Decatur Democrat, Volume 36, Number 24, Decatur, Adams County, 2 September 1892 — Page 2

■l^ M Ikuwomt - DECATUR, IND. ' g, ELACXBURN , ■ • PtHiLimwa. . *lr_Miriiin - - ■ ■" '* ** ■ jjr r*»s M w For Preddent. GROVER CLEVELAND, OF NEW TORE. For Vic® President* ADLAI E. STEVENSON OF ILLINOIS; There seems to be absolutely no demand for Harrison letters. Mr. Harrison expects Mr. Carter to be the flunkey while he does the driving. , The Washington Post has coined a name for Watson that will stick. It is Peeping Tom. It is capping the climax to make the American farmer pay a tariff duty on seed wheat. In 1887 the pension list required $21,000,000 to pay it, and in 1892 it requires $150,000,000. Mr Porter, Superintendent of the Census, made a mistake when he went into the half-and-half businessCarnegie’s “sliding scale” promises to develop into a,.regular toboggan slide for the party of protection. Still Mr. Harrison has not defined his position on the force bill. Speakup, Benny, or forever afterward live in Indianapolis. McKinley was paid $350 and his ' expenses to make his speech on protection at Madison. In othqr words, the Governor was for that occasion, the hired advocate of the high tariff. In 1866 Western New York farmers received 60 cents per pound for their butter. Now they get 16 cents. The 44 cents is the evidence of their prosperity and the tax upon their credulity. It is no great sin for Mr. Cleveland to be fleshy. There are many very respectable fat men in the country. Mr. Cleveland does not, at least, get his fat by frying it out of the manufacturers. A Republican contemporary thinks that Stevenson's mouth ought to be kept shut. To the Democrats it doesn’t make any difference. Unlike the Republicans they have nothing to conceal. Harrity’s appointment is construed by the Globe-Democrat to mean that none but Cleveland men are to be put on guard. Right; for there are none but Cleveland men in the Democratic party this year. It is amusing...ip see how Republican organs and organetteS jump on Mr. Cleveland for answering corre* spondence addressed to him. What bothers them is that they cannot swoop down upon the letters and gather political capital. • St. Louis Republic: The appropriations of the Fifty-second Congress are $10,000,060 less than the single session appropriaaions of the Reed Congress. This includes the Democratic appropriation for Western waterways. Excluding the river and harbor appropriations, the Reed figures are reduced $55,000,000. The Reed Congress, it will be remembered, did nothing for the Mississippi. The presses of the Government Printing Office in Washington could not be put .to better use than in spreading information as to the true inwardness of the revolutionary force bill which the Minneapolis convention promises that the Republican | party will enact if it* is given the i chance. The people of country are profoundly interested in politics I just now. Let them have all the facts, fully and accurately. Kolb is going to make one more flourish in Alabama politics before he disappears from the surface of events. Because the Democrats wouldn't let him be Governor he is going ahead t/P butt out his small remnant of brains against the Cleveland electoral ticket. It may relieve the pressure on his overwrought feelings and will not. cause serious trouble to anybody else. Alabama is good for a Cleveland majority of 30,000 to 48,000. That car trust has met with a rebuff. Its promoters are recognized as men of more than average business sagacity. But this very fact makes unaccountable their willingness to inform the public of the fact that protected works having an invested capital of less than a million have declared in dividends annually a sum almost equal to their entire capital. These are not facts usually disclosed

to the general public save for the purpose of increasing the value of stock certificates. The protectionists lay down the premises that the tariff not only cheapens the cost of living in America but also advances the wages of labor. This remarkable position forces the singular conclusion that the manufacturers have been operating their mills since the passage of the McKinley act for the sole purpose of benefiting the consumer and without any regard whatever to considerations of personal aggrandizement. ■ Grown enormously rich under a system of robbery disguised as protection, Andrew Carnegie cares naught for his laborers or their grievances. He puts into his own pocket the Ixiunties the Republican party falsely' demanded in the name of American labor. He sees his millions piling up and he knows they will continue to accumulate so long as the Republican party controls the policies of this Government. He was rejoiced at Harrison’s renomination and he hopes that Harrison will be reelected. Cleveland always favored liberal pensions to honorably discharged veterans who had been disabled in the line of duty, and hig administration granted thousands of such pensions, but it refused to grant pensions to the dishonorably discharged, to camp followers and to men who never saw a battle. It would not “reinstate” deserters for the purpose of pensioning them. Hence the deserters, the dishonorably discharged, the camp followers and the shirks are all against Cleveland and all ready to swear that he is “the enemy of the veteran.” Chicago Times: Gov. McKinley believes the Homestead troubles were not due to the tariff. He arrives at this conclusion by a course of reasoning peculiar to a protectionist. He says that Senator Palmer believes the tariff is not responsible for the Homestead riots. This is conclusive proof to the Ohio Governor. By the same rule he would be forced to admit that the workmen at Homestead have a perfect right to employment by the Carnegie company, since that is the opinion of Senator Palmer. But a protect has little care for other logic than happens to fit his case. Indianapolis Sentinel: The Indiana Democracy was never in a better condition to win than it is it present. It is well organized withan earnest, hard-working central committee and an active, energetic chairman, who doesn’t know what defeat looks like. It has a State ticket which from top to bottom could not be excelled, and one so far superior to the Republican ticket that Republicans everywhere are giving it their support in preference to that nominated by. their own party. Indiana Democracy has but one thing to fear, and that is over-confidence. With thorough local organization and earnest work, with all the details carefully looked after, the majority in November will be larger than ever before. The lesson of all of which is, organize Democratic clubs. Senator Aldrich said in his recent speech: “The purpose of the act of 1890 [the McKinley bill], as repeatedly stated by its advocates on this floor, was to provide for the better security and the greater development of American industries, and to maintain the high level of wages then existing in the United States. The claims and expectations of the framers of that measure have been more than realized.” The strike at Homestead has not yet been ended by the submission of the men, but it is so nearly closed that the tariff protects will not quarrel with the Senator. They have, got all they asked and their men have been forced to give up their organization, which even protects admit to have been the most potent factor in sustaining wages in Pennsylvania. 4 A worthy sample of the kind of . lies the Republicans are < initiating to catch the workingman is afforded i bythe New York Recorder in a cartoon. A very flonrishing farh7;4£aJ in a stylish suit of clothes, supposed to be„an American workingman. » asking a ragged tramp, ia> l-d “English workman." whether free trade , doesn’t make clothe* cheaper; and the Englishman replk:- "I don’t know, I don't have any,” Tbeye never was a more inexcu-able falser ' hood, a, the figures show. In J under the protection reg me. the Faverage Englishman had . m y,••</I for him 42jr,un4»of wheat and corn, 1 pound of nutter,' 1 pound of chece«q 1 l-10s of jAund of bacon and hams. 1-100 of a p/ind of Ij ’'pounds of t-a 15| j//*nd». of raw sugar and no refined sugar, 10p../; he import'd 210 pounds Os wheat and I corn, 7 pounds of butter, 5 pound* of. cheese. 16 poondsuf bacon and bams. 13J pound-, of potatoes, 5 potrad* of tea, 54} raw ..sugar and pounds of refined sugar. Wages were in c rea s< : ;1 to a rerna rkafd e also. Now the man who can to buy five times a* moch onder a free trade r<gime as the Engosbrnarc | could buy under a protective regrade | is not apt to be without ctotbee.

WHERE HAS IT GONE? NOW NO SURPLUS IN THE TREASURY. i it Hm Disappeared Under the Adinlnlatratlun or Mr. Harrison — Bepublloan Editors and Republican Slump Speakers 1 WIU Have This to Explain. The Vanished Surplus. i It is a matter of official record that . June 30, 1885, the excess of revenues , over public expenditure after complying with the annual requirement of the ■ sinking-fund act was $17,859,735.84; during the year ending June 30, 1886, such excess amounted to $49,405,545.20, and during the year ending June 30. , 1887,it reached the sum of $55,567,849.54. This, it must be noted, was during the Presidency of a Democrat —Grover Cleveland. The figures are mentioned in the President’s communication to Congress in 1887. Deo. lof that year, notwithstanding the free use of that money for the purchase and retirement of bonds, the Treasury surplus was still $55,258,701.19, and it was estimated that by June 30 next succeeding, which would be the end of the fiscal year, the Treasury surplus would be $140,000,000. It approximated that figure very closely. What has become of that surplus? It has disappeared from the Treasury. The Republic has had nearly four years of administration by the Republican party, with Mr. Harrison in the Chief Magistracy, and the Secretary of the Treasury is compelled to trench upon funds which have hitherto been regarded as sacredly trust funds. President Cleveland remarked: “Os course It is

ONE PURPOSE OF HIGH PROTECTION. I * \ (l * / 11 \ f T/ / ' \ ■

Bring the good old frying pan, we’re going to e fry some fat; 0 Bring a peck of anthracite in grandpa's old white hat. Put the protects in the pan, then we'll know “where they’re at" While we are frying for Bennie. Hurrah, hurrah, for Harrison and Reid! Hurrah, hurrah, while the fire we feedl We’ll make the protects give us all the fat we need. While we are frying for Bennie, not expected that unnecessary and extravagant appropriations will be made for the purpose of avoiding the accumulation of an excess of revenue. Such expenditure, besides the demoralization of all just conceptions of public duty which it entails, stimulates a habit of reckless improvidence not in the least consistent with the mission of our people or the high and beneficent purposes of our Government." The President was desirous that the people should keep their money and not be compelled to pay it into the treasury of the United States. He desired a reduction of unnecessary taxation. But the Republican party came into power, and it results that not only has the treasury surplus disappeared, but that inevitably : the necessity will be upon the next Congress of adding to taxation. Americans are told by subsidy-hunters and treas-ury-looters that it is a great thing to have a government which taxes freely and spends freely, but there is everywhere throughout the United States the old-fashioned, honest feeling that judicious economy, conservation of jo can« to a reasonable end, is the only'ov- r method of managing the revenues ana expenditures of a government. Republican editors and Republican stump orators will have some difficulty in explaining to a hard-headed people how it happens that when’ Mr. Cleveland went out of office there was an ex- > cess in the Treasury of $140,000,000 , there is now no surplus, that there Is instead grasping after funds that ought not to be touched, and that extrava- ■ gance characterizes every branch of administration. They will have to explain, moreover, that by the vicious and . inequitable system of taxation where- • with the federal revenues are recruited, taxation bears heaviest upon those who ' earn little more than will su’pport the bare necessities of existence. Take dress fabrics, for instance; and it will be found that all the velvets and brocades and finer woolens worn by people of means are taxed less, far less, than the simple cheap woolens or mixed 1 fabrics which the mass of mankind in : the republic are compelled by reason of , their lack of means to wear. The mass 1 j of the taxpayers of the United States — and every man who earns Is a taxpayer —is very uneven before the law. De- , elded reform Js necessary. Democracy demands economy of administration ' j and reduction of taxation.— Chicago I j Times. • j Stirred Up the Animat*. Senator Carlisle’s answer to Mr. Aldi rich has stirred up the Republican brethren mightily, and they are not so ’ J content as they professed themselves to • let the Rhode Island Senator’s speech go out as the * keynote of the campaign." , In fact, they now find that keynote ‘ to be decidedly off the proper pitch, and • are trying in various ways to sound it ;, tt', that it will be free from suspicious . j quavers and crackingsT Senator Sher- ' man reverted to the ancient melody in praise of dear goods, and said that Mr. Carifcle’s demonstration that the Mc--1 ‘Kinley Mil had Increased the cost of j Jiving had no terrors for him, inasmuch as he was far from sure that cheapness . was desirable. r Our own Senator tried his mouth at the keynote and took the jxisltlon that r since a large part of the Increase of the . c/M in living • was due to enhanced prices for agricultural products, the ’ McKinley Mil could not be held charges. atls for that advance, because “the prices of agricultural products are not , rttlijr affected by the tariff legislation of IWO," ! ; This Is rather hard on Senator Aidrich, Uncle Jerry and the Tribune, and s their assertions that McKinley had put I millions of dollars. Into the pockets of the farmers. It is hardest of all on the k Aew York Senator, who two years ago developed such a consuming Interest in the farming population, and so emphati icaliy said that the McKinley bill was

- —a- . ..-j= solely for their benefit, that ho was at once dubbed “Farmer" Hlscock. Altogether the Republican choir is produo- ? ing a tearful discord in its efforts to strike a keynote.—New York Evening Post. A Republican Rum. i In \reoent number of Harper’s Woeki ly is an editorial article which sots forth what are claimed to ba tho true origin and motive of contemporary reciprocity. Mr. Blaine io credited with first starting t a movement in that direction, though i some ridiculous claims have been made ; for President Harrison in that behalf. > As early as 1888 Mr. Blaine and other ; distinguished Republican leaders saw , that public sentiment on tho tariff , question was running against their , party. Large numbers were dissatis- . fled, not alone with the burden imposed > by tariff upon tho cost of living and of r manufacture, but with the barriers I which it erected against foreign trade. > Mr. Blaine shrewdly grasped the sltua- , tion and endeavored to meet this chongt ing public sentiment without appearing t to sacrifice the doctrine of protection 1 upon which the Republican party had I staked its claim to a retention In power, i His methods of accomplishing this, i says the Weekly, were “to extend the . area of that absolute free trade which . prevails within tho wide limits of the t United States over the two American . continents." In this thought the'pani American Congress had its origin, and i the scheme proved a failure. This was t not due so much to inherent defects of > the plan as .to the diversity of opinions i prevailing in the countries which the I great commercial union was meant to t embrace, and to the difficulties of dli verting trade from its natural eastern

Put them In the frying pan in little "blocks of five," While Dudley gently blows the coals to keep the flames alive. Only by snch methods can the grand old party thrive, Bo we are frying for Bennie. Hurrah, hurrah, for Dudley and for Quay! Hurrah, hurrah, for teaching us the way To carry any doubtful State on election t('hll e we are trying for Bennie. I and western channels to those running ! north and south. While disappointed. Mr. Blaine did not abandon his project, and after some spirited controversies secured the insertion of the reciprocity clause In the McKinley a law. Though this established a conditional rather than an’ actual reciprocity, the results fell far short.of what Mr. Blaine had anticipated, but while at the head of the State Department he did all possible toward extending our freedom of trade within the narrow limits authorized by the abortive legislation. As the people more thoroughly comprehend the tariff question, the greater grows the clamor for freedom to the world’s markets, and even the bait for gudgeons thrown out by Republican manipulators might secure returns were it not that the declarations of the Democratic platform provide for what the masses want and what they have made up their minds to have. Reciprocity was a conciliatory move and a virtual admission that the country will not subi’vdt to the manifold evils of a high provective tariff. Big Appropriations. The people do not realize the growth Os extravagance under thirty years of Republican misgovernment. It is easy to increase expenditures and almost impossible to reduce them. Our Republican friends are trying to shirk responsibility for their extravagance by publishing the following table comparing the appropriations of the first session of Reed’s Congress with the first session of Crisp’s Congress: ’ Fifty-first Fifty-second Congress. Congress. Agricultural $1,799,100.00 $3,232,975.50 Army 24,206,471.79 24,308,499.82 Diplomatic and consular 1,710,815.00 1,604,045.00 DiSt. Os Columbia. 5,769,544.15 5,323,414.27 Fortlflcatious 4,232,930.00 2,734,270.03 Indian 7,262,016.02 7,664,047.84 Legislative, etc ... 21,330,752.75 21,899,252.97 Military Academy. 435,296.11 428,917.33 Navy 24,136,035.53 23,543,385.00 Pensions 98,457,461.00 146,637,350.00 Postoffice 72,226,698.99 80,331,876.73 River and harbor.. 25,136,296.00 21,153,618.00 Sundry civil 29,738,282.22 28,000,000.00 Deficiency 38,617,448.96 15,880,593.18 Miscellaneous..... 7,010,905.27 500,000.00 World's Fair bill 2,500,000.00 Permanent annual appropriations .. 101,628,433.00 121,863,880.00 T0ta155463,398,510.75 $507,711,131.64 Here is a fair exhibit of the difference, and it shows an increase in two years of $44,300,000. How is this to be accounted for? The best answer comes from Mr. Dockery, who furnishes a list of appropriations which legislation under Reed makes necessary: ; Appropriations made at this session of Congress or charged under permanent appropriations under requirements of laws passed during the last Congress: Foreign malls, $390,290. Indian depredation claims, $178,252.02. Collecting sugar bounty, $230,890. Increase ot judicialsalaries, SBB,OOO. Additional clerk*under new pension law, $695,420. Mint at Philadelphia. $020,500. Pensions, estimated, $48,000,000, Diplomatic and consular officers’ salaries, $25,000. —— —— Redemption of national bank notes, $9,500.000. Expenses, Treasury notes. $125,000. Refund direct tax, $225,000. Customs, $500,000. Bounty on sugar. $10,000,000. Snag boats, Ohio Elver, $25,000. Colleges for agriculture and mechanic arts. $833,000, World's Fair, $3,291,259. Total. $79,527,602.62. In this way the Republicans force appropriations up and keep them up. The shipping subsidy, the sugar subsidy, claims, etc., are in the form of bills which cannot be repealed or diminished until the Democrate have the Presidency and the control of both houses. If the party will stand together this fall; if every Democrat, North, South, East and West, will do his duty, we will elect Cleveland, have a majority in the Senate and retain control ot the House. With this organisation, Democrats will

i be able to reduce expenses as well as to ■ reduce tho taxes.—-Memphis AppealAvalanche. i . .. ■ — MoKlaley MoriB««e« In Illinois. In census bulletin No. 12 the total real estate mortgage debt of Illinois (exclusive of corporation indebtedness) in force Jan. 1, 1896, is put at $384,299,1 (100. The total of this debt recorded during tho ten years was $870,699,940. Putting the number of acres of land in tho State at 35,000,000 (34,640,560) and the average value at S2O an acre, tho total value of Illinois real estate would be $700,000,006, so that we would have this showing: , Total of Illinois real estate mortgages in less than ten years of high tariff (IKSO-18W)5870,609,043 Total valne of all Illinois land (Improved and unimproved) at t'A) an aore. 700,000,000 Excess of mortgagee over totsl value.U7o.oiw.fHO Perhaps some Republican may object to the estimate of S2O an acre as tho average for improved and unimproved lands. Such may prefer the official figures of the Illinois State Board of Equalization, a Republican body. As used in tho table bolow, they are from the thirty-seventh page of its official report for 1892: Total of Hlinois real estate mortgages for less than ten years of high tariffsß7o,OTO,W Total value of all land (Improved and unimproved) In Illinois in IHUJ at average assessed value of T0.8‘2 an acre. 331,043,920 Excess of mortgages over total assessed valness»l,BM,o2o This, it must be recollected, is exclusive of all debt on land of railroads, telegraphs, and other corporations. So here,from Republican official figures;

Tell the honest workingmen we love them on and all. Tell how Whitelaw recognized the union at our call; Tell them, though they wonder at onr mono mental gall, While we are frying for Bennie. Hurrah, hurrah, for Whitelaw and for Ben. Hurrah, hurrah, ye honest workingmen. Shout with Andrew Carnegie, shout, hurrah again. While we are frying for Bennie. we have the astounding fact that only a part of the real estate mortgage debt of Illinois has in ten years been largely more than dpuble the total assessed value of all land, improved and unimproved, in the State, including all city lots. This is a most astonishing fact, and in connection with it we must protest against the suppression by the Harrison administration of all statistics of foreclosure. This suppression is absolute. The Harrison administration enters all foreclosures as releases under settlement. So that, though we may see that in ten y earslllinois has had home and farm mortgages aggregating nearly three times the total assessed value of all land in 1892, there is no means bf learning how much of this debt has been “settled" by foreclosure and eviction. This is one of the many frauds of the the Harrison census. But it cannot help showing that the number of Illinois mortgages is increasing year by year. The total number of new mortgages filed in Illinois in 1880 was 42,783; in 1889, the last year shown by the census, 86,161 —more than double. —St. Louis Republic. Campaign Committee Induitrie*. The McKinley Republicans of Indiana are not discouraged by the sale of the great Republican tin plate mill at Anderson for a debt of slßl. The operation of the McKinley bill in thus promoting the industry of the Sheriff has not cast them down. The old thresher boiler thatopcrated the works at Anderson is on the market and they are now going to start another great McKinley mill at Ellwood.to be opened on September 15 under the auspices of the Republican State Central Committee. "It will bean all-day meeting,” says the Indianapolis Journal (Harrison’s Home organ) “Provision will be made to feed all who do not come prepared. Arrangements are in charge of a committa chosen by the Republican State Central Committee, consisting of Messrs. Gowdy, Millikan, W. T. Durbin of Anderson, C. C. Shirley of Kokomo and D. H. Tripp of North Vernon. These will be assisted by another committee composed of men from various cities in the gas belt—George Osborn and Jasper A. Gaunt of Marion, Geo. W. Cromer of Muncie, J. T. Neal of Noblesville, J. F. McClure and John H. Terhune of Anderson and W. B. Leeds of Richmond, the last named gentleman being heavily interested in the works. It is expected to n?ake this one of the greatest occasions ever known in Indiana.” In some counties it is not a part of the regular business bf the Campaign Committee to open now mills. It would be regarded as suspicious by investors, and would have a tendency to alarm the fears of capital. But in Indiana in a campaign year everything goes. The Campaign Committee will bring in the orators in blocks of five, and if the mill Is to be a windmill there will be power enough supplied to keep it going indefinitely. The Sheriff will not be Invited. Since his conduct at Anderson he is in bad odor with tin-plated Republicans.—? St. Louis Republic. The Age ot Cut*. Henry Irving, the famous actor, whose face has, through advertisement and Illustration, become familiar to many people, was one day at a seaside resort, when he noticed a little girl looking at him fixedly. “Well, my dear,” said he, “do you know who I am?” “Yes, sir,” was the shy answer. “Well, who am I, then?” “You.are one of Beecham’s pills.” And, indeed, his face had figured In an advertisement of the nostrum. Bbwabb equally of a sudden friend and a slow «nemv. ■... * • '

— ——— TARIFF IS lIOBBEKY. STIRRING speech by congressman SPRINGER. Va Exposes lhe Fraudulent Pretense Hjirrouiidlng High Farin', and Traces ItaspnnslbllUy ft>r l.nw Wages and Open Revolt ol Oppi sssed Labor. An Answer io McKinley. Congressman William M. Springer of Illinois received a flattering reception when ha arose to speak on tho giounds of tho International Fair and Exposit on Company at Detroit. Mr. Springer having made a brief introductory statement, proceeded to dlseu’S national politics, and especially the tariff. He said: One of the stock arguments of the protectionists Is that under the system of protection which has prevailed In this country for more than a quarter of a century our country has been brought to the front rank in agriculture. In mining, and in manufactures. If protection has accomplished so much tor our country and people It must also be held responsible for tho evils which have sprung up under It, and which it seems rather to foster than to abate. Turning to the Bureau of Statistics of the rcasury Department I find that during tl st twenty-live years, while protection h: prevailed in all Its vigor, just as Its frlen<. would have It. a vast srmy of' Individuals. Anns, and corporations in the United States, amounting in number to nearly two hundred thousand, have euccnmbed to the pressure of hard times and have gone Into bankruptcy. Their aggregate liabilities have exceeded 13.300.ixxi.o00. But this is not oil. It appears that tho number of commercial failures increased in l*jl, as compared with the year Ihhu. tho year before tho passing of the McKinley bill, 12 per cent, and the liabilities Increased 27 tier cent. The McKinley law did not Improve the financial situation. On tho contrary, it seems to have added fuel to the flame. The census bu-

CONORKSSMAX SrtIINGER

reau was requested by act of Congress to collect and make report upon the number and amount of mortgages upon real estate in the United States In ixso. Reports as to only six States have, up to this time, been published by the census otlico. namely: Alabama, Illinois, Kansas. Nebraska. lowa, and Tennessee. In these elx States It was fonnd that there was an average of $91.60 per capita of the whole population of these States of private indebtedness, secured by mort gage upon real estate. If this average ia maintained throughout the Union the whole of such indehtedne s In tho United States will be found to exceed $.V.(X),0c0,000. In the State of lowa It appears that there was $21,000,000 more of mortgage indebtedness recorded In 18x0 than In 1880—an Increase of $2,000,000 a year In that State. The percentage of Increase of mortgage indebtedness in that State in ten years was 75, in Illinois It was 168, In Kansas it was over 200, hi Alabama it was 413, in Tennessee it was 310. In the whole country the interest charge on mortgage indebtedness. at an average of o per cent, amounted to over $315,<xx),000 a year. The people who are struggling under this mountain of debt are the victims o' high protective tariffs. We are a debtor people and onr country is a debtor country. The wealth Is gradually but surely falling Into the hands of the favored few, while the poor are getting poorer. Even in the State of Ohio. Gov. McKinley's own State, the census statistics for 1890 show that the number of families owning their homes Is only 30 per cent., and that 70 Ter cent, rent the houses and homes In which hey live. And in Hamilton County, in which Cincinnati is situated, less than 22 per cent, of the families own their homes. It also appears that in ten connties of that State, selected by the census office as samples, the Increase between 1880 and 1890 of the number of fsmlltes who rented farms amounted to 49 per cent. And this ratio will donbtless be maintained throughout the State. Even in Ohio it seems that under this glorious system of protection the people are rapidly passing from a condition of home ownership to the' of tenants. Protection Makes Millionaires. Protection meshs that all the people, all the consumers of the country, are to be taxed incidentally by increasing the cost of consumable commodities. In order that the few who manufacture such articles may get more for them than they otherwise conld get In the open markets of the . world. It means the taxing of the toiling millions in order to make mlllonatres of the favored few. But how much does this Incidental tax amount to? What, In other words, does protection cost the American people? If it is worth anyttting it must cost something, and somebody or some persons must create the values which this cost involves. The amount which protection secures to the beneflclarks of the tariff must be very irfeat, or there would not be such a contention for it. , I have given much thought and study to the subject, and it is my candid opinion, based upon carefully prepared data and official statistics, that within the last thirty years, during which the protective system has prevailed, the people of the United States have paid, in the increased cost of domestic commodities, by reason of the tsriff on foreign products of like character,asnm exceeding sl6.tx 0(0 OTO. This is In addition to the ss,(xx>,(xxj,<xx> acttuallv received by the Government on foreign products. Every dollar of this vast sum was wrung from the hands of toll and bestowed or wasted on unprofitable Industries. It Is the price the people have been required to pay for so-called protection to American Industries. It does not seem that the lives Os our workingmen have been made sweeter and brighter during this era of high protection. There has been great contention In labor circles. Strikes have been frequent, lockouts the order of the day, and In many Instances private detectives —the Pinkertons—have been hired to guard the mills and factories, and the militia of the States and sometimes the regular army have been called out to suppress alleged riotous demonstrations by organised labor. Strikes and lockouts are the Inevitable results of high tariff. The tariff-protected monopolists, stimulated by greed, enabled to procure labor from all parts of the world and secured against competition by practically prohibitory tariff, are in a condition to provoke strikes, to dictate terms to their employes and fix the hours of la From 1848 to 1880, a period of fifteen years of low tariff—a Democratic tariff, If you please—for revenue only, there were only seventy-four strikes or lockouts of which any official report has been made. There were quite a number of strikes during this period reported, but they were of little or no Importance. Altogether, there were not two hundred strikes and lockouts during this whole period of fifteen years. During the last fifteen years there have been over six thousand strikes and lookouts In the United States. From 1876 to 1880 there are no statistics as to the numberof persons involved, but from 1881 to 1890, inclusive, there were a million persons involved In such strikes and lO An°eftort is being made by the Carnegie Steel Company, a gigantic monopoly, created and fostered by onr protective tariff laws, to reduce the wages of their 3,000 employes 10 to 40 per cent. The rates heretofore paid were not unreasonably high, as Is sometimes asserted. Only a few of the employes and those most highly skilled were receiving good wages. Nearly half of them were getting only 14 cents an hour or $1.12 for eight hours work. Less than 10 per cent, of the employes dwned the houses In which they lived, and those living In the company's houses have been summarily evicted since the strike began. If there was ever a labor contest where the laborers were clearly In the right, it is the one now being carried on at Homestead. The mills are surrounded by the State militia, and the barbarous treatment shown to one of the soldiers by one of his superior officers for an offense which did not reach the gravity of a misaeirieanor under the laws of the State shows that they (the militia officers) are fit Instruments for the work In which they are engaged. «« This contest has attracted universal attention Lorn the fact that early In the strike or lockout a band of private detectives, employed by the Carnegie Steel Company, armed with revolvers and repeating rifles, invaded the State of Pennsylvania, fired upon the crowd of striking workingmen and provoked a battle in which ten or twelve persons lost their Ilves and a large number were more or less seriously wounded. This important Incident calls to mind the contest for Governor of Illinois In 1888, In which the Democratic party denounced the employment In that State of private detectives to perform official functions, in behalf of and at the Instance of private Individuals and corporations. The Democratic candidate for Governor In that contest, General John M. Palmer, now United States Senator from that State, was especially pronounced in his opposition to such employment. He said he wm “in favor of government as strong as the law and no stronger, ns weak as tho law and no weaker.” This is the doctrine of the Democratic party. Wo hold that the officers of the law arc competent to enforce the law, and that the employment of private Individuals to perform official functions, except as tho law directs, is revolutionary and no better tqan mob violence Itself, "Senator Palmer’s defeat for Governor of Illinois In 18R8 doubtless emtsldened th* Pinkertons and their employers to continue their nefarious methods and practices, but thcalectlon in November next. I taut, will i r - '■ . ' . . -

— - C ■ ’ '.’‘J’ teach them n len-on. at least. If it does net pnt a quietus upon their operations. Jto Protection lor Labor. It la said to be an 111 wind which blows good to no one. borne good may vet come out of the Homestead affair. It will doubtless teach workingmen cV'rywhcre that must not depend on the McKinley lew oi tariff Uwe to neour® for them geo I wegcH or ( onatant employment; that a Ko-oallod protoctlon tl J <wfusion and a frund; or. as the •’““‘•.J O'Connell said n 143 when fighting high tariffe In Englond uud Ireland, tho meaning of protection la robbery—robbery of the poor by the rlcbl” ... . _. Uov. McKinley said in one of hie speeches in Nebraska recently: ’Substantially everything which protection directly affects has been reduced In price except labor.” In his next Public addrena will the Governor pleaae toll the country how tho tariff effects labor, oioapt indirectly to rob it of its rightful rewards end to force it to organise for its own protection? There Is no tariff ou foreign laborers— they come in free and at once enter Into competition with American workingmen. The products of foreigners only are taxed. There la no protection in the law for labor. The law furnishes protection for monopoly only. Let the laboring mon learn this great truth and In November next at the ballot-box let them strike off the political shackles that have bound them to tho party of tho Carnegies and other monopollsta. and strike for the right to enjoy the fruits of their own labor. , If any evidence were needed to prove conclusively that tho tsriff docs not lucroase wages it la furnished by the report of the Senate Committee on Finance, submitted by Senator Aldrich, at the close of the last session of Con•*B. Let me read a portion of that report r the heading of "Wages”: "It appears from report of the statistician employed by the .uinmittee that In fifteen general occupations, selected by the committee wages wore threefourths of 1 per cent, higher In September; 1891, than In the three months (June, July, and August) selected as a basis in 1888, and that the wages in the special Industries selected were thirty one - huudredtha of 1 per cent higher than at the beginning of the period.” The McKinley law Increased the tariff on protected articles 28 per cent, on a general average, bnt Its friends now claim that wages have Increased In these fifteen Industries since Its passage less than one-third of 1 per cent. In other words, the laborer In these selected Indnetriee who received $1.50 per day before tne McKinley act passed may now receive \ cent a day more. If tnls statement of alleged increase In wages after the passage of the McKinley bill and by Inference as a result of Its passage were not made by able and distinguished Henaton, leaders of their party, It would be received with soom and contempt and denounced as a campaign lie Invented by wicked Democrate. bn Foreigner. Pay the Tuxt One of the favorite arguments of protectionists, if I may dignify such nonsense as an argument, is that "by the Republican policy tho foreign producers wholly or largely pay the expenses of our government.” Thia doctrine Is often proclaimed by Gov. McKinley, and Is Iterated and reiterated by the lesser lights of the party, by their newspapers and their public speakers everywhere. Before an intelligent audience like this It seems like a waste of time to give any consideration to so absurd a proposition. Suppose It were true that wc In America had Invented a system of taxation bv which we could impose upon the people of other countries the expenses of our own country. How many of you would be willing to accept such a policy? Would you be willing to impose the expenses of our government upon foreigners with the understanding that they might Impose the expenses of their governments upon us? Gov. McKinley and his friends claim that they have already adopted this policy so far as our country is concerned. He is welcome to the delusion, for It is merely a delusion. But In making this claim he concedes too much for his theories, lie concedes that the tariff Is a tax, but claims that foreign producers pay It. It Is Indeed a tax, but foreigners do not pay it. Nine-tenths of tho persons who import foreign-made goods into this country aro American citizens, who purchase such products abroad, pay for them abroad, ship them to this country, pay the freights and the tariffs, the insurance and all commissions and charges of every kind, and sell them to American consumers with all these tariffs, freights, and charges added to their price. Foreign producers, as a rule, know as little about our tariffs and care as little about them as the producers of American products know or care about the tariffs imposed upon their products by the countries into which they are Imported.' But a very slight knowledge of the science of political economy will teach us that the tariff is a tax, whether we realize the fact or not. It is a tax upon consumable commodities, and those who consume the taxed articles pay the amount levied upon them. The Democratic party insists that this tax shall bear heaviest upon articles of luxury and lightest upon articles of necessity; that It shall bear heaviest npon articles consumed by the rich and lightest upon those who are poor. It further Insists that whatever Is paid on account of the tariff shall go Into the public treasury to support the government, and that no more shall be levied than is necessary for the purposes of government honestly and economically administered—in other words, that it shall be a tariff for revenue and not to enrich one class of people, the favored few, at the expense of tne toiling millions. The Democratic party favors a tariff for the support of the government, and not to buildup and foster monopolies. The question Is submitted to the American people. It will be decided at the ballot-box In November. Let the verdict be in favor of Cleveland and Stevenson, a Democratic Congress In both branches, and a tariff tot revenue only. No Mongoose Need Apply. Beware, says a writer In Goldthwaite's Geographical Magazine, of tampering with nature’s balance. One way of doing this is by introducing new animals, as happened when the sparrow was delberately brought from Europe and liberated on thio continent. The latest suggestion is to import the mongoose in order to reduce obnoxious mammals like rats, and also lizards and snakes. The mongoose was taken to the island of Jamaica for this purpose, and has turned out to be a worse pest than any it was intended to remedy. To escape the mongoose the rats of Jamaica have learned to climb the trees and into tho upper stories of houses. “In the last residence which I occupied in the vicinity of Kings- ( ton,” writes an American in Jamaica, “while the mongoose was so common as to make chicken raising an expensive luxury, the rats held nightly high carnival in my rooms, over my bed and through my clothing.” The mongoose in Jamaica will sit by a lizard and eat a mango, and is suspected of an appetite for bananas. The animal is absolutely untamable, its bite dangerous, and its enmity to poultry, cats and small dogs uncompromising. The bringing of any new animal to a continent is a danger* ous piece of business. The Era of the Pistol-Pocket* “I have been selling firearms for fifteen years,” said Jacob Ehrlinger, at the Lindell, “and I believe that more deadly weapons are now bought by civilians than ever before. The heaviest sales are of .22 and .32 caliber revolvers of a cheap make. Now, these weapons are well nigh worthless as means of offense or defense. The ordinary .22 caliber pistol will not put a bullet through a heavy overcoat at a distance of ten yards, and you might put all six shots into a man without disabling him. The .32 is not much better. When a man needs a pistol at all he needs one that can be relied on to knock an antagonist out the first fire, and should get a .44 When one of those puts a bullet into a man he generally quits right there. It does not matter much where you hit him, the ball is so large and strikes with such terrific force that it renders him hora de combat. The knife is not so much 1 used as formerly by Americans. If well made it is a terrible weapon for close fighting, but a man may make a killing after he has been cut hslf . to pieces. The thing to stop an antagonist quickly and effectively is a .45.”—St. Louis Globe-Democrat. —4, A Public School Art League has been founded in Boston, with Mr. Henry Saudam as President and John Lymaij Faxon as Secretary. The object of the league is to supply the public schools, so that from their earliest school days the future generation of citizens shall be Surrounded by objects of the fine arts. The Idea seems to be a most excellent one, and worthy of imitation in i the schools of other cities. ■