Decatur Democrat, Volume 36, Number 18, Decatur, Adams County, 22 July 1892 — Page 4

D B PRICE’S

Used in Millions of Homes —4° the Standaro

®4te gemoci nt X. BIJLOKBUBIT, Proprittor. FRIDAY, JU LI 22, 1892. .Dem.: Democratic Ticket. NATIONAL. For President Doni GROVER CLEVELAND. 6fNew York. For Vice-President Dem.: ADLAFSTKVRNSON. ; of Illinois. CONGRESSIONAL. For Congress 11th district ■Dem.: AUGUSTUS N. MARTIN, . of Indiana. THE STATE. For Governor. : Ik-in : CLAUDE MATTHEWS, of Vermillion. For Leiutenant-Governor, •Dem.: MORTIMER NYE, ; of Laporte. For Secretary of State, •Dem.: WILLIAM « MYkKS, . of Madison. •' For Auditor of State, : Dem • J. 0. HENDERSON, of Howard. For Secretary of State, 'Dem: ALBERT GALL, ;....": of Marion. For Attorney General, iDom : A. G. SMITH. of Jennings. For Sept. of Public Instruction, ■Dem: H. D. VOIMES. • ; of Johnson. For State Statistician, •Dem : WILLIAM A. PEELE, . of Randolph. For Reporter Supremo Court, ;Dem : S. R. MtXIN, : of Fulton. Judge Supreme Court. 2d District, Dem : JEPTHA D. NEW, ; of Jennings. Judge Supreme Court, 3d district, •Dom: JAMES McCABE, of Warren. : Judge Supreme Court, sth district, ■Dem : t E. HOWARD, J: . es St. Joe. ■j Judge of Appellate Court. Ist district, •Dem < G. L. REINHARD, :....: of Spencer. : Judge of Appelate Co :rt. 3d district, ’Dem : FRANK GAVIN, • of Decatur. Judge of Appcl.atc Court, 3sl district. Dem THEODORE P. DAVIS, • of Hamilton. •. Judgeot ApndllateCourt,4thdistrict, :Dom : 0. J. LOTZ. ■; of Delaware. : Judgeof tppellateCourt.Sthdistrict, •Dem : GEORGE E. ROSS, ;; of Cass. THE COUNTY For Representative—Adams, Jay inem • and Blackford. : WILLIAM H. HARKINS. For Representative—Adams and Jay. RICHARD K. ERWIN. : For Prosecuting Attorney—26th •Dem’ Judicial Circuit. : RICHARD H. HARTFORD. For Treasure-. ■Dem.: ’ DANIEL P. BOLDS. • For Sheriff, ' Dem ' SAMUEL DOAK. For Surveyor, •Dem.: JOHN W. TYNDALL. For Coronor, •Dem,: OLIVER T. MAY. For Assessor. ■Dem.: ANDREW J. PORTER. For Commissioner—First District. •Dem.: HENRY HOLBROKE. ; For Commissioner—Third District, 'Dem.: SAMUEL FETTERS, Tub McKinley tariff continues to “do its own talking.” He is a bold man, nowadays, who would undertake to talk for it. 11 NOT INIT." BenjamiN HarrisOn WliiTelaw Reid aNd Moklnley Tariff. While the Republicans hold the Senate it probably wouldn’t be — worth while for the Democratic \ House to pass an amendment to the Interstate Commerce law prohibiting under severe penalties, the the transportation of armed bodies of mercenaries from one state into another. That will be in order after the November elections if the Democrats carry the Senate along with the Presidency. ■ - - - Probably the only effectual way to deal with tariff-protected trusts is, as soon as a trust is formed for the purpose of forcing up prices, to place on the free list all the articles whose manufacture, sale or distribution is controlled by the trust. This is l the plan recommended by the Trust subcommittee of the House, and it is worth trying. Benefits conferred by law need to be revoked promptly whenever the privileges of the law are abused. To jlxpect that one dependent upon his daily wages for necessaries ot life will stand by peaceably and mie a new man employed in his

stead is to expect much. This poir man may have a wife and children dependent upon his labor. Whether medicine for a sick child, or even nourishing food for a delicate wife, is procurable, depends upon his steady employment. In all but a very few departments of labor it is unnecessary, and I think improper, to subject men to such an ordeal.— Carnegie in Forum Magazine. Rei’i blicans cannot understand how the Democracy can denounce the Pinkertons after being told that some of them are Democrats. Their hide-bound partisanship will not permit them to understand how a man on “ovr side” in politics can be scored if be enters into unholy combinations with enemies ot the country’s good. Republicans act differently, from the president with his Raum and Egan, down to the pettiest politician in ward manipulation. * And this is why the Republican party grows more and more corrupt. Democrats denounce undemocratic men and measures, inside or outside of the party. A OBJECT LESSON. Within the United States at the present there exists two of the greatest strikes that the country has ever known. One is under a protected and ftc other is under an unprotected industry. Labor is subject to the same conditions in both instances. The conditions at Homestead and Cour d’Alene proves just what Democracy teaches. It proves all tlftit the Democrats insist upon—that protection does not help the laborer and that his situation in unprotected industries is better than in protected, and vice versa, dependent not at all upon the protective tax granted to his employer. Democrats do not believe or teach that there would be no strife, dissatisfaction or contention under a low tariff law. Their only insistence is that this unjust discriminating tax does hot help labor in the least but does give employers undue advantage in the industries thus favored. It fosters trusts, enables a man or number of men to regulate and control prices, to interfere even with the natural law of supply and demand, to which unprotected industries must be subject. As the law does not in any measure fulfill its avowed mission, and as it is burdensome and works generous wrongs and inequalities, the growth of which threatens danger to the republic, Democrats demand its vigorous revision or its entire repeal. If Republican organs would be honest enough to quote their opponents correctly, there would be more satisfaction in enlightening them when they ask it. AB 0 UT “COPPERHEADS." When Hon. Adlai E. Stevenson ran for Congress in Illinois his opponents looked up a lot of affidavits charging him with “Copperhead conspiracy” against President Lincoln. These affidavits were signed by some sort of a detective; and in spite of them Mr. Stevenson was elected and re-elected to Congress. No sensible person paid any attention to such campaign lies then, nor will any one believe them now when the attempt is made to warm them over after so "many years. Some ot the very Radical politicians who ait Jpudest now as they were loudest then to yell “Copperhead” at Democrats were denounced by President Lincoln as “ths foul birds.” and “dirty reptiles” who come abroad in time of civil war. It does not Inirt a Democrat to be called a Copperhead. Every Democrat who opposed the suspension of the habeas corpus and military rule over the Northern and Western States during the Civil War was called a Copperhead. The veterans of a hundred, battles who voted for McClellan were all “Copperheads as far as Radical denunciation could make them so.’ And it has been so from that day to this. If an American oare oppose Harrison’s Force bill, bis Returning Boards and his Mailed Hand policy, then such an American is a “Copperhead.”. « If Abraham Lincoln was alive j k. - •

to day; if he were to assert now as he did in his lifetime that the Southern States had never been ouj of the Union; that therefore they could not be reconstructed by makii.g them military satrapies, he, too, would be denounced as a Copper head, as Andrew .hobnson was de nounccd as a traitor for attempting to carry out his policies and to uphold his views ®f an indestructible Union from which no secession over took place or could take place. By this time the country is pretty well acquainted with these Radicals who want to use the bayonet to reconstruct a State or so every time they feel power slipping from them. Neither their Force bills nor their cries of “Copperhead” will convince the country that they are any better now than when Lane of Kansas and liis delegation listened in angry shame to Lincoln’s scathing rebuke ot their Radicalism. RE PUB LICANS AND THE FORCE BILL. Undoubtedly there are a largo •number of Republicans who are positively opposed to a Force bill. There are others who are negatively opiposed to it, but dominated as it now is by a Radical faction the Republican party is now a Force bill partv; ail d could it secure in 1893 the same powfer it had in 1889. the passage of the Force bill would certainly follow. The success of any party on rhe record of the Harrison administration and on the Minneapolis platform would be construed as a popular indorsement of partisan control of elections to be secured through Federal law and Federal force. The opposition of Liberal Republicans would not count after the re-election of Harrison. He and his faction would construe such an event as a vindication for them against Liberal Republicans as well as against Democrats. From 1876 to 1888 a full third of the Republican party was opposed to a prohibitive tariff. There is. no doubt of this whatever. Yet after the election of 1888 on the Radical E__ . platform adopted at Chicago in that year, the Tariff Prohibitionists declared themselves indorsed, and as they could not control their own Liberal minority, they unseated Democrats and seated Radicals in their places until they had a “working majority” in the House through which they passed both the McKinley bill and the Force bill through the House. And if they were returned to power they would use the same methods, with Harrisons aid, to pass the Force bill, regardless of the opposition of Liberal Republicans as of Democrats. Some of the Republicans who say that the Force bill plank of the Minneapolis platform does not mean a Force bill may be sincere in their belief, but the country must judge by the record. A similar declaration in the Republican platform of 1888 was followed- by the Force bill of the Reed Congress, drawn by John I. Davenport, Harrison’s New York agent, under the supervision of the Harrison administration. Its passage was strongly urged by Harrison in two of his messages, though in the campaign of 1888 no Republican would admit that the plank adopted at Chicago meant a Force bill. Now when a platform made in a convention controlled by Harrison’s officeholders declares that they “will never relent” in their purpose, it is idle to say that they do not mean it. The issue is before the country. The Democratic party did its best to evade it in 1888, to fight it off since 1888. Now it must be met and disposed of. The ro-eleotiofr of Benjamin Harrison will mean that a majority of the electoral college instructs for those it puts in power never to relent until elections are controlled by Returning Boards of Federal officeholders, and until the party in control in the District of Columbia has power to use the Federal army in the States to support the Federal Returning Boards. THE HOMESTEAD TROUBLES. We have almost arrived at the close of the ninteenth century of the Christian era aud we have great reasons to believe that we should be surrounded by an 'influence that would cause the citizens of our enlightened country, such as the United States surely is, to take each other by the hand to settle their differences in an honorable way instead of using the musket to en-

f ircc their ideas. Many arc the opinions expressed in reference to tiiv conduct of the Carnegie firm and the Amalgamated steel workers. Vv o have thought the matter over and like a great many others, we may be bothered by the feelings of prej ndict; but we h ive as-near as possible thrown these feelings aside, and are trying to consider the matter in the light of reason and justice. . We have been able to detect wrong on both sides. To get a thorough understanding of the a person would be compelled to begin with the commencement of the differences between the parties and study carefully the course of each. Surely every good citizen deplores the condition of things at Homestead, but the important question is how can it be settled? There is one thing certain, i o the laboring people are becoming dissatisfied with the treatment they are receiving at the hands of organized capital or monopyly. The more intelligence that is used and the less brute force that is employed to render the decision of the case of Capital vs. Labor the better it will be for all concerned. Capital for many years has been combining for its own welfare. Monied men have dropped the idea of competition and have frozen to combination. Labor, a little in the arrears, have combined with like passions and have accepted the theory that “in union there is strength.” As far as these parties combining for their own welfare is concerned, we have nothing to say. Both have a perfect right to do so. When either resort to arbitrary naeans to accomplish their desires, they error. The course taken at Homestead has caused the two parties, capital and labor, to meet face to face in deadly combat. It seems that the conflict was premeditated aud not accidentalThe Carnegie firm made a proposition to the Amalgamated Association which they were to accept or reject by the 2 ft, hos June. Carnegie expected that this would not be accepted. He accordingly prepared for war which seemed to be inevitable. Here is where the managers criminated themselves and suirely they are responsible for their rash act. Just what right Me. Carnegie had to ursurp the authority of the state of Pennsylvania we would like to know. It has been asserted by many that the Pinkerton men were sworn in as deputies to aid the sheriff. This is doubtful as they were not citizens of the state and could not hold the position. The Pinkertons invaded the state armed, in an open violation of the Constitution of the United States. Carnegie should have done in the start what he was compelled to do later on, apply to the state of Pennsylvania for protection. Instead of relying on the state he usurped its power which falls but a little short of treason. He armed three hundred Pinkertons and inarched them on the Citizens of Homestead. The conflict which followed the attempt of the Pinkertons to land was the most terrible that ever disgraced our country. The course that Carnegie pursued was an outrage on the citizens of Homestead. It well represents the feelings of gigantic corporations who are found in the halls ot Congress begging protection for their Infant industries so that they can pay higheriwages to their workmen. They hug them with one arm through a campaign and in the other hand they hold a slid-' ing scale of wages which runs out in the dead ofa winter in order to freeze their men to their terms. The laborer is all right in refusing to work when he does not like his place of employment. He is justifiable in refusing to work but then he errors when he tries to prevent others from working. There is one fact the Homestead people are compelled to face. The property is not theirs. Carnegie has a right to do what he pleases with his own as long as he complies with the laws of the state. There is no law to . prevent him from hiring nonunion men. These are cold facts and the government is under obligations to protect the z life and property of its citizens. Just the very thing it failed to do at Homestead. If Carnegies property was in danger he should have resorted to different means. Governor Pattison acted wisely. Os course he refused to send troops, when at first called on. If he had sent troops in the beginning of the trouble, he shotfld have sbnt them in time to intercept the Pinkertons Things have gone so faV now there is but one outcome to the whole affair. The stfcte govern'■&i- ■- - ■• '.. E.

ment of course has taken the matter in hands and restored the works to Carnegie. He will be allowed to hire whom he pleases, and will pay the wages he seek proper to pay. Labor will, as usual, suffer in the outcome. Both parties have errored and the state government of Pennsylvania should see that a proper investigation of the trouble is made and it should see that justice js meted out by the proper authorities. The state ot Pennsylvania should show Mr, Frick that it is not weak and that it does not need any of his aid to protect property nor to keep the peace. The Pinkertons must go. They are not needed to take the place of our militia. If the state of Pennsylvania is just, prompt and firm in dealing with this affair, it will command respect and do a great deal toward averting trouble hereafter. There is one course for thelaboringman to pursue to amelorate his condition. He must educate. He must become acquainted with the ways of the business people of our land. He must take up the march of progress and move onward. He must be a man among men and shoulder-his portion of the burdens of progress and not allow other people to do his business, make the Faws by which he is governed, while he simply trusts to luck. There is no necessity in allo wing the shrewed millionaire to legislate for the people. As long as these people are at the head of our government their interests will be cared for, and if the laborer does not like it, he may strike to be called down, by the the government troops. We have laws that must be obeyed, and we do not condemn any effort made by the laboringman to better his condidtion as long as his actions are consistent with reason, and a crime committed bv the capitalist is just as grave as the one committed by his poorer fellow-man. Tfiere is one problem to solve, and a great many of our honored and distinguished statesmen are seeking to avert the real condition of things by indulging in personalities and referring to what we did in the past instead of putting their minds to work on the realities of the present. The problem is a social one and is giving promise of great vexation. DEMOCRATIC MEASURES. When workingmen seek information concerning legislation brought about by the Democratic party, they do not make new political alliances, nor are they easily misled by scheming would-be bosses. Following are some of the measures passed by a Democratic Congress: It was a Democfatic Congress that passed the arrearage pension bill. It was a Democratic Congress that passed the interstate commerce law. It was a Democratic Congress that enacted a law to pension the veterans of the Mexican war. It was a Democratic Congress that enacted a law prohibiting the contract of alien labor. It was a Democratic Congress that enacted a law permitting the incorporation of trade unions. It was a Democratic Congress that enacted a law providing for the redemption of the trade dollar. It was a Democratic Congress that enacted a law for the protection of American fisherman. It was a Democratic Congress that enacted a law prohibiting the employment vs convict labor by federal officers. It was a Democratic Congress that forever settled the electoral count business by giving each state power to say for whom its vote should be cast. . • • » . -cP It was a Democratic Congress that established a tribunal for trying suits against the government, instead of crowding them "into the hands of lobbyists. It was a Democratic Congress that repealed tenurc-of-office act, enacted by a Republican Congress for partisan purposes in violating the constitution. It was a Democratic Congress that restored to the domain 50,000000 acres of land granted to railroad corporations by the Republicparty and unearned. • _ It was a Democratic Congress that passed a resolution to investigate the Pacific railroad which has already compelled the road to arrange for the payment of both prim , cipal and interest on its government bonis. ETE”

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