Decatur Democrat, Volume 36, Number 20, Decatur, Adams County, 5 August 1892 — Page 4

D R PRICE’S

Used in Millions of Homes— 40 ulrs the Standard

Che democrat X. BLA.OKBVB.X, Proprietor. FRIDAY, AUG. 5, 1892, e*? ■■"'" . 1 •"■' J ' A protective tariff to protect tl’.e rich and reduce the laborer is the theory of the Republican party. Harrison’s campaign is wholly in the hands of Federal officeholders with Harrison himself to boss Vein. Raum is convicted by the report ut the investigating committee, but be has been so often and so well »vnvicted that it will not surpise b'in. When Carter takes a look at the 4 xitp tints of time after the 4th of K arell next he can tell us how they differ from the tracks Harrison will make away from the white house. It is amusing to note the evident satis fiction with which the Republican organs not in love with Harrison reiterate the statement that Indiana is the most doubtful of all the states. It is hard to decide whether the plurality against Harrison will be , er in Illinois or Indiana, but as fee i. is been particularly active in Indiana it may give more votes against him than Illinois. {Secretary Tracy’s indorsement for the plan of using the navy for blocks-of-five work may commend film to Messers. Harrison and Chandler, but it will not to people w ho, when they pay taxes to build » ar ships, are unwilling to see them used as Republican floaters. Militia Colonel Streator threatens to tie newspaper correspondents up by the thumbs if they make “treasonable remarks” around j<is camp. It might help the return ci' this brass-buttoned crank to sanity to cut off his buttons, bare the peat of his intellect and paddle him on it. Will the Republicans put a banner across the street with the motto on they had last Presidential election? The Homestead riots will furnish them a better one. Bring in the cut throats of this country and shoot down the laborers if they ask for bread, will be a good one for them. Our Republican journals have teen mute on the question of the labor troubles so far as the laborers are concerned, but have a good word for the protected barons, always ready to show that labor is well paid and the protected millionaire is compelled to struggle for an existence. Such is the theory of the R publican party. The tyrant Snowden, of Pennsylvania, whines like a pup and says he was not consulted in the matter of the punishment of lams, lie lacks the honor and courage to d isapprove of the act. The state of Pennsylvania has no respect for any man unless he has plenty of money. Then he can murder all lie pleases. There is Nothing startling in the news that the New York Republicans are preparing to contest the legislative reapportionment enacted by the last Legislature. They give a long string of alleged reasons why . said apportionment is objectionable. Their real grievance is that the new . «n,\nrtinnmonf iR f lip 0n1y... One, for •20 years or more that did not defraud Democrats of just representation at Albany and in the Senate at ; Washington. s——— The men that have been employed by the Carnegie company at =4l®ffiestead, Pa., are put hi the shops L. where they afe compelled to stay, being under guard, an institution in a free country, “under the best government tbe sup ever shown on” men have been guarded to keep them in the works. No institution, only one, that is protected by the government, that has to have armed jguArdu about their plant to keep

the men they have employed at work, and but few countries will tolerate such a thing as men preparing a fort at their place of business and having men to keep their hands from coming out of their shops and places of work. Only those who have the administration by the throat and can do such acts, in what we call a free country. f e. ” Whenever a Republican convention declares in favor of “a free ballot and a fair count” it means that if the Republicans get control of both branches of Congress and the Presidency they will pass tbe Force bill which puts a Republican bayonet behind every ballot. As Speaker Reed said when tbe Force bill was on its passage in the House, “a free ballot and a fair count” means that “the Republicans will control the ballot box, do their own counting and issue their own certificates of election.” WHO IS RESPONSIBLE FOR HIM? The mill ‘and mine owners of Pennsylvania are, in a great measure, responsible for the presence in this country of the ignorant and anarchistic foreigner. They have bargained for and welcomed him here, in defiance of law,•because'lib will work for a pittance. Shortly he gets his eyes open to the fact that there is small difference between serfdom in this or the old co nntry, and he revolts after the savage fashion of his kind. Then the people who have been paying tribute to the employer for tbe “protection of American labor,” the state’s portion of them must bear still further tax burden to pay the soldiery to guard this deceitful and double-dealing employer from the savages of his own importation. The intelligent, skilled workers, with their desire for arbitration and honest, lawful methods, are embarrassed and handicapped by this foreign and unassimilated element. Verily it is expensive business for the people, of this governmental boosting of a giant monopoly. THE FORCE BILL AN ISSUE. Some of the Republican newspapers undertake to ridicule the idea that the force bill is an issue in this campaign. The force bill, they say, is dead and no attempt will ever be made to revive it The trouble is that the newspapers makthese assertions do not speak by authority. The Republican platform is generally interpreted to favor the force bill. The Democratic platform plainly and vigorously denounces it. President Hamson undoubtedly favored some such character of legislation in bis message to congress in 1889. He is reported to have used every effort to secure the passage of the Lodge bill through the senate. If the republicans do not desire the force bill as an issue they can easily bp rid of it. Let some one having authority declare that the party is not committed to the support of the force bill. Let President Harrison announce in his letter of acceptance that he opposes the idea and if he should be re-elected and such a bill should be presented to him for approval he would veto it. If he will do this the force bill will no longer be a vital issue in this campaign. But until a declaration to this effect has been made by the Republican candidate for president tbe Democrats will insist that the force bill is a prominent issue. Moreover, it is likely to be a winning issue lor them, for on that issue alone the Democratic candidates will poll thousands of Republican and Independent votes. !■■■ —-— r . 7 wy , 77L& WEST IN THE CAMPAIGN. Few Republicans believe that Harrison will carry New York. Some of, them talk of their ability to elect him without New York, but how are they going to do it? The talk of carrying West Virginia for him is moonshine, but even if it were not there is not a safe Republican state between Ohio and Kansas, Many Demosra> believe

that Ohio will go Democratic this year. We believe, however, that it will not. We believe that Ohio, California, Oregon, Maine and Vermont are still safely Republican in presidential years. Ordinary Pennsylvania may be added to list, but there .is no means of telling any thing about what Pennsylvania will do this year. Here in the Central West the Republicans can count on nothnng surely. Indiana is now opposed to Harrison. There is little doubt that there is now in the state a plurality of at least 20,000 against him. The Democratic chances of carrying Illinois and Wisconsin are better than the chances of the Republicans. lowa is at least as apt to give its electoral vote to Cleveland as it is to return to the Republican party. The Democrats will divide the vote of Michigan, and in Kansas and Nebraska Harrison is fighti mg both the Democrats and the Third party people of the Farmers’ alliance. Where then do the custom bouse and postoffice Republicans expect to get an electoral majority? The blocks-of-five system cannot be successfully used over such a territory as this when the people have been educated to such a knowledge of its workings as they gained from the Harrison campaign of 1888 in Indiana, and in the absence of such means of control Harrison is beaten three months before the polls open. THE FINANCIAL ISSUE. Columns of expostulation and explanation do not alter cold facts. And facts are one thing for campaigners of ’92 to handle. In reviewing the administration of President Harrison, the financial management of it alone would be enough to condemn it in the sight of honest men. The Detroit News sums up the various features of it in too concise a for condensation. It says: The e»t criteron of the management of any bus : ne« i* the financial one. When Mr. Harrison entered office, the great question before the country was not how to raise the revenue and meet current expenses, but how to dispo e wisely of a surplus that had been inherited from a foimer administration. Mr. Harrison’s first duty was to place Secretary Windom iace to face with more than $127,000,000 of accumulated cash which nobody knew •that to do with; at least nobody but the Harrison administration, which has shown ; itself equal to tbe emergency. In just one year aft-r Secretary Windom had taken the treasury, $101,000,000 of this had disappeared. On June 30, the end of the present fiscal year, not only had the old balance of surplus disappeared, but there had also disappeared an additional surplus of $247,000,000, which had been accumulated during the three years of Mr. Harrison’s administration, and at the present moment we are confronted by a deficit of about $4,000,000. As the daily dispatches record, the present congress is obliged to continue old appropriations from day to day in order to keep the gov- < rnment running. Now how has this $4,000,000 deficit - been drawn out of $127,000,000 (really $274,000,000) surplus? The mere fact of a deficit does not prove extravagance and mismanagement. The method of it is what tells. Everybody will remember that when the enormous surplus was the ; problem of the day, three principal schemes were proposed to get nd of it: First, sudden and great increase of National expenditures; second, purchase of National bonds; third, reduction of taxation. The better judgement of the country condemned the first two methods and advocated the third. As a matter of fact, the Harrison administration perversely adopted the two bad methods and the very opposite of the good one. The “billion dollar congress,” with its increase of the pension list from $87,000,000 to about $150,000,000, shows how expenditures have increased. The McKinley bill is a story of the .increase of taxes. The treasury books show <hat during this period about $300,000,000 in bonds were purchased, notwithstanding Mr. Windom protested that “it is manifestly wrong to take money from the people for the cancellation of bonds to the saving of only about 2 per cent, interest, when it is worth to them perhaps three times as much in their business.” If Mr. Win dom’s statement is good doctrine, the poultry has already lost $25,000,000 by the purchasg pf these bonds. This record can oct be explaned away, neither can it be honestly vindicated and by it, the Harrison administration and the party of it deserves to be retired. DOUBTFUL DISTRICTS. A comparison of a few election returns of 1888 with the registration provisions of the Lodge Force bill throws needed light on the purpose* of that revolutionary and dishonest measure. Jt will be seen that the Republican plan of taking charge of congressional «- well adapted to nulify the votes of white men in the states along tbe north bank of the Ohio river as well as in the South. In ISBB (iovernorFifer’s plurality over General Palmer was 18,547. In 1880 .the the negro nopulatlon-of Illinois was 46,368. It had increased by 1888, especially in tbe southern counties. Assuming, as tbe Republicans claim on general principles, that the negroes all voted the Republican ticket that year, the negro vote in the state more than made Fifer’s plurality, Harrison’s plural ity in Illinois was 22,191, threefourths of which made up of

negro votes. Under the Force bill plan of conducting elections there would be no trouble at all in colonizing and voting in the Ohio river counties enough negroes from Kentucky, Tennesse and Mississippi to offset and overcome a revolt of many thousand white Republican voters. In Indiana Harrison’s plurality was only 2,348 and the negro population in l£Bo, 39,228. So that every vote in that little plurality was cast by a negro, without making allowance for colinization, and Dudley’s blocks-of-five frauds. Indiana is the closest of the three Ohio river states, and the Force bill plan of making Republican votes might be made to work wonders there. In Ohio Harrison’s plurality m 1888 was 19,699, and the negro population in 1880 was 79,900, showing his plurality to be due almost if not qmte wholly to negro votes. With the Lodge plan of admitting fraudulent voters to registration the white voters of Ohio would not soon be permitted to pull their state out of the Republican column, though they should revolt from the Republican party by thousands. The Lodge bill provides penalties for excluding lawful voters from registration, but there is a significant absence of penalty for admitting fraudulent voters to the lists. The Republican party’s resources of dishonesty and trickery were exhausted in framing this bill, the general ideas and principles of which were indorsed by the Minneapolis convention. CLEVELAND'S PENSION RECORD. In the campaign of 1888 the Republican party made a great outcry because President Cleveland vetoed 524 pension bills. From the clamor they made at the time it would reasonably have been expected that the first business of the Republicans on gaining power would have been to take those bills up and pass them again, but it did not. They were permitted to remain where President Cleveland put them, and the Republican party has thereby indorsed his action. While indulging in all the wanton extravagance of bilhon-dollarism—while seeking for objects on which to bestow the surplus which President Cleveland had saved to the country by prudent and judicious management of public affairs—it did not think it advisable to take up those 524 vetoed bills and pass them. The great love for these mistreated soldiers that it manifested during the campaign was like Mr. Harrison’s “pathos of indignation” in the De la Hunt case—it died out after going into office. And why have net these bills been taken up and passed? Simply because every sensible man knew that they ought not to have been passed in the first place. This passage was an insult to every old soldier. They were of a character that was changing the pension roll to a roll of dishonor. They pensioned bountyj,umpers, deserters, and in some cases men who had served as confederate soldiers. They were hurried through congress without any proper examination of their merits. On one occasion the senate, passed 174 private pension bills in one hour and ten minutes. In some cases they pensioned men who were dead. In others they duplicated pensions. In others they actually reduced pension of the supposed beneficiaries. From beginning to end the president appears to have been the only person who gave the bills any honest consideration is proven by the pension bills he approved. During his administration President Cleveland not only signed more pension bills than all the Republican presidents who preceded, him, but also more than President Harrison has signed. On July 16 the clerk of the house committee on invalid ' pensions reported the number of : pension bills approved under the ' weverai auniinistritioh* ftom~'lßM to dade as follows: 1 Pension bills approved *by President Lincoln, 44; bv< President Grant (two ] t rm«), 536^ Uy President Hayes, 324; by President Garfield and Arthur, 7007 by ] President Cleveland, President ’j Harrison (to date), 1,399 (or 426 less than Cleveland). That is the record made of Cieve- < land’s friendship to the soldier who ' was honestly and honorably entitled I to the gratitude of his country—2ls j more pension bills approved than 1 wprfe approved by all five of the Re- i piblican presidents who’ preceded I him, in twenty-four years of their - administrations—426 more bills approved than were approved by Ben- j lamin Harrison who followed him Is

This certainly doos not show any hostility to the veterans of the civil war. It shows that the president in pension matters, as in all other business, endeavored to act inaccordance with his official oath in performing the duties of his office—to be just at once to the government and those who made claims upon it. Os the claims vetoed nearly one hundred had been examined and rejected by the pension bureau under Republican administrations, and more than fifty in which applications were pending at the time were afterwards rejected, Nevertheless they were railroaded through congress without examination, and the number of pension bills submitted to President Cleveland for approval—2,349—indicates that there was an object in this wholesale unloading of discredited claims by congress, and throwing on the president the responsibility of passing on their merits, which should have fallen on congress. Mr. Clevelam did not shirk that responsiblity. He never shirked any responsility. And his action gave no just cause of complaint to anyone, as is now proven by the action of the Republican hypocrites who pretended at the time to condemn it A TIN EXPLANATION. The Herald has been unable to understand why the McKinley organs should burst their bellows and pipes over the production of a few tons of tin from the Temescal mine. The McKinley act puts no duty on imported tin ore or metal to take effect before next July. How, then, can the output of the Temescal mine be placed to the credit of that act? The San Francisco Call submits the following explanation: It is only within two or three years that tin mines were supposed to have any value. All the tin plate, which is the raw material or tin utensils, came from abroad. There was consequently no demand for tin ore. But the new tin plate tariff has created a demand tor tin. Tbe MeKinley tariff makes possible the manufacture ot tin plate in this country and there is consequently a demand for tin. So there is no demand for tin ore, or metal tin, in this country before the McKinley tariff made possible the manufacture of tin plate. Indeed! But if the editor of the Call will consult the custom house records, as reported by the chief of the treasury bureau of statistics, he will find that “tin in bars, blocks, pigs, or grain or granulated” during the five fiscal years ending June 30, 1891, was imported as follows: Pounds. 1887J29,645,511 1888 81,680,588 1889.,,88,877,287 189034,998,099 189139 677,041 It appears from this that there was a considerate demand for tin metal before the McKinley act was passed. According to Mr. Stewart, the purchasing and selling agent of the Temescal mine, who -‘knows exactly what’he is talking aboutV that mine has produced during the last six months at the rate of 362,880 pounds a year, or less than one pound for every eighty pounds imported in 1887, and less than one pound for every 109 imported in 1891. The increase in the importation in 1891 over that of 1890 was more than twelve and a half times the Temescal output according to Mr. Stewart, One-fifth of that increase alone was more than sufficient to coat all the tin plate that has been made in the United States since the passage of the McKinley act, one sixtieth of it was enough to coat all that was made in 1891, when the increas in importation occurred. During tbe fiscal year 1892 there was again an increase m the importation of tin metal to the extent of about a million pounds. Special Agent Ayer reports the product in the United States for the three months ending June 30 at 8,225,691 pounds, or at the rate of, say, 33,000,000 pounds annually. The quantity of tin required to coat this plate is less than 990,000 pounds, or, less than the increase in the importation for the fiscal year 1892, but nearly three times as much asthe output of the Temescal mine ac-cOTtringto-lire man who knows exactly what he is talking about. From these facts and easy calculations it appears that the Call’s explanation doesn’t explain. When the duty of 4 cents a pound comes to be laid on imported tin next July, the English owners’of the lemescal mine will be able to get that much more for their little output from American consumers, and for that blessing all patriotic Amercans will have to give thanks to

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