dare and do; We'll pile up such majorities on “Hat and Rat,” you see. That they will never rise again to fight Democracy' The Democrats are coming, boys, with steady step and free. From every nook and corner of this land of liberty; The South will join the Northern host, the East will join the West, With “victory” emblazoned on the Democratic crest! An Aggressive Campaign. Our Republican friends make a great mistake in assuming that this is to be a defensive campaign on the part of the Democrats. It is to be aggressive in the last degree. We have nothing to excuse or to apologize for. There are , just three issues: | First, the tariff. Second, the force bill. Third, Republican extravagance. These the Democrats mean to press home,neither asking nor giving quarter, i Republican pro'eotlon is robbery. ! The tariff is a gigantic job. Forced , tribute to the tune of a thousand millions a year is wrung from the people to L enrich a favored lass. Everybody is ' fleeced—the farmer, the doctor, the lawyer, the laborer —in order that the I Carnegies may pile up fabulous wealth, j The system is rotten to the core, and it will have to go. I The Force: Bill is a scheme to centralize all power in a self-perpetuating elecI tion machine. If it Is enacted, nothing I short of a revolution can set it asldij. It will raise anarchy in the South and ruin in the North. 'The Republicans are committed to it, and if they elect their ; ticket, we shall have a new era of rei construction morn terrible than the old. It must not be. The people North and ■ South must unite to defeat it. The Republicans found an overflowing t Treasury. They proceeded at once to loot It. If they are continued In power they will squander aU the money of the people and take out a post-obit on the ' national credit. Down with the robber Tariff! Down i with the despotic Force BiiH Down with reckless waste of the resources of the country!—Courier-J.ournal. About Gerrymitnrter*. While rejoicing over the decislqn of the Supreme Court of Michigan, which overthrew the Democratic apportionment of 1891, many of our Republican

■ friends failed to note that the gorryman- | der of 18N >, which shared the same fate, was the woik of th i Republloans. There are a good many other Uepub- ; lican gerrymanders that need the services of a court like tho Supreme Court !of Michigan. Hero is a specimen of the Pennsylvania gerrymander, supplied by the Pittsburg Post: DEMOCBATIC BIRmtCTS. County. Population. Seuators. Borka I'M.Sit 1 Luzerne »1,'203 1 LaokawauuaU'J.CSS 1 Totals 4K).0I» » nEVUBI.ICAN nIBrBtCTS. Lebanen 4H.181 1 Delaware... 74, Lancaster ..11.1,088 2 Totalsan.lWJ 4 Less than fifty thousand people in tho county of Lebanon are represented by a’ Republican in the State Senate, while moue than two hundred thousand in Luzerne have only one Senator, who is a Democrat. The county of Lancaster, with Uss than one hundred and fifty | thousand population, chooses two Senai tors, while Luzerne, with over two hundred thousand, chooses only one. The Constitutions of different States have different provisions with reference to the principles that shall govern ■an apportionment. Hence a gerrymander which appears to have stood the judic.nl test in Pennsylvania would p obably be unconstitutional in Michigan. At all events the gerrymander in Michigan could hardly have been so bad as that in Pennsylvania. Harrison’a Western Trip. As Harrison is going to Chicago to make a speech at the dedication of the World’s Fair grounds he proposes to adopt his usual tactics and make a stumping tour of his trip. He has done this repeatedly. He stumped his way across the continent, and on his return he stumped ’

New England for renomination on pretense that he was merely visiting it to help dedicate a monument./ He is now making preparations to orate in Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin and as many other Western States as he can get an excuse for invading with his campaign ice wagon. While in Chi. ago Mr. Harrison will be there as President of the United I States, but when he starts upon his campaigning tour he becomes Mr. Harrison, the candidate, a political aspirant working for his individual advancement. There he the active parlisan and open to the opposition which his position invites. In this connection it is naturally recalled that one Andrew Johnson visited Chicago some years ago and assisted at laying the corner s one of a monument erected to the memory of the late Stephen A. Douglas. From that point he began his famous “swing around the circle.” Mr. Harrison will also swing around the circle, and it is conceded on, every hand that ho has a discouraging contract before him. There was a time when-the entire Northwest could be counted upon with perfect confidence by the g. o. p. It was in line year in and year out, always reliable and' never estimated as even debatable ground. Since then, says the Detroit Free Press, there has been a marked change, and the situation which confronts Candidate Harrison is not an inviting one. Should ho visit Wisconsin he will find there a Democratic Governor and a pronounced Democratic sentiment. In Minnesota he will encounter a condition of affairs whicli induced the Republicans to nominate an out-and-out tariff-reform man because they did not dare take chances with one indorsing the McKinley iniquity as upheld in the national plat!orm of th<* party. In lowa ft a Democratic Governor with a following that disheartens an opposition which once boasted of an overwhelming majority. In Kansas there is a deplorable state of affairs, and should Candidate Harrison reach South Dakota, admitted to the sisterhood of States with a view of strengthening his party, he will realI ize how fallible is man’s judgement in dealing with an unknown Western quantity. Let the candidate visit Michigan. Here he will strike a Democratic administration, a hopeless division of his own party and a confidence among the Cleveland following that will still further chill the austere statesman from Hoosierdom. It Is a desperate situation that induces Candidate Harrison to attempt the proposed swing: and should he fail to make it there will be a disappointment among the Democrats of the land, Ono of London's OKI Cwomnnlnn. The annual ceremony of the trial of ' the pyx has just been observed at the British mint. The pyx is strictly abo ~ and the term is technical y applied to the chest at the mint in which specimens o the coinage are preserved. The trial by i weight and assay of the gold and silver coin of the United Kingdom prior to its issue is mode by a jury of goldsmiths nominated for the purpose by the Lord ! Chancellor. On this occasion the test included 4,297 sample sovereigns and i £420 in -silver, represent.ng u total coinage of $25,000,000.—New York World. _ When your neighbor" comes home in a hack at 3 in the morning, and you suggest to your wife that perhaps he has been out of town, she merely remarks that it is but natural for you mou to stand up for one another. - Catebpillabs from six inches to a ■ foot long are common in the vi. inity of the Darling River, Australia. The natives twist them tog ther and boll them in kangaroo grease, which is sai l to make a palatable dish. Majob McKinley is always ready to defend the McKinley pili for $350 and , traveling expenses.

PRICES MADE TO ORDER. THETARIFF LEAGUE AND THE ALDRICH REPORT. How tho Ainoi'loiin Protoottve To rift Longue ••Sliutu Up tho MoKlnloy VrloiM Liar'* and lb® Ahlrloh KoporL-liow Protection Lower. VViigea. The Longue >n<l Aldrloh. We have alrea ly commented upon tho apparent desire of some of our hlghtariff iri< nds to run away from or to discredit that “Leport on Prices" whb h at first they accepted as the handbook of Mobiyleyism. the New York Tribune has untleitnkvn to show that it is untrustworthy with respect to tho wholesale and retail prices of carpets, and Senator F ye. in a speech delivered nt Portland a few duys ago, flatly contradicted the report’s unpalatable figures relating to tho prices of tinware. Now comes the American Protective Tariff League, the most powerful ••g ncyof thio supporters of Mcainleyi in, and publishes a table of prices which are gr atiy at variance with those of the report prepared by Senators Aldrieh, Allison, and Hisiook, with tho assistance of Commissioner t'arrbll’D. Wright. These prices the Tariff League has obtained, it says, from its agents. The League asserts that this table “clinthes tlie lie on the prices liar.” But how will it affect tho Aldrich report. We have prepared the following table of the League’s prices as compand with those oi the Aidrich Senate report lor -the months of October, 18811, and October, 1 90. It should be borne in mind that tho Aldrich report figures are not the prices themselves, but representations of them by percentages, wnilo the League professes to give the prices in dollars and cents. The Aldrich report represents the average price of an article in Juno, 1889, by the number 100, and then shows declines or advances thereaiter by percentage deductions or additions. ALDIIICH BBPORT. October, October, IbSO. 1890. Starch, laundry, wholesaleloo.ra 145.99 Starch, laundry, retaillUo.24 103.19 TABirr LEAGUE. Starch, p0und1.0969 1.0843 ALDBICH BEPOBT. Linen, toweling, wholesale....tuo.oo 103.56 Linen, tablecloth, wholesale.. .110.00 103.09 Linen, tablecloth, retailluo.uo 101.14 TABirP LEAGUE. Linen, yard 1.5913 $.4737 ALDBICH BEPOBT. Axes, wholesaleieo.:x) 114.68 Axes, retailloo.o2 102.88 TARIFF LEAGU?. AxeL 11.00 $.93 ALDBICHBEPOBT. Handsaws, wholesaleloo.oo 101.58 Handsaws, retailloo.oo 99.97 TABIFff LEAGUE. Handsawsl.62 $1.48 ALDBICH REPORT. Tin milk pans, wholesaleloo.3o 105.00 Tin milk pans, retail 99.93 loo.tio TARIFF LEAGUE. Tin milk pan 5.2236 $.1951 ALDBICH BEPOBT. Salt, domestic, wholesale.... ..100.118 107.95 tariff league. Salt, barrel $1.76 $1.53 ALDBICH BEPOBT. Blankets, retailY 99.99 101.22 TARIFF LEAGUE. Blanketssl.3B $3.99 - ’i'he Aldrich report assorts that-tho price of starch was higher by about 45 per cent, at wholesale aud by 3 per eent. a. retail in October, 1890, than it was in October, 18»9. The Tariff League asserts that the price was lower in October 18.0, by more than 12 per cent., or by more than 1 cent per pound. The Aldrich committee procured its retail prices by inquiry in tho stores of about sixty-five cities. in the latest issue of its weekly paper the League remarks that the Aldrich report “places tho stamp of falsehood upon the utterances of tho free-trade press concerning prices.” Will the League suy what kind of a stamp it places upon its own table of the 12th Inst.? “With it” ithe Aldrich report), continues tho League; “you can shut the McKinley prices liar up in a jiffy." But it seems to us that it might be serviceable in “shutting up” the League.— New York Times. How McKinley Makes Democratic Voter*. Governor McKinley tells the farmer of the West that what they need most is : a “home ma ket," such as plenty of big | factories would make. Then ho proceeds to tell them of tho terrible condition of the English farmers, just as if they did not have the biggest homo marki ts there lu the world. Major McKinley may not know it, but the Western farmer is i apable of drawing a conclusion from premises like these. He I can also reflect; and when he sees the New England and the New York farmer leaving his farm, surrounded by facto ies, he shakes his head and says: “I think the Major is off a little on that point.” Then he listens while the Gov- . ernor says that “protection" makes better wages. Again the farmer shakes his head and tellshis neighbor: “McKinley is off on that point, too; I just read a list of 5(1(1 wage reductions in pro's teccd industries since October, 1890." j But (he farmer is conservative and ! wishes to make no mistake, so he sits i still and listens while the high tariff maker affirms that tho foreigners are I paying our taxes by means of the tariff act of 1890. This time the farmer dosn’t take the trouble to shake his ’ head. He merely tellshis neighbor that i “the Major thinks he can fool us on that I j oint, but ho is only making a fool of I himself. Don’t we know who paid the ' duty on sugar and who pays it now on i tin-plate and glass and woolen goods, and all the other things® If I cared as much for the 1 epublican party as I did in 18»8 the first thing 1 would do would be to write to the Natipnal republican Committee to take that follow home and to keep him there until he could talk sense. But I’ve done with ’protection’ to-day, if never before, and I suppose that leaves the Republicans out.” “Protection I" Itobbery.” Here is the advertisement of one of the makers of gaskets, prot cted by a duty of 45 per cent., which has been printed monthly for three years past in the “export edition” of the Engineering

Corrugated Cftppet; \ If J Price *. 1 conu per I II It" I II Konare inch, low 30 per () _ 1 lIJJIrJ Fiill cpuf.dleootmt tor home /A-*-** trad*. . . ©// Lem ew dUcouxji. tap? 'sdZ export trade.

and Mining Journal. With brutal cynicism th s protected manufacturer flaunts in the teeth of the American people his willingness to sell to foreigners at 30 percent, below the price to Americans: Ills ount for homo trade 3U per tent. Discount ’or foreign trade CO per cent. Congress has given Hm the right to rob the American people of 30 per cent., but it cannot authorize him to rob a foreigner. “What are you going to do about it? asked Tweed, when confronted with like pi oofs of theft; and he so nd out in a few months wh n he had to put on a convict'suni orm. But the Kepublican thief Is safe from conylc'ion. Tue publican vqjer believes that robbery Is right, and he “protects” the thief from prose’cutlos i£ th( ’ ,hiol ' P a J 8 or hls “Protection" by liberal contributions to the campaign fund. .1. K. Wilson. H<»w Protection L w rx U litre*. Employers hbver raise ■wageSbecnuse of an increase of profits, and if one ever did so he never acknowledged, the cause. Wages were never ra.sed, and never will be raised, except through a scarcity of labor and the increased demand for it. It so happens that the laboring men have no commodities to sell. They have V nly their labor to sell, and how, under

■ these circumstances, any restriction upon tho exchange of commodities, tho products of labor, can bi> of any benefit to them la a conundrum to aplve which | will require a wiser protectionist philosopher than any we Imvo yet known; I but any ordinary mind can readily comprehend that this power of control ovoi ! commodities and their prices, from . which labor is entirely barred out, can be used to reduce wages by the oni hancement of tho prices of tho things tho workmen need, and in exchange for which they give their labor, and to hold workingmen at bay when tlioy do make efforts to have their wages raised. Under tho operations of a tariff, therefore, labor is positively powerless to oven hold Its own.—F. A. Horw.g. Th. I'roteoted Nhenp un<l the Unprotected Hu». Genuine protection protects; it is the power tu rob tho people. The fool does not know tho difference between genuine mid counterfeit, and is willing to ) take tho counterfeit, green geode, but I ho only gets sowdust. What has protection done for the , farmer’s sheep? His sheep, he thinks, have been “protected" since 1868, but is I their protection genuine or sawdust? While the mills and factories of tho 14,50(1 mill owners have quintupled their output and their profits, have our farms increased tho number of sheep, us they would have done if that industry had been protected—if its "protection" were not u bunco game played upon t:ie farmer? Turn to page 680 of the compendium of the last census.and also to tho “Report of Statlsticon” in the last published report ofjjocretary Rusk (for 1892): Protected sheep la New England—--18602,257,683 18711 1,460,155 18921,241,885 What has protection don " for this protected sheep-grower in Now England? His flock are less in number than in 1850 or 1870. Is his protection genuine or counterfeit? Has ids protection protected or injured him? Unprotected hon» in New England—--1850 :«1,481 1870.. 241,000 1892.337,833 The unprotected hog is not so pretty as the protected sheep, but he Is evidently more profitable. The New England farmer, unable to make a profit of his protected sheep, turns naturally to the unprotected hog to recoup his losses from the bunco-steerer. But it may be that tho farmers of the Midddle States have beaten tho “bunco" men. Let us see. Protected sheep of the Middle States—--186013,259,863 187016,551,385 189213,120,960 Nay, not so. Protection has driven down the number of protected sheep in the great belt of tho Central States over one-fifth. But again tho unprotected hog comes to tho rescue. Unprotected hog of the Middle States—--1125011,094.332 187013,208,783 189926,386,004 How the farmer must bless the unprotected hog that has proved ills salvation and made good his losses from p. election's wool bunco! Perhaps he does, but no one has heard him yet. He thinks that protection has been good for Southern sheep, if not for Northern. Has it? Protected sheep in Southern States—--1350.. S.lW.it'tt 1870 ...3,929,131 1892 3,573,979 Ruined by the civil war, with half its farms uncultivated, it had more sheep in 1870 when the blight of protection fell upon it than it has now. But the unprotected hog that saved the Northern farmer has saved the Southern planter. Unprotected hog in the Southern States—--1850 18,003,494 1870: 9,673,868 189214,904,634 The civil war reduced the sheep and hogs ono-hoif. Peace without protectection has nearly restored the number of its unprotected bogs, and peace with protection has still further reduced the number of its protected sheep. Protection has been a little less destructive than war to the sheep industry. Every section alike has felt the baleful effects of the protection wool bunco. Let us bring the totals together: Protected sheep in the United States*— 1860 21,084,075 1870'.21,923,644 1892 ■ 17,936,844 Unprotected hogs of the United States—--1860 26,450,307 1870 22,123,631 189240,625,461 •This summary includes lowa and Missouri, and all States east of tho Mississippi, expopt Wisconsin. Protection tells its own story whenever a man stops for a moment to investigate the lies of the bunco-steerers. ♦ The United States, tn 1850 hod just come into possession of an immense territory specially “designe I” by Nature for sheep-raising. On this far Western territory the number of sheep has increased laraely; in the North, South, and East it has shrank like a woolen shirt that cost $3.50 and was 72 per cent, shoddy. The protection bunco-steerer hus given the farmer the totals, and attributed the increase in the territories to protection. T.E. Wilson. Where Wage" Are Lowest. The New York Press tariff picture of August 20 concerns wages of railway employes. Th§ press says: “The late Mr. Grierson, of the Great Western Railway of England, collected statistics of (he wages of railway labor in the principal countries of Europe. The range of w ges in England was from thirty shillings or $7.50 down to eighteen shilling or $4.50 a week. If tho Buffalo switchmen, who get 23 cents an hour, were to get their desired working-day of ten hours, even without any advance in wages, they would make $13.80 in every week of six days. Now, why did the Press stop at En- j. gland, or whvdidit begin with r.ngland? We have not Mr. Grierson's statistics, but we would be willing to bet a S2O «Uit of American shoddy clothes against a $lO- suit English of all-wool clothes that the wages of free-trade England are higher there than in any of the protected countries of Europe, and nearly all others have protection. The Press has a habit of comparing wages in England with wages here, as if there were but these two countries on the face of the earth. The comparison is unfair, because the United States is a big and as yet but little developed country, while England is a small, worn out, densely populated country. If the Press wishes to “play fair," it will compare wages in free-trade England with protected France, Germany, Italy, or Spain. These countries are more like England In size, age, and density oj population. But perhaps the Press is trying to hoodwink the American people for still ano.her four -oars. Well, if so, wo have too'much faith in tholr honesty i nd intelligence to believe it can do it; but we will watch its attempt with interest. If the Press wishes tq make some fine tariff pictures, let it contrast wages n six or eight highly protected countries with w.i ges n three br foul so-ealledfrce-tradecuuntrles—England, Be glum, nnd Now South Wales. We dare it to do this! Laziness grows on people. It begins In cobwebs and ends In iron chains. The more business a man has to do he more he is. able to accomplish, for he | learns to economize his time. • ' ■■■: : r -/A?--,