Decatur Democrat, Volume 36, Number 18, Decatur, Adams County, 22 July 1892 — Page 2

®he gcnwcrat DECATUR, IND. K BIACIBUBN, i • nmuim. CLEVELAND AND STEVENSON. For President, GROVER CLEVELAND, OF NEW YORK. For Vice President* ADLAI E. STEVENSON, or ILLINOIS. •*Oncb more unto the White House?*’ Says Grover; “Well. I’ll go; 1 I think we’ll thaw that Iceberg out Before the fall winds blow.” From .lames G. Blaine to John W. J'oster! Think of it! The Quaystone of the Republican arch is missing this year. Mr. Carnegie has thrown the first brick at the Republican ticket. The back step of the Cleveland band-wagon is already loaded down. The American workingman will not be “worked” to any great extent this year. Clarkson will not steal the subscription list of any of the Prohibition papers this year. The force bill hangs about the neck of the Republican Presidential candidate like a millstone. If Mr. Harrison does not forgive Mr. Quay after that SIO,OOO bluff he must have had a cold, hard heart. J. Whitelaw Reid is the style in which it now appears. Like J. Sloat Fassett, Mr. Reid was known through the earlier period of his existence as •Jakie.” In both of these cases the J stands right out for Jonah. If the Democrats, in 1892, carry the thirty States they carried in 1890, they will secure 357 electoral votes, the Reuublicans will get 73, and the Tanners' Alliance 14. The issues are the same in 1892 that they were in 3890. As Mr, Harrison’s new Secretary of State has not yet threatened to irallop any miserable, skulking foreign power, it begins to look as if the doors of the temple of Janus might be shut and the interior turned into a receptacle for pub. docs. The cheerful assurance of the Republican leaders in a Republican victory next fall is based, so far as it has * basis, on the supposition that in 1890 the people were fools, and that they have been educated up to the beauty of the McKinley bill by paying high taxes on the necessaries,, of life. St. Louis Republic: What right had Plutocrat Carnegie to arm men ■with Winchesters and engage in private war against American citizens? Is this the nineteent|i centufy, or are we getting back to the days of robber barons with their armed retainers? Have we destroyed the feudalism of aristocrats merely to substitute for it commercial feudalism? Detroit Free Press: The vigor with which Republican spell-binders are delving into the records of profane history to find out what they can about Adlai E. Stevenson is ..... ' -s- r-IX:.. . highly amusing. The deeper thay go the more clearly is shown the wisdom of Democracy in nominatfng him as a clean, upright, straightforward man. The whole thing is a device for apologizing for Whitelaw Reid, but ‘ each new development of the searchers puts another scotch under Mr. Reid's wheel. p Des Moines Leader: Every interference with trade is a check on the wheels of progress. ? He who tunnels a mountain, bridges a river, or in any ‘ way removes, any impediment to the freest intercourse between people is a public benefactor. And he who in anyway puts up a barrier to commerce is, a public enemy. The people are beginning to see this, and when they do see it in its fullness they will bury the opponents of a tariff for revenue only so deep there will never be a resurrection. Chicago Times: Republican organs in lowa should be carettft how they Btir up the ire of the People's party candidate for President. It is unsafe to provoke one who knows.so much or Republican campaign meth•ds- If Mr. Weaver should tell all ho knows Os the sources from which he drew campaign funds for his Southern tour in 1880 there might be trouble in the pious camp. Or if -he should, ( tell of the funds flawing ftor General Butler in 1884 from the Jlnance Committee of the Repub

Mean party in the Fifth Avenue Hotel, high-tariff organs might conclude that alienee would have served them better. The Rocky Mountain News (Democratic) refuses to support Cleveland. It will throw Its Influence toahe People's party. When it is remembered that Colorado Is a Republican strong hold, it will be seen that victory for the People’s party as against Republicanism in that State will inure to the benefit of Democracy. •> • There is one tariff journal, at least, which knows what duties are imposed for and is uot afraid to accept the logic of a tariff like the McKinley act. The Pittsburg Chroni-cle-Telegraph says that England has to import a large quantity of breadstuffs and that “any duty it may impose on those imports must necessarily go into the price it must pay for them.” But according to the Republican platform the imposition of the duty ought to bring down the price to the British and according to McKinley it should make no difference to him, because the exporter pays the duty. Carnegie and the other robber barons would look with dismay upon the prospect of Democratic success. As was well said by Chairman Wilson in his opening speech to the Chicago convention: “Whoever may be your chosen leader in this campaign, no cablegram will flash across the sea from the castle of absentee tariff lords to congratulate him.” Such congratulations come only to the nominees of Republican conventions. But while Carnegie and other tariff lords congratulated Harrison and Reid in June, the honest workingmen whom they have deceived and outraged may contribute not a little to the betterment their own conditions by voting for Cleveland and Stevenson in November. Mr. Cleveland has written a letter disapproving of the use of his wife’s name by the Frances Cleveland Influence Club, of New York. He claims that the name is too sacred in the home circle, and means so much to him as wife and mother, that it should be spared in the organization and operation of clubs designed to exert political influence. The sentiment does him great credit, and will be echoed in the heart of every true woman in the land. Besides, while Grover is fully aware of the importance of woman’s co-opera-tion, he knows that the battle of next November is to be fought on other grounds than those of mere sentiment. The tariff’s the thing, and Mr. Carnegie has aroused all the feeling necessary for Democratic success. ~ Memphis Appeal - Avalanche: The Chicago Inter Ocean continues to assert that one-half the legal voters are not allowed to cast a vote, or if they are permitted to cast a vote, it is not counted. Why the Inter Ocean stultifies itself by circulating such a self-evident and clumsy lie we do not understand. If it will refer to the returns for 1888 and 1890 it will see that Harrison got in the Southern States, excluding Texas, nearly 1,000,000 votes, while the Democratic candidates for Congress two years afterward, when the force bill threatened the South, secured only about 1,100,000. Yet there are two. whites to one,, negro in the South, and the great majority of the whites are Democrats. Will the Inter Ocean explain how. in view oi these facts, half of the legal voters are not allowed to cast a vote, or the vote is not counted, when the count in the Southern States, excepting Texas, gives Harrison almost as many votes as the Democratic candidates for Congress received in 1890? There is great unanimity of silence among the Republican exchanges on the subject of the Carnegie murders. When an organ does refer to the matter it is always in an effort to prove that there was no politics in the war at Homestead; that the slaughter at Fort Frick was only the result of a “family quarrel,” in which the public has no interest. Jjuch reasoning is on a line with Mr. Blaine’s famous contention that “trusts are largely private affairs.” Unfortunately for the Republican party, the ordinary run of humanity I is not at home in the specious logic of the high-tariff economists. The people understand facts. Mr. Carnegie is the bright and shining apostle of protection. He contributed liberally to the Republican campaign fund, and he has been awarded large contracts by the Government. He has written articles for the magazines on the beauties of protection. Nevertheless, he deliberately fortifies his works, reduces wages and hires an army of men to subjugate and shoot down his workmen. There may be no logical connection between Mr. Carnegie’s theories and the Homestead war. but there is not time between now and November for the Republican organs to convince the vot- ' ers of the fact. Mr. Harrison is deJ scribed- as extremely nervous over 'j WWht'he calls Mr. Carnegie’s ob- ; stinacy, and well he may be. In the '; Fort Frick murders he sees his own ■‘ defeat and the downfall of protection.

CARNEGIE CARNAGE. (T WAS THE FIRST GUN OF THE CAMPAIGN. the “Protection to American Workmen' Faroe Demonstrate* Ikaelf— Republican* In a Reekie** State of DemoralUatlou—, Three Groat I**ue*. By Ita Fruit*. At the time when the Carnegie-Pinker-ton assassins were shooting down American workingmen at Homestead Benjamin Harrison and various members of the fat-frying National Republican Committee were in session at the M hite House. They were discussing a new campaign in the interest of the protective tariff and its thieving beneficiaries. They were considering the question of leadership, the question of ways and means and the question of public deception. Who was to be chairman? What man among them was most likely to fry the fat out of the Carnegies? What sums could bo wrung from this Industry and thatj What new lies could be circulated to mislead the ignorant and frighten the timid? At the crisis of this interesting council a telegram from Homestead announced that the slaughter had begun and, as one telegram put it, “a deep frown settled on the Prerfioent's face and hie associates eyed eoch other in silence.” There was no more discussion that day. The conference ended abruptly without result, and the questions which it had been called to settle were left unacted upon. And no w6nder. The dead and mangled bodies of American workingmen —the victims of protective tariff delusion and of protective

"* HIGH TARIFF ENLIGHTENING THE WORLD. / —— / i I'-LL Wl but von 'll' 11 -1’ 1 ' 1 "" * ~L J/"' > •’ - THE INFAMOUS TARIFF DECLARES WAR ON AMERICAN LABOR. —Chicago Herald. —-

tariff rifles — would strike speechless ’ even men of greater hardihood than Benjamin Harrison. He knew, and his white-faced associates knew, that in the deliberate judgment of mankind every gaping Ground at Homestead would speak to the moral sense of the world in tones of thunder against the folly and the crime of protectionism. The dead and wounded at Homestead are the fruits of the protective tariff delusion and crime as truly as the mankilling and child-stealing of ante-bellum days were the fruits of the slavery delusion and crime. Every rifl» and every bludgeon used in Pennsylvania was urged by passion aroused by that prolific source of all uncharitableness —the monopoly tariff. It sets man against man. It deceives the laborer and then robs and murders him. It promises a division of its plunder and then reviles the poor dupe who asks that its pledges be kept. It vauntingly proclaims its paternal regard for labor and then answers Labor’s demands at tho muzzle of a Winchester. It employs one class of bread-winners to make war upon another class, and when. the cries of the widow and orphan fill the land, its beneficiaries, financial and political, sneak away to’castles in Scotland or to the fastnesses of the Auirondacks that their eyes may not see and their ears may not' hear! Blood is offensive to nice people. When it is spilled in their interest they prefer to be out of range. The lies of the Ben Harrisons, thp Bill McKinleys, the Torn Reeds, the Joe Forakers, and all the lesser sup- | porters of the tariff iniquity have done . this thing. They knew they were lying when they said the tariff was not.a| tax. They knew they were lying when , they told workingmen that a high tariff made high wages. They knew they were lying wher they threatened the poor and the ignorant with “pauper I wages” if they voted for free trade, j They knew they were lying when they proclaimed the monstrous fatsohool I that the foreigner paid a tax. They knew they were lying when they promised labor any benefit from the tariff that was designedly laid to produce millionaires, out of whose greasy hides they could fry fat. They now slink away to their summer retreats because they know that their lies are all exposed. The election of Abraham Lincoln in 1864 was not more necessary to the cause of American freedom than is the election in 1892 of Cleveland and Stevenson. In the presence of wrongs like these, in the face of villainy such as that of the Carnegies, in the shadow of murder and oppression such as that at Homestead,- there can be but two parties in this for and one against the devilish greed that afflicts the republic like a pestilence, and Is hurrying it at break-neck speed to physical, moral and political death.— Chicago Herald. .•Never Knew Defeat.” In their reckless state of demoralization the Republicans are making all kinds of unwarranted claims with a faint hope of regaining lost ground, or at least making a stand against the over.whelming and exultant rush of the Democracy. Tho pliant minions who forced the nomination of Harrison at Minneapolis are now proclaiming that their leader is a soldier and a statesmen who never knew defeat. It is possible that the memories of these henchmen who use public time and money for Republican campaign purposes are somewhat abbreviated, or their knowledge of the country’s history may be somewhat defective, but judged by the other questionable methods they, are employing, it is but fair to infer that they are trying to hoodwink the people. These salaried shouters are respectfully referred to the annals of 1876, a somewhat memorable year in the conn- . —• •

mm*** ’ ■ try’a record. It is not only recalled as a centennial, but it was the year in which the lamented Samuel J. Tilden carried the country by a quarter of a million majority of the popular vote, and had the Presidency stolen by shrewd political fnanipulatora of the g. o. p. who delivered it to one Rutherford B. Hayes. At that time Indiana was an October as well as a pivotal State. The Republicans were determined to carry the earlier election for the effect it would have upon the national contest to bo determined the month following. The Democrats had selected for their leader a sturdy, honest, level-headed Congressmen whoso sound ideas of economy and straightforward manner of dealing with public interests had not been impaired by evil associations in Washington. He was one of the plain people, a loyal champion of their cause, who came to be known to the country as Blue Jeans Williams. The Republicans pitted against him Congressman Orth, but he had led too fast a life to meet the sober approval of Hoosierdom, and Benjamin Harrison was substituted by the Republicans to make the gubernatorial race. The fight was fast and furious from start to finish. When it was over with, Harrison was laid out colder than the world’s charity. That was the fate of “a soldier and a statesman who never knew defeat." His acquaintance with it will be grealty enlarged in November.—Free Prose. Three Great Issue*. The Democracy derives not a little qomfort and encouragement from the knowledge that, its candidates for President and Vice President will experiehce no difficulty in standing squarely upon the platform adopted by the Chicago

’ convention. Each of the nominees may be said to embody in his own person the cardinal principles of the party, thus establishing perfect harmony between the ticket and the platform. The three great issues which the Democratic party makes in the pending campaign and on which it intends that the contest shall be fought to a finish are as follows: 1. The robber tariff must go. 2. There must be no force bill in this country to overthrow peaceable elections and destroy free government at the South. 3. There must be no degradation of the money standard of the nation. The three gigantic evils which the Democracy proposes to coinbat zealously and aggressively are all of H epublican origin and each is supported, either wholly or in large part, by rabid Republicans or men whose political antecedents were Republican. The iniquitous doctrine of protection was nurtured in the rock-ribbed Republican commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and is- to-day upheld and encouraged by the monopolists and tariff barons oi that highly protected State. ® The idea of the force bill originated in the minds of Johnny Davenport, a New York boss; John M. Langston, a Virginia negro; Albion W. Tourgee, a wandering agitator; Thomas B. Reed, a political despot; and Henry Cabot Lodge, a puritanic • theorist, who are one and all bright and shining lights in the Republican party. In the case of the ebony-hued Langston there may be ' some question as to his “bright and shining” qualities, but the genuineness of his Republicanism is beyond dispute, j The Minneapolis platform likewise i commits tho Republic an party to the support of the force bilL The agitation which disturbs the financial system of the country had its source in the States of I the West which have never given I Democratic majorities and can never be ; reasonably expected to do so. It is palpable, therefore, that the Democracy in its fight on the great questions which divide the voters in this campaign discovers the Republican party as the common enemy at every point. Under these circumstances, every friend of a revenue tariff, of home rule and free . institutions and of honest finance is expected to rally under the banner inscribedCkvith the names of Cleveland ' and Stevenson. Carnegie tn HurrUnn. I There was bloodshed, tumult, disor- , der, oppression, anarchy at Homestead. , But there came no word from Andrew t Carnegie. , The Minneapolis convention named its candidate, and quick as lightning j was the message from Andrew J. Car- , negle at Sunnlngdale, Scqtland, to Ben- , jamin Harrison at Washington: “Tho American people know a good thing when they got it. Heartiest congratulations. You deserve this triumph.” Why was Carnegie thus swift? When in 1890 more than 1,01,0,000 majority of j the popular vote declared against the 1 1 monstrous system of protectioa-run- ' I mad under which the Carnegies become 1 , forty-millionaires and American labor ' I is denied its promised share in tariff 5 ■ spoliation Benjamin Harrison, defying ’ | the voice of the people, officially de- ' 1 cl,'i red to the Reed Congress that tho I McKinley law must stand. ’i Andrew Carnegie knew a good thing I when he got it. _i lienee these swift congratulations to ’ - Harrison. ’ I Hence this pro'ound silence touching t the awful situation at his own iron mills. • I Seventeen and 15 years were the re- • spective ages of a young couple who 1 eloped and got married at Edgefield, S. C., one day recently. i Every pin IS a big one, no matter how ■ - small It looks. ' ~ ♦

SPEAKING FOR ITSELF. I YEA, VERILY MR. M'KINLBY, . THIS IS TRUE. The Robber Tariff Speak* Tkrough the Five Thousand Looked-Out Workmen at Homestead, Pa.—Wa«e Reduction* All Along the Line. Ware Reduction* in Iron Mills. The following, from the Iron Age of Juno 93, 1892, will give some idea of the enormity of the wage reductions proposed by the iron and steel manufacturers and presented in the form of an ultimatum to the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers: The price for bar rolling and heating, 2,240 pounds to the ton, has been out down from 70 to 50 cents on a 2-cent card; for boiling, from $5.50 to $4.50; for rolling common iron on plate mills, from 72 to 50 cents. Put in tabular form some of the reductions appear as follows; HEATING SLABS AND SHINGLING. Hhinullng, 9,940 pound*. Card Rate*— Old rate. New rate. So bar Iron (re-hammered)so.7s $0.50 3o bar iron “ HI .55 2o bar iron (charcoal)B2s* .69t» 3c bar iron “ 1.0 l .89)4 Heatlne, 9,240 pounds, lobar ironso.7s $0.50 3o bar iron 1.00 .70 QUIDS, 10-INCH HOOP AND COTTON-TIE SCALE. 8116*— Old Rate, New Rato. 7-39 rounds and squaress7.63 sr>.7<> 0-39 5.15 3.15 5-16 halt roundo.so 4.36 M and hi 0va18,50 3.90 NUT IBON. Old Rate, New Rate. 97-64x14x1-16519.50 $6.63 97-64x9-64 10.00 4.80 15-32XU 4.70 3,60 19-39x14 4.25 3.10 CHANNEL IRON. 9 inch and upward, banes2.9o $2.18 74x6-16 and lighter.. 7.70 3,60 54x5-16 and lighter 9.50 4.30 T IRON. IHandupwards3.9o $2.40 H 6 4.70 3.50 CLIP AND WAGON STRAP. U 53.30 $2.30 7-16 4.10 2.56 TEN-INCH MILL. H oval »•» M 74x3-16 and heavier 3.90 2.18 It is no wonder that 5,000 men are now out at the Homestead Works of Carnegie, Phipps <t Co., and that many more thousands are on strike in other iron mills. For several years Carnegie and others have been steadily reducing wages, and importing laborers to make reductions permanent. But never before has the situation been so precarious as now, when wages are cut in two and a death-blow is aimed at the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers. These men are making a determined resistance, but their fate is in the hands of the multi-millionaires, who can, if need be, let their mills rot, and live the balance of their lives in luxury on the tariff profits made during the lust twenty years. Neither they nor their children need ever want for either necessaries or luxuries. But the iron workers, they can hold out at best but a few months. Their only hope for salvation now is that the Republican administration shall put its present request in the form of a demand that peace be patched up in some way, at least until after the election, and that no government troops will be allowed to protect imported laborers even while they are at work upon government contracts now in the hands of Carnegie, Phipps & Co. These are the bitter fruits of “protection” which Pennsylvania workingmen must eat. (?onsuiAers Never Petition Concress. The American Economist asks, with a great deal of satisfaction, “will the ‘reformer’ please tell us why the only petition for free wool came from a few selfish free raw-material manufacturers?” and adds as a clincher to this question: "We should think that if the object of the measure were really to provide cheaper clothing for the masses, petitions asking for its passage would have come in from all sections of the country, bearing the signatures of thousands of poor, taxed consumers. But this was not so. ” It might be inferred from the way in which the question is put that duties are charged only at the request of consumers, and not at the behest of selfish manufacturers. Nothing could be farther from the truth. The effects upon the consumer are spread out over so many, and the myriad of those upon whom the tariff bears most heavily—the poor—understand so little the cause of their burdens that petitions seldom, if ever, come from this class. It is those who are to be benefited by protective tariffs—rich, selfish, grasping manufacturers —it is these' comparatively few who petition Congress and send paid attorneys to the lobbies, and who, by bribes and threats, get the duty that will rob each of the 65,000,000 consumers of but a few cents or dollars, but which will put thousands or millions of dollars into thein pockets. For instance the A cent duty per pound on refined sugar is now costing each consumer only about 40 cents per year —so trifling a sum to each that no petition against the duty has ever been presented to Congress, and yet it means an extra profit of $25,000,000 a year to the eighteen or twenty refiners who compose the sugar trust. And it is these latter who have always appeared in the lobbies «nd committee rooms of Congress in opposition to any restriction of duty. It is the fear of this trust that now prevents both parties from removing a duty which produces no revenue. The Demo ratio Ways and Means Committee would gladly remove it, but they believe a free sugar .bill could not pass the Senate and would only enable the Republicans to “fry the fat" out of this trust during the campaign. The Economist knows well enough that this is the regular order of procedure and hence its pretended surprise is only to deceive its credulous readers. At It* Old Trick*. The Iron Age, of June 30, announces another advance in the price of shot of 5 cents per twenty-five pound bags. It was only June 2 that a similar advance was announced, and it was only a year ago that another advance was made. Ten large manufacturers, protected by a duty of 2J cents per pound, have had a trust in shot since Sept. 5, 1890, and they propose to work their protection for all It is worth. Th« whole ammunition business is McKinleyized and trusted so that every explosion helps to swell the profits of some trust. Shoot with paper shells and the Loaded Paper Shell and Powder Trusts are benefited. Shoot bullets or shot and the Lead, Smelters’ and Powder Trusts all reap protected profits. Shoot with cartridges and the Cartridge Trust, which has advanced prices 99 per cent, since it was formed in 1883, takes fO per cent, of the cost of your cartridges as a protected profit—unless you buy the same brands in Canada for z 5 per cent. less. Shoot off fire crackers on the Fourth of July and the Powder Trust will make a protected profit out of your noisy patriotism. Go down' into the bowels of the earth and explode a gallon of nitroglycerine in your oil well and the High Explosive Trust will hunt you up and mend a tariff tax of you. All of these trusts will tell you that this is a free country and a blessed country. <j ••tuning Wage* and Falling Prices. ” The American Economist; the loading high tariff organ, of April 15, 1892, gives the following lucid explanation of how manufacturers can exist in the face of “rising wages and falling prices:" 1 “The condition which exists all around

us—that of rising wages and falling prices—is not un anomalous one, but is the nstursl and logical result of the home competition started into being by the protective tariff, which guards alike ' the interests of the manufacturer, laborer and consumer—of the first, by increasing his total earnings; of the second, by raising the wages received for his work; and of 'the last, by reducing the prices of the articles he buys. “ Buch logical deductions as this z ought to please the most fastidious manufacturer. It should bo repeated In unison by Carnegie’s 4,000 iron workers while they stand idle out of reach of the hot water hose that now holds the fort, Steel Kall Price*. Stories have been in circulation for several days to the effect that there was to be a break in the price of steel rails. J These stories had their rise In the gathI erlng in this city of a number of prominent rail manufacturers. They appeared hero suddenly on Tuesday, <lisappeared mysteriously In a body or Wednesday, and reappeared yesterday, with the result that the alley fronting Trinity Church was full of dark rumors. They were, however, without foundation. The manufacturers, who hold a regular monthly meeting, had converted their June mooting into a picnic and gone down to Sparrow Point, near Baltimore, to inspect the now Maryland mill of the Pennsylvania Steel Company. During their trip they drank champagne, ate soft-shell crabs, and interchanged views on the Iron and steel market, and agreed to maintain the price of steel rails which has prevailed for a year. Stool rails now sell for S3O per ton, and the manufacturers declare that their profits are only of reasonable size. The manufacturers banded themselves Informally together ten years ago, but It was not until a year ago that they formed a cast-iron verbal agreement to hold prices up. They control the situation, and are free from competition. Those composing the combination are the 1111- | nols Steel Company, Carnegie Brothers | A Co., the Cambria Iron Company, the | Bethlehem Steel Company, and the i Lackawanna Iron and Steel Company. The following table shows how the combination hjis been able to keep up the I price per ton of steel rails in the face of a strong decline in the price of p’g iron: 1889. 1890. 1891. 1893. PiC ironslß.oo SI“.HS $15.95 $14.10 Steel rails 29 25 31.75 2.'.99 30.00 The price of English rails, delivered in America (after paying the duty of $13,44 per ton) is now about $35 per ton. i The American manufacturers say their ! profits, at S3O per ton, is only from $2 to . $2.56 per ton. It was said yesterday at the’office of i Carnegie Brothers A Co. that the price of steel rails would remain as at present, B. G. Clark, of the Lackawanna Iron and Steel Company, made a similar statement. “The market is not active." he said. “The six manufactories which control the situation have a combined ! capacity of 3,000,000 tons of steel rails per year. I shall bo surprised it their combined output this year aggregates ■ over 1,290,000 tons. The outlook is not ' bright. The trouble with the railroads i is that they don’t seem to have money ! with which to buy rails."—New York ’ Times, June 24, 1892. McKinley Crop*. The stimulating and invigorating effects of McKlnleyism arc nowhere more marked than they are upon the weather and crops in the United States as com- | mired with other nations. Last year it gave us tremendous crops of wheat, ! corn and cotton and by blasting the | crops of Europe gave us good prices for > i corn and wheat. This year we are j promised a repetition of this same arI rangement. Bradstreet’s estimates that I i our crop of wheat this year, including I 76,000,(100 reserved from last year’s 1 crop, will bo 620,000,000 bushels, Which, after deducting 368,000,000 bushels for seed and consumption, will leave 252,000,000 bushels for export and reserves —about the same as for last year. The next important question is, will Europe pay big prices for this surplus? As Russia has not yet recovered from last i year’s blighting effects of the Mcixiuley bill, and has neither sufficient seed left for sowing nor animals for harvesting, and as a drought in France is doing | great injury in spite of her attempt to imitate McKinleyism), the prospects are that prices will be high. About the only doubt as to this conclusion comes from India, whore fair crops are reported, and from the Argentine Republic, where immense grain crops are reported, which will be exported to com- : pete with our grains in all parts of the I world, notwithstanding that Blaine, j with his reciprocity programme, is re- ; 1 ported to have found markets for “bar- I rels of flour” in this same South Amei- : lean country. Mr. Roswell G. Horr, of the New York Tribune, eaid recently, “1 do not claim '■ that the tariff on wheat in the United i States at the present time will have very I much bearing upon its price, so long as I we export that article largely." The American Economist, another ■ great high tariff authority, expiessetl i this same opinion on March 4, 1892. The modesty of these authorities which prevents them from claiming that all favorable weather, high prices for farm products, and prosperity of every kind is due to protection, should not deter the farmer from making a careful inves- ' tigation of this as yet poorly understood subject. Protection “Forever.” The American Economist, which saya its “readers arc numbered by the millions,” is condu ting an educational bureau to give protectionist speakers and leaders “tips” aS to how to reply to free traders’ questions. Here is question No. 21, with the Economist’s reply: “How long should a protective duty on an article be retained r ’ “Forever. It finally abolishes itself, and as it then harms no one, it should bo retained to guard against fyture exigencies and future dangers.” The Economist should have given a, tew illustrations to make this eeononfio fact clear to a few of its millions of readers who, though they may have equally acute minds, yet are untrained in ecoi nomlo thinking. Perhaps wo can assist ; it. Suppose, for instance, that a farmer has a barbed wire fence in a particularly dangerous place. After it has killed . all of his farm animals that had spunk i enough to run against it with any conI siderable degree of force, it will “then j harm no one," btj-t “it should bo retained ' to guard against future exigencies,” j when the farmer shall have obtained a i new supply of really live animals. Or ! suppose that owing to imperfect plumbing i which allows seww gas to escape in the ; house, the proprietor is bereft of his wife and children; the unsanitary plumbI Ing will then "harm no one,” butnoVeri theless “it should bei retained to guard I again st future exigencies”—9uch as a second marriage might incur. Great Authorities Differ. The American Economist, the “protectionists’ Bible,” said on April 15, 1892. ”99 per tent, of the great fortunes ' that do exist here have been amassed i In pursuits thit are not totiched by the I New York Tribune used to talk ! in this way, and to prove that it really I believed what it skid it some time ago set about preparing a list of the millionaires in this country, classlfied to the manner in which tß«ji M 4ad made the bulk of their fortunes. The list as I completed recently shows that out of ' 4,095 mllliontires 1,176<0we their wealth “ —— ■ ■ *

mainly to protected Industries. Will I the Economist note these figures anil 1 revise its estimates, or will it continue its glaring false assertions irrespective of protectionist statistics? Senator Ve*t'* Ilroa<l*ld*. Tariff items of late are not entirely satisfactory to Republicans who worship at the shrine of “ Protection." The Democrats have boldly declared that the system is a superstition and a sham. Tho ProhlbltloiilHtu have done tho same; and the Alliance and Labor platform' will follow suit. Something must be done to stem the tide sotting in against “Protection." Republicans must not bo content with trying to refute “free trade’Mid “Ocßt den Club lies," but must do some aggres-A sivo work themselves. Spurred on by such sentiments as those Senator Hale* on July 28, concluded to “force the fighting,” and as a prelude to Ids challenge to tho Democrats, he recited that at "no time has so largo a proportion of tho American people been employed at so high wages and purchasing the necessities and comforts of life at so low prices as in the year 1892.” Then he proceeded to shoot at the wicked Democrats as recklessly as a boy with a now pop-gun shoots at flies. After firing blank charges at “British doctrine," “balance of trade," “high prices," “low wages," etc., and triumphantly announcing that “the Republicans of the United States gladly accept the issue presented,” i\e satdown ignorant of the fact that ovbry shot had hit_a hornet's nest. Tariff reformers of late have not been satisfied with mere Iheoreticui reason- I ing, no matter how well founded their j theories may bo. They have taken the trouble to collect some facts to substantiate their claims. Senator Vest happened to have a desk full of these un- * Republican things. He had, in the first place, twenty-one samples of dry goods 1 —coat linings, women’s and children’s dress goods, cotton sheets, corduroys, etc. —prepared by a big New York merchant, showing that these goods, though the foreign price has declined since 1890, are sold higher hero now than then —in some cases 20 per cent, higher. In the second place he had a few facte in regard to the Increased duty on pearl buttons, cutlery, tin plate, etc., and the Increased prices on the sum'. Next he r had a list prepared by J. Hchoenhof, exCftnsul to Tunstall, England, giving the labor eost of producing thirty-nine articles in America and England—the coat In all but eight cases.being lower In this country, in spite of our higher wages. Then he had a list of one hundred tariff trusts, prepared by Hon. John Do Witt Warner, of the Reform Club, and just printed as a supplement to the New York World. 11 also had a list of 250 wage reductions, strikes, etc., in protected industries since October, 1890, prepared by the same gentleman for Reform Club use, and to be printed when completed in tho New York Weekly World. Loaded with these and similar facts, Senator Vest did some cannonading that silenced the Republican popguns. After he had poured out enough of these facts to fill thirty pages of the Congressional Record, and the smoke of battle began to clear away, Senator Hale found courage to say to Vest that they had trusts in England also ami that “Lefors this debate closes, the demonstration will be given to the Senate showing his inaccuracy." Sena’or Vest inquired, “why not give it now’" But Hale’s ammunitlon.was out, and he was compelled to retreat, saying “that was not my original purpose.” Perhaps he wiU bring more ammunition and renew the battle. Perhaps he will prepare a list of 250 Increases of wages In protected industries since the McKinley bill became a law. Perhaps he will write up one hundred trusts m England that have raised prices there—from 25 to 50 per cent.—and that sell goods cheaper to foreigners than at home. Perhaps he will produce several hundred foreign manufacturers and merchants to testify that they are regularly paying our tariff taxes. Perhaps he will bo able to show that we are making all our own tin-plate and that the price Is lower than ever before. Perhaps he will demontstrate that a duty on moonshine would build up a green cheese industry here. Just now, however, he admits his weakness and lack of facts on these points. 4 ' ' New Use for the World’* Pair. The Single Tax Club, of Chicago, has sent a letter to'Geo. R. Davis, Director General of the World’s Fair, requesting that “on foreign exhibits of dutiable goods at the World s Fair the selling price in the country from which, the goods are exported, the transportation charges from point of origin to Chicago, and tho selling price in Chicago be stated separately, so that visitors may ba enlightened in reference to the influence of our present system of tariff taxation and find eut who pays the duty.” Tho Director General will undoubtedly comply with this request, as he, on June 29, notified the Secretary of State that placards giving foreign and American prices would bo permitted on foreign exhibits. Republicans will welcome this opportunity to demonstrate the fact that the tariff tax is paid by foreigners. If these placards will show that a box of window glass that sells for $2.(50 in Europe sells for $2.50 here, after paying $3 dnty, and that woolen cloths that sell for 50 cents per yard in England sell for no more hero after paying 63J cents duty, then McKinley will hold some trump cards, and his elaiiu will bo substantiated. If, however, they should show that duties are added tj the foreign cost before Americans can possess foreign-made goods, then the Democrats would come to the front and McKinley would have to take a back seat. It Is a pity that the fair does not occur before the Presidential election. According to European arithmetics twenty-five years ago, thqy nearly all wrote a billion thus: 1,000,000,000,000. That plan’has been falling so rapidly into disuse that the last edition of Chambers’ Encyclopedia says that with the exception of Great Britain and its colonies, and where it controls, this plan has now been abandoned, and the billion is to-day written and taught as it is in ’ America, namely: 1,000,000,000 is one billion. Many middle-aged men . from Europe were in childhood taught . that a billion was 1,000,000,000,000,’ while the sameschools nowteach it as . 1,000,000,000. / When ability to steal depends upon individi-al activities, some measure of respect for skill involuntarily accompanies the condemnation. But when the powjr of government is invoked to help the larceny, wo despise the transaction regardless ot the tax protection which tariff systems are decorated with. ' : -QcJ Tni less we pay for what we need tho greater the shriek of the tariffites. Did it rain good things wo would all be : out of work. Heavens! protectioniat ’ editor, what more do you want? You’re chained to the desk now.—St. Louis Courier, June 25, 1892. The rejected reciprocity timber is now the plank on which Harrison relies to float him safely through the raging waves raised by the anti-tariff storm.