Decatur Democrat, Volume 36, Number 22, Decatur, Adams County, 19 August 1892 — Page 2

ff T ——.— f m non* m Ju[ Sucb IP f J^T^jn^OmHSSD I I ffll '1 /Heat Makes an every-day com. ni’n-e M an old-time luxury. Pure and. wholesome. Prepared with scrupulous care. Highest award at all Pure Food Expositions. Bsfc'h package makes two large pies. Awk imitations— and insist on having the NONE SUCH brand. MERRELL & SOULE, Syracuse, N.Y, .

i, Save ; E i i>a Y our f j recslg edrtOwr Nickl djffi I 3 JP fob five cjm;:z WILL Mgr son’s icc was roastl Ladies Vest ffb» - to 100 laat I®.. ■ 1 pair Ladies Hosier r- — 1 air , a $5,000,000, 1 yd. Unbleached plate can 1 yd. Light Calico n-1 pd. Dark Calico worth Ic.* - 1 yd* Cballie worth 6 l-2c. I 1 yd. Ribbon, all colors, worth ' l yd. Delana worth Bc. ’ • t 1 yd. Knickerbocker. js pay 1 yd. Cheese Cloth. in--1 paper prDq. ■ jep up a cam--1 paper-needless ' astles ln Scotr In fact 5 cen' ===== too numerous -d assertions are made P .axers that one is often j know whether they are -mm6 * n deliberate falsification JS' -4ther they do not know any It is a somewhat suggestive fact that the Republicans who are said to “have the most influence over the President" are the very ones who seem to have the least influence over the ’ people of their several States, and vice versa. Another book sold by Tom Carter was “The Royal Path of Life." Tom seems to have found the path. The man who handles the Republican campaign fund this year has struck a highway with plenty of dust in it. Detroit Free Press: The Republicans are showering anathemas thick and fast upon Carnegie, but he is only one of thousands in the party that are firing bricks at the ticket. The g. o. p. has been given plenty of rope and the inevitable result is at hand. _____________ General Fields, of the People’s party ticket, is claiming Texas. There is often profit as well as pleasure in rainbow chasing when it in done by an expert, but the amateur is liable to stump his toe on 150,000 majorities and get stone bruises at the very outset of the chase. Florida Times-Union: The forces of the Democracy were never bettor officered than they are now with Cleveland at their head, and with such corps commanders as Palmer in Illinois, Boies in lowa, Gray in Indiana. Whitney in New York and Russell in Massachusetts. McXinleyism with the mask off, as it stands in its native ugliness atHomestead, is not pleasant even for the high-tariff advocates to contemplate. The false pretenses under which it came into power are swept away and its ‘days are numbered. The era of protection to trusts and robbery of the people is drawing to a close. Mr. Cleveland’s advice to the Jersey Democrats at Acquackanok is good. If every town and settlement will form a working Democratic campaign club, and every member of such clubs constitute himself a committee of one to bring over at least one hitherto benighted Republican, there will be no trouble beating Harrison two to one. Let Democratic, -campaign clubs prepare for business, 'ifJ Chicago Times; Four years ago Candidate Harrison was complaining that the Cleveland administration permitted public moneys to remain Syr.’. in designated banks. The candidate became President. The latest inpntMy statement of the Treasury BgUr/Y 1

*»»»i... dlglng Linn Grove 1 tor " jJ.T. Diwaon, of, ar ° among us m the interest * . 1 ley can „ / lift the inflt 1 ult of special Samuel Roush! th ° Uluflfton were hcrofon . j The eviction Alexander K,mV Mr. Carneglc’y floor with person ’ £JP. prlBC to newspa . . *'Adß been supposea tunulclv no bo«K , people about Geo. Wechfr__flp v ; e i| paid that they were at Blur ml x. t ~ , . „ ,i r yEfrn homes. In tho . ' . what bein the meatottiußi J ’ . ,»Tllgh-tarift cartoons of! he pec I j® homes of workmen in Ivold an it e I®, ~ . , 0 .. the tariff barons? wor6h, £ract«f£ X Kami ii! rt * U

lent ii* jf.a**'- ( <■ nvitc' 1 l >r °P P l McKinley, Vn his e leader, ieech, said: “J/khow of no »n . ore lie su,) J° ct °* of tlpoc'” That Remark is subject ,^. es It depends largely /. 0( which side of the question a f\ r s talking. Mr. McKinley must J^ o the effort to establish the propo.on h’S* l taxes are a national If ~ jssing a bit tiresome himself, and E| tt ; bat sort of clap-trap is certainly i highly enervating to the public. In looking for a campaign manager Mr. Harrison passed over “that bad man Quay,” rejected that Blaine man Clarkson and selected that “common lobbyist” Campbell, who laid down on him, after which that swindlinjfbook agent Carter was called into service. When Brother Harrison starts out to find one good, pious, honest man in the Republican party he experiences the same difficulty that Lot encountered in Sodom. As A result of the high tariff there are several thousand more mortgages on farm and home land in Kansas and Nebraska than there are inhabited houses in those States. This appears from the latest Federal census, .$e the latest Massachusetts census shows that the corporations engaged in woolen manufacturing there pay the average wages of 88 cents a day to their laborers. ' In the face of such official figures as these what argument remains in support of the system under which Americans are as far as possible prohibited from buying their manufactured goods except from McKinley trusts at McKinley trust prices? Election returns show that at the last gubernatorial election there were 845 votes cast at Homestead. Reference to the census shows the population of th® town to be 7,911, and it is stated that in round rumbers 3,800 are employed in the Carnegie works. In these figures will be found food for thought by those Republicans who are looking for some force bill to protect the black laborers of the South. If it is true that more than 3,000 of the employes of Homestead are unnaturalized citizens there will be little faith placed in the theory that the tariff is for the protection of American labor. If the contrary is claimed, then it will be for protects to prove that the 3,000 were not in timidated. In claiming- that the McKinley bill has cheapened the cost of living in this country, the champions of protection have fairly overreached - themselves. In taking the position that the consumer ’profits by the tariff, the protectionists admit, in substance, that the manufacturers would be benefited by a lower tariff. The premises amply admit of a choice between this conclusion or the only remaining sequence that the artisan is maided to render possible a reduc- j tidn in the cost of manufactured I products. But the proposition is absurd upon its very face. The taxes | paid on imports last year aggregated j over $200,000,000. In other words, l that amount of tribute was .levied i upon the people to sustain a measure ; which the protectionists now have the effrontery to claim cheapens the co6t of the necessaries of life. Oh, what a tangled web we weave, When Erst we practice to deceive. St. Loots Republic: People’s party managers in Kansas assert that the Republicans are trying to Dwdleyize the grasshopper State by colonizing it with imported negroes to vote in November. The same scheme will doubtless be attempted in Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri. It can be beaten by thorough organization and vigilance. As new residents cannot acquire the right to vote between now and the election, Democratic workers in each of these States need j only to keep tab on all suspicious new- ! comers and see that none are regis- | tered nor voted. The Kansas plan of' heading off the colonists may be prof- i itably followed by Democrats elsewhere. It is: “Make a poll of every precinct, and get the name of every voter in your precinct and school dis- j trict now at once.” Then appoint competent men to see that nobod; j else is allowed to vote in November, i To do this nothing but organization and systematic work is necessary, i but these two things are indispeniable. J? ■ . Uni.

now/IT WOULD WORK. DEEP-LAID PLANS OF FORCERILL ADVOCATES. Its r»i>[a Wiinlil Enable the Party Controlling tlis Supervisor* nml Oaavasslngfc Hoards to Control the Elections ol tho Whole Country. The Force lltll ami tlie Cities. Aooortllng to the St. Louis Republic tho force b 11 would enable tho party controlling tho Chief Supervisors and j Federal “Canvassing Boards" to control tho whole country. No Congressional j district would bo exempt from its opera- I tlona. Under it tho polls in every pre- ; ijltict ln tho Union would be taken In charge by any Federal administration ! determined to pnrpotuato Itself ln powoj. But while all this Is provided for, ■nodal pains are tnkon to piovide lor fio control of the great citlos. Tho bill Is specially ulmod at half a dozen Southern State 3 and half a dozen Northern [and Western citios. Under it the Hadji leal administration at Washington would tako control of New York, Boston, Tlitladelphia, Cincinnati. Chicago, St. Louis, Minneapolis and St. Paul, Detroit, and other largo cltlos in the North and West, whenever noeossary to do so In ; order to control the States in which : those cities are located. | The bill. It must be remembered, is not necessarily uniform in Its appllca- ! tion. Tho Federal administration takes I control of tho eloetion on the petition j of “100 persons claiming to be citizens of tho United States" In country dis- ' tricts. It is not expected that Demo- ! cruts will apply for f ederal Interference

THE REPUBLICAN SITUATION* The workingman Is ready to throw off the crushing load of taxation, while the Republican opposition to Harrison and the union opposition to Reid are great -weights on the candidates.— Detroit Free Press.

I with elections, and as Eepublicans will ! not apply to a Democratic administra- : tion, provision is made for the Eepublii can administration, intending to control the election, to take charge of such districts, and only of such, as will certainly suffice to decide the result under proper manipulation. For this work city districts are kept In view, and the bill makes careful provision for meeting the requirements of metropolitan conditions. The arbitrary power of the Chief Supervisors, holding for life, and of the ; Beturning Boards whose returns decide ■ the election, applies alike to all locall* | ties. Domiciliary visits by supervisors ' and special deputy marshals, the conI trol of the registration lists, and the | provision for swearing in an unlimited number of special deputy marshals are I made general in their application by the ; bill, but the con'rol of the cities is what | they aim at. Under them both the reg- ‘ lstration and the voting in such cities as i New York, Chicago, and Bt. Louis would be under Federal control, and not only would the elections be thus determined but, to “make assurance doubly sure," provision is made for the enrollment of thousands of Bepublican ward workers in the cities as deputy marshals and poll supervisors. If this bill passes, as Harrison demands that It shall pass, the people of Northern and Western cities can say farewell to all hope of controlling their own elections. Democrat!) and the war. In his speech at Louisville Mr. Stevenson eloquently referred to the position which the valiant leader of the Illinois Demociats, Stephen A. Douglas, assumed towurd the civil war at once on the breaking out of hostilities, in which position he was powerfully and promptly re-enforced by an overwhelming majority of his political followers j throughout the North. Mr. Stevenson I was one of that majority. “I believe i with the great Senator from my own | State,” said he, “that the directest I route to peace lay through the most stu--1 pendous’preparatlons for war.” i The Bepublican party has long claimed I that to It belonged all the cr dit for the salvation of the Union. When this claim was first made the Bepublican leaders who made it knew it was false. But it has been persisted in, reiterated by conj vention after convention of the party 1 and by thousands of Bepublican orators, many of whom never smelt gunpowder, j until it has come to be a delusion which ; many Eepublicans now blindly accept as a fact established beyond cavil or dispute. i In the light of statistics furnished by the records of the civil war no more absurd claim was ever made. These ; statistics show that it was the recruits

'hroo bonier : so irl, and Kentucky, for instance, which polled an aggregate vole for Lincoln la lHDii of less than tio.ooo, sent *230,01)0 soldiers to fight lor tho Union Tho number of Federal solders furnished by tho four goat States of Illinois, Indiana, Mafeaeliusetts and Ohio exocodod the number of votes cast lor Lincoln in those fsta'os in 1800 by nearly 300,000. Her >are seven States which contributed u naif million more soldiers foi r the U nlou armies than they contained Republican voters in 1860. It was not necessary in order tp establish Mr. Stevenson’s, .loyalty during tho war for him to assert, as he d.d at Louisvlllo, that “from the beginning to th t dose of that great ounfllot" he favored tho “maintenance at whatever oost of our Federal Union. ' The fact of his loyalty is well known even to many who have recently resurrected tho long ago explode 1 Charge tuat ho was a Southern sympathizer, a “copnerhcad," during that stormy period from l»8l to 1805. But his positivo and emphatlo assertion on ihe subjoct made at Louisville should be sufficient to prevent another repetition of so baseless a charge.—Chicago Herald. Preach®! £ommunl*m. Tho Republican party has been preaching communism in every campaign in which it ad\ocatod the theory of taxation undor which it demands unearned monoy for Its privileged corporations and promises unearned benefits io those who vote in support of this system of communistic injustice. As a ro-

suit, large numbers of unthinking people are becoming so demoralized that they expect and demand returns for what they do out of all proportion to their earning capacity. A corporation earns $1 in its product and demands SI.OO for it as a part of its privilege under the McKinley^'law, and, making this demand, it insists that thoso who would sell cheaper must be shut out and kept out. Yet when with this example before them; with a law on the books to enforce such demands, the employes of corporations imitate them by trying to shut out those who would be satisfied with smaller profits, there is an immediate howl of “Anarchist” and “Communist,” and the shooting begins. The I.abor Troubles. The labor trouble is spreading. Unless some one can devise a method of conciliation, we may have the horrors of 1877 over agai j. The Idaho miners are threatening even the United States troops, while strikes are threatened in the Carnegie mills. One cannot but feel apprehensive lest the disorders of fifteen years shall be repeated. The horrors of that terrible summer are still vivid in the public mind. Is there no way of allaying the impending storm? Does civilization present no resources? Is it impossible for the Government to raako more amicable the relations between capital and labor? Much of the trouble is due to the importation of foreign notions with regard to social economy. Too few of the immigrants understand what the sovereignly of the American citizen means. They come with the belief that industrial wrongs must be righted by an immediate resort to force. They ignore the importance of j<ho ballot—that peaceful but sufficient remedy for all the ills the workingmen suiler. Tho relations between capital and labor should bekindly. That Is the national law. But they are strained to the point of aetual antagonism. The cause of this abnormal condition must be ascertained. It is for our Legislators to discuss it. It was most gratifying to note the promptitude with which both the House and Senate took action when ihe news came of the Homestead riots. Each body has appointed an investigating committee. The workingmen of the country should perceive in this the way of relief. It is through changes in the laws, and they may secure such changes by eleoting legislators favorable to tneir views, or disposed to consider their grievances fairly. The Democratic party maintains that the commerce of the country is unduly restricted, thereby causing 1 fij-st stagnant and overstocked markets; and second, combinations of capitalists to control the markets limited by the i high tarifT. The Democrats believe that

oouhi have the whole wide earth far a market. The Demoorots believe that the purchasing power of labor would bo vastly lncreasod If the polloy of thoir I party were to bocomo the law of the land. Workingmen, vlowlng the un- ! happy results of Rejpubllean protection jto thorn, should consider that they might find relief If the opposite polloy should prevail ln legislative enactments. , Instead of resorting to flroarms and dynamite (hey should vote to make all , tho branches of Government Democratic.—Appeal Avalanche. Tho Hcinlt In Alithumti* Cleveland carried Alabama in 1888 by a ma.ority of 01,123. Tho Btate election has just occurred ill Alabama and the Democratic) candlj date lor Govornor has been oleoted hy a ma orlty of something Uko 60,000. i Toe election is specially slgniiloontbe- : cause it Indicates the lmpotonoy of the political movement In the South known |as tho Farmers’ Alliance Tho oandl- : date of this organization was a former ! Demo rut. Ho was also put forward as tho candidate of the Republicans, there I being a fusion between tho Farmers’ ! Alliauce party and the Republican party. The canvass has been hot and I t ager, and various prophets of disaster have been declaring that it would be I absolutely Impossible, in tho face of ; such fusion, for tho Democrats to elect | their State ticket. Tho contest has been made undor the most i favorable circumstances for tho : fusion, because tne Presidential question did not enter Immediately into i tho canvass which has just boen closed. I Democratic members of Congress fiom

the South have been apprehensive of the strength of a movement whose weakness is thus signally disclosed. One reason for their opposition to the vote of an appropriation to the World’s Fair rested upon their apprehension of the Alliance, which had pronounced vigorously against any such aid unless it were the policy of the government to loan money ptomiscuously. It may be learned from this result In Alabama that the solidity of the South for the Democratic party and its candidates is not to be broken this year. It never will be broken while the Bepublican party is the chief opponent of Democracy and holds as a rod in pickle the infamous force bill, meaning to give it full efficacy whenever both Houses of Congress and the executive shall be Bepublican.—Chicago Times. Book Agent Carter. T. H. Cakteh, newly elected Chairman of the Bepublican National Committee, seems to have special fitness for conducting a “boodle” campaign. Several years ago Mr. Carter was agent for a book called “Footprints of Time” in the State of Nebraska. At that time, under the benofleent influence of a protective tariff, many Nebraska farmers had placed mortgages on their farms, and Air, Carter Inaugurated a scheme for trading them “county rights” and “exclusive territory” in the book for their homes. Many were token in.— Indianapolis Sentinel. His plan was to take mortgages on farms in oxchange for “exclusive territory” for the salo of his book. As a matter of course, the “exclusive territory” was a gag and valueless, and the skin game was finished by Carter foreclosing tho mortgages and gobbling the farms. Carter, according to all accounts, is a sleek one, and can give odds to Quay, Dudley, and Clarkson “for ways that are dark and tricks that are vain.”—lllinois State Begister. Tom Carteb is said to have mado his start as a book agent for “Footprints of Time, * and to have closed his literary career pedJling “Tho Boyal Path of Life” through lowa. His sudden rise to fortune and political bosslsm indicates that he struck the royal path and made footprints on it in such a rapid gait that time “wasn’t in it.”—St. Louis Bepubllc. s , Carter’s “footprints” have already been discovered out in lowa and Nebraska. But he was only a book agent and not “a professional lobbyist and unfit for it.”—Bt. Paul Globe. The Carter appointment is another of a long series of Incidents that prove conclusively the President’s ability for putting his foot in it.—St. Joseph Gazotte. j

; The Republican Rattle-Cry Clot Ira Vp with Ureal ingenuity tu Befog the ’ Nenae* and 'llekle tha Vanity of tha Victim* ot a Great Conspiracy. ■•American Wage. tor American Work- ! men." The word in tho English language that Protectionists use ofienent is “American." Thoy appeal to our selfish and patriotic feelings by linking together as often as possible “Protection" and “American. On a banner displayed at the Minneapolis convention by the Bos- 1 ton Homo Market Club was the following: Amerloan Wagoe for Amertoan Workmen. American Markets tor Amerloan People. Protection for Amerloan Homee. Is then “protection" tho conservator of Amerloun workmen, markets and homes? Does it keop out foreigners who come hero to compete with Americans and lower wages? Does it make home markots where the American people can supply thomsolves with goods at tho lowest possible price? Does it protect American homes by reducing tho ex- j ponses of running them and thereby en- > cauraging thoir foundation and making It possible to bring up aud educate the i children which are the necessary eequeuco of Amorloun homes? Let us ex- j amino history a little. Our present "protection" period began with tho high-tariff aot of •) uly 14, 1882, and was perfected on July 30,1884—that is until tho genius of McKinley took up ’ the subjeot. On tho 4th of July, 188 s, j boforo real “protection" was a week old,! Congress passed and the President I signed the contraot labor law, entitled ' “An Act to Encourage Immigration."! Its object, as explained by Senator Bhor- | man at that time, was "to encourage, ! facilitate and protect foreign immigra- ; tion to and within the United States." The avowed object was to keop wages down by importing foreigners to tako the placo of American workmen, who were then absent fighting for their country, and who on their return would thus find their jobs permanently gone, unless they could underbid the foreigners whom their bosses had imported. That’s the way our tariff was plauned to work —certainly not much “American wages for American workmen” in it! Laws in regard to “contract labor" have been changed since 1884, but the custom of protectionists ln importing under contract the cheapest and most degraded labor of Europe and Asia has not changed. There has probably not been a year sinoe 1884 when protected manufacturers did not have agents soourlng the old world offering to advance passage money to those who were so poor and miserable that they were willing to make any change. It Is upon this importation of miserable ! wretches that manufacturers often rely | to win when American workmen etriko 1 for American wages. Not that this 1 class of workmen are always or gonerally cheaper, but they aro useful to lower the wage scale, after which American workmen will be taken back into, the mills to work at European or Aslatlo wages alonside ot foreign workmen. This is one explanation of why wages are lower in protected than in unprotected Industries. Tho voluntary immigrant who comos here is an enterprising and Intelligent man who pays his own passage out of his own savings and who makes a good citizen. Such men usually work in unprotected industries, and aro too independent and selfreliant to be hired out ln gangs by middlemen; they do not underbid each other till starvation wages are the result, or live like savages—work their women and children to death. A typioal Illustration of the class of men brought over by protectionists is found at Homestead, Pa.: ‘The total population of Mifflin Township, which tor all praotleol purposes Is nothing more than Homestead, is 11,144, and the total number of foreignboni and native white of foreign parentage is 7,712. Os foreign-born males, 18 years of age and over, there are 1,773; of native-born males of the same age limit there are 1,747. A precise division of the native and foreign born in the total population shows that in the former classification there are 7,525 (78 of them colored), in the latter 3,619." But many of the males over 18 that are classed as Americans are the offspring of foreign parents and in their habits and customs are as mueh foreign as their foreign-born brothers. Thus, nearly two-thirds of the “American” workmen at work at “American" wages in this leading protected “ American ” industry, located at Homestead, are virtually foreigners. It is these who are most difficult to control during a strike and who are guilty of such atrocities as the beating of the defonseless Pinkertons after tho latter had surrendered. Not only do they tend to lower wages in every Industry they touch, but they tend to lower morals and debase sooiety. Next, does “protection” make markets where American people can get tho full worth of their money? On the contrary, a tariff whenever effective always en- j, hancee the oost of goods, increases the cost of living and therefore virtually lowers wages? Prices of. all protected articles are always higher in protected . than ln unprotected markots, whether or not there Is any economic necessity for It. Thus tinned plate, window glass and woolen goods sell for nearly double here what they do In London, because the duty on these articles is in the neighborhood of 100 per cent. When the duty on refined sugar was 24 and 3 cents per pound, granulated sugar sold for from 6 to 8 cents here against from 3to 4 cents ln England: now that the duty is only 4-cont per pound tho price has dropped to between 4 and 5 cents. Often whon goods are made oheaper here than elsewhere our manufacturers utilize their protection and sustain high prices at home, though they sell much cheaper to foreigners. This is the case with axes, saws, agricultural machinery, cartridges, etc. Drawback duties also ; enable foreigners to procure our manu- j faotures nt lower figures than we must | pay for them. Never, under any olr- j cumstanoes, does “protection" increase , the amount of goods that can be pur-1 chased for A certain sum of monoy. I Many of tho leading advocates of protection hold that cheapness Is a curse, that it is un-American; etc.; hence it is not strange that they so legislate that neither our own nor foreign manufactures may be sold cheap here, though both may be sold very low abroad. Protection then makes the worst market imaginable ln which to buy. Now as tothiß“Amerlcanhome"qu« c tion. Just how does a high tariff prot __ American horpos? Is it by encourag —~ tho Importation of contract labor is™: lower the wages of Amerloan lab luliL This might build up some foreign hor f()tle here, but they would occupy theruihnn of American ones. Is it by Increas dcrei the cost of running a home, by mak SU P h dearer nearly every article from wedding outfit to the funeral shro Not a bit of It. Many couples wo establish homes earlier In life If compi tweoi tion were less severe in the labor mar 'cioc and more severe in the goods marl f Not only this, but there would be m llnlv life, health and happiness and lrtio n sorrow In American homes if the or jUon of protection were removed from 1 land. 1 ) In *vory sense, Republican proteoU^' jiifiii

AnVyot’wTiri <1 the “Amerloan system.” >'aa tb era ever a groatar travesty on faota gotten up with greater Ingeuudy to befog tne senses and tickle the vanity of the vlotlms of s great conspiracy? Banator Blisrmiin'* Dotnoeratlo Froollvl' , ties. Senator Sherman la one of the several Republican Congressmen who had to struggle with their consciences when they voted for the MoKlnlev bill. 7 bat his consolenco la not yet fully at oase as regarde tho matter la evident from following, spoken ln the Senate July, 1832: “Indeed, I have no doubt the result of the policy of protection does always bring about some results which would probably not bo desliablo. Tho onormoua development of these Industries lias made the aggregation or v«Bt amounts of oapltal and great corporations. and there may bo moro or lesa danger growing from their ambitious desires and sometimes from their unfairness imi their disregard of tho rights of the poor and of tho laboring man. “There are dozens of articles in tho tariff which, If I myself were to frame a tariff bill, rooking only to the interests of Ohio, I might strike down hsre end thore. I certainly would admit ooal duty freo, and I would admit lumber duty free. I would do a groat many things that our Deraooratio friends want to do; but in a system like this you have to observe impartial Justice to all Interests nllke. If you protect the Interests of Illinois, you must also protect the Interests of Minnesota, and do what is fair all around. A tariff bill, aftor all, we all admit Is a struggle of opposing interests. Every man taken by hlmsolf is opposed to somethlhg in the tariff, if he wants to buy, ho wants to buy as cheaply as possible, and if he wants to sell, ho wants as muoh protection as possible. In the nature of a tariff law there must be some gonoral rule applied to all sections and to all Interests, and the result haa proved oy actual experiment ln the last thirty years that of all our Interest* this protective system is tho greatest and moat. Important of our financial operations. * Hunting tor Wog» A«lv»nes». Republican politicians aro unanimous ln deolsrlng that protection has had nothing to do with tho Homestead wage reductions and tho etrlke ln which thousands there are conocrned, yet they are embracing every opportunity —and thoy are very few—to announce an advanoe In wages—which of course le due to tho McKinley aot. Over COD wage reductions ln protected Industries have been reported, and it will be strange If a few cases could not be found where wages had boen advanced, but the American Economist which has been eearohing high anc( low, has been about as unfortunate a9 ex-Governor Campbell, of Ohio, who has not found a single Inetanoe where wages had been advanced because of the McKinley tariff aot. The American Economist alleges that it has found such cuseß, but unfortunately they are not such as to stand criticism. On July 22, for the third or fourth time, the Economist announced that there had been a general increase ot 5 per oent. in the wages of the employee of the Kings County Knitting Company, ln Brooklyn, N. Y. A man was sent to Investigate t is case. After muoh trouble and search he at last heard that the company was located ln the suburbs of Brooklyn; reaching there he found that the firm had removed to another remote corner ot the same city. At laat he found the great concern ln the top floor of a building. It consisted of three men and ten or fifteen girls. The proprietor, who happoned to be on hand, could remember ot no advanoe in wages until reminded of the Amerloan Economist's announcement. Three of the girls were also seen; each declared that there had been no advance ln wages to her knowledge, but that they were earning lesß than ln previous years. The search will bo continued and It is hoped that more favorable reports may be made, though the outlook Is not promising. Why Don't tho Foreigner* P»y ItT U. 8. Department of Agmcultubk, I Weather Bubkau, V Wbahinoton, D. 0., Eeh. B, IBM. ) Sib: I havo the honor to return herewith House bill No. 3947, appropriating $15,000 to establish signal display et*tionson Middle and Thunder Bay Islands in Lake Huron, which you transmitted to mo for suggestion. This bill is of the sajno general character ae Senate bill No. 296, which I returned to you Decombor 28, 1891, and which appropriated $12,700 for this purpose. The cstimato for this bill was originally made by this office, but since that time a change in tho tariff laws has nearly doubled the cost' to tho Government of telegraph cables. The Government cannot now Import freo of duty, as formerly. Instead of $1,500 a mile, tho estimates should bo inoroased to — 7 miles cable, «t W.Ouu per mile £II,OOO 22 miles land line, at fltxt per mile. . v ..... 2,200 s. Total »0».200 I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, Make W. Harrington, Chief of Weather Bureau. Tho Secretory of Agriculture. Department of Agriculture, I February 11,1802. f Respectfully referred to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce, House of Representatives. I approve the reoommendatii n of Prof. M. W. Harrington. J. M. Rusk, v Seoretary. Facta That Destroy Theories. The workingmen of this country, re marked Senator Haie a few days ago, were never so contented and well paid as now. The total number of lookodout and striking employes throughout the country, says Bradstreet’s, increased last week from about ninoty thousand to one hundred thousand. Everybody knows the comparative value of the two authorities iu these two oases. The American workingmen are ae a rule very comfortably circumstanced in these times, but tho Ma Kinley tariff can hardly bo said to have raised them all into a perfect paradise of contentment and prosjjuriiy.— Providence Journal. Jay Gould’* Conclusion. The general offect of the McKin'ey ilevoland Avenue, CUioagFV ~ v | I inistralor’s Saie of Real Estate* j I ols hereby glvon that in aocordanoci It I order of the Adams Circuit Court the litncd administrator of the estato of Wherry, deceased, will offor for gale U Tuesday , September IS, 189 S ’ n tho hours of 10:00 o'clock A. M. and I -'1 kP.M. of satd day. at the oast door of I . rt house in tho city of Decatur. Ind.. I owing desorlbod real estato, In Adams !, A Indiana, to-wlt: or! h half ot t lie south* nst quarter ol* *■ live (fi). township twenty-eight ffiat §!< Szl «ng( ill km n (IB) oast containing eighty ma) and will bo offered for sale subject to ■“* "*1 go agamst the same In favor of tbs Bid, -13 Indiana rot- tho sum of one thousand i (••-fine-third of all purchase monoy M ,3 <1 above aaitl mortgage to be paid cash fit *1 •d in nlim months and onC-tblrd inolgh- S J rnths from the day of sale, to be «e- S j y » mortgage upon said realty. j r Maun, Attys, * 8MI ™’ M