Decatur Democrat, Volume 36, Number 16, Decatur, Adams County, 8 July 1892 — Page 2

She jOcinoixiit DJECjLTITR, INI3. | IftAOOPItM. - - • rmnim K' r — .._ — ftjMSLAND AND STEVENSON. 1 I ~ - ** 1 X i’lQ i lW For President, GROVER CLEVELAND, OF NEW YORK. For Vice President, ADLAI E. STEVENSON, OF ILLINOIS. From Hellgate to Goldgate, You’d better believe, We’ll sweep the whole country For Cleve and Steve. The Red Bandana is waving for •rover. The ne&t President was nominated *t Chicago. The Australian ballot law will Mock the blocks- of- five. How will the esteemed black brethren relish White law? The nomination of Mr. Cleveland will hate the effect of placing the tariff buzzards at bay. It would not be surprising if the printers should knock Mr. Reid’s domination galley-west. There are no longer any antiCleveland or anti-Hill Democrats. They are all anti-Harrison. The Republican platform and Mr. Harrison demand a force bill. This demand is equivalent to the election Cleveland. It is reported that Mr. Quay has •1,000 to bet that Harrison will be elected. By the way, who is Trqaswrer of Philadelphia just now? Republicans are so frightened at the weakness of their Vice Presidential candidate that they are beginning to vilify and abuse his opponent. Whitelaw Reid seems to live as luxuriously at Ophir Farm upon the fruits of “rat” labor in his newspaper M Carnegie does in Cluny Castle upon the earnings of underpaid workmen at Braddock. » Mr. Harrison says it would hurt Ms feelings to be defeated, and that’s about the caliber of all the arguments yet advanced in favor of his re-elec-tion. ______________ President Harrison desires it to be understood that the politician who helps him most in this campaign may be Secretary of State next year. Isn’t be bargaining for goods which he cannot deliver? ■ i , It is to be hoped that War-Lord Alger doesn’t feel discouraged at the turn of affairs at Minneapolis. He can’t dance, to be sure, but when it comes to paying the fiddler he will be taken in right among the leaders. There has been a good deal of Republican shouting over the fact that Oregon was carried by the party, though by a reduced majority, but there is a large and impressive silence bi the organs of that party concerning the Democratic victory in the chief city of the State. The refusal of the Democratic convention to insert the word “free” in the silver plank of the platform has made Colorado hopelessly Republican, we are told. That is sad, but the Democracy will, we trust, bear it with fortitude and resignation. One doesn’t really miss very much what one never had. Regarding the nomination of Benjamin Harrison, the Voice, the organ of the Prohibition party, goes farther than any Democratic paper has done when it says: “It is an indorsement of debauchery at the Capitol, lechery in society, hypocrisy in the church. And the convention that indorsed these was well fitted for its work.” The unkindest turn that has been done Harrison is the raking up of a speech he made in 1882, in which he declared that he was “an advocate of civil-service reform,” and added, “My experience in Washington has led me to' utter the wish with an emphasis Ido not • often use that I might forever be relieved of any connection with the distribution of public patronage.” He is likely to have his wish. What it called reciprocity by the present administration means only the exchange of such articles of commerce as can be produced only in one

|of the reciprocating countries. Wo do not wish to let in anything from Canada that can be produced here, and the Canadians, who are following our own policy, do not wish to let in any of our products that could compete with their own. The natural result is that neither country has anything to offer the other that would be of the slightest advantage to it. Stevenson’s name on the ticket is almost an absolute assurance that the electoral vote of Illinois will be found in the Democratic column when the vote shall have been counted. For years during and since the war he has possessed the sincere devotion of the Illinois Democracy, and the respect and admiration of all its opponents. Possibly no man in the Prairie State has a wider personal acquaintance than he among people of all parties, and it is an aquaintance of so friendly a nature as to insure to the ticket bearing his name a large accession of votes. The shock which tender Republican sensibilities are sustaining by reason of the proposition to admit Arizona and New Mexico to Statehood is really severe. One would think the sensitive ones had never heard of Idaho and Wyoming. New Mexico has, to-day, a larger population than Idaho and Wyoming had together when they were admitted by a Republican Congress, and Arizona has quite as good claim on the score of population as Idaho had. It illustrates anew the difference that it makes whose ox is gored. The New York Press labors drearily through half a column or less of attempt to label the Democracy the “free silver party,” and cites in support of its views certain votes cast in the House of Representatives. The attention of the Press Is courteously but firmly called to the fact that there is later news on that head. The authoritative utterance of the Democratic party on the silver question was made at Chicago. This supersedes all votes in Congress or elsewhere as ap exposition of the party creed on the silver question. One pleasant memory of the Minneapolis convention remains for haters of blatant dejnagogism. Thomas Brackett Reed returns to the shores of Casco Bay the picture of a bursted boom, an example for all imitators who would establish political fame on impudence and conceit. The late czar posed at the convention as a willing statesman, and rushed to the fore at the first call for a speech, only to find that his vapidities fell on tired ears. The swaggering, blustering, empty-headed braggart may cut a figure in a town that has not grown perceptibly in two decades. But he shows as thin mentally as obese physically when he essays a wider field. Indianapolis Sentinel: Indiana Democrats would have been better pleased had their honored leader, Isaac P. Gray, been the choice of the Democratic Convention for the second place on the national ticket. But to the nomination made—that of Gen. Adlai E. Stevenson of Illinois —there can be raised not the slightest objection in any quarter. An ardent patriot, an able lawyer, an efficient Congressman, a skilled executive officer, a life-long, unswerving Democrat, his name will bring strength to the ticket and enthusiasm to the hearts of the Democratic masses. Stevenson’s name on the ticket is almost an absolute assurance that the electoral vote of Illinois will be found in the Democratic column when the votes shall have been counted. Chicago Globe: The initial attack on the personnel of the National Democratic ticket was directed towards the Vice Presidential nominee, Mr. Stevenson, by an exaccidental Governor of Illinois, by name Hamilton. This latter individual, who was once a neighbor of Mr. Stevenson, but who is at present a lawyer of small account in Chicago, rushed into print the day after the convention to claim his personal friendship for Mr. Stevenson, and the meanwhile to attack his good name as a citizen and patriot. Hamilton declared, without a blush, that Mr. Stevenson was a copperhead, so-called during the war, and the drill-master of the Knights of the Golen Circle, so-called,"during the internicine struggle. This arid much more calumny of the same sort dripped from the lips of the exaccidental State executive. They were all unblushing lies. It needed only one day for Hamilton's old neighbor to prove the contrary tc Hamilton’s falsehoods by oral and by written testimony. Mr. Stevenson says that he was not acquainted even with the nature of the organization called the Knights of the Golden Circle, that he was not thereto attached, that he was not anybody’s drill master, but that he did aid in raising a body of United. States troops, the proof of which he showed in a letter of thanks from thg Governmental • recruiting officer. Mr. Stevenson’s word is sufficient, without the proofs, to set at rest the vilifications of his ex-accidcncy, Hamilton. —. . r r

•TIS A HOLLOW SHAM. THE REPUBLICAN POSITION ON THE WAGES QUESTION. R*K*rdl«r* of Tariff, American Fanner, and Artieana Must Compote with the • World—Sample* of the Protection Afforded Pennsylvania Iron Workers. .•Protected" Iron and Steel Industry. Ex-Speaker Reed said at Buffalo on Oct. 16, 1890: “They asked me whether I oonsidei the McKinley bill just to the poor. Well, I should say so. A bill which has for Its object the aiding of the poor by raising their wages, it seems to me, Is a just one," This was the unanimous opinion of all of the great Republican politicians. And if there was any part, more than another part of the bill, on which these mon were willing to bank their all, it was the metal schedule. Reed said the manufacturers “obtained just what they wanted," and, Indeed, why should not they have done so, when H. W. Oliver, one of Pittsburg’s biggest iron and steel men, said, after the passage of the McKinley bill, that the rates on iron and steel “were those proposed Uy the manufacturers themselves." The powers of a “protective" tariff to boom the iron, steel and tinned industries and to raise wages in them were here to be tested under the most favorable conditions. Now, how has it stood the test’ As an index of what has been going on in the iron mills we will notice some of the effects upon Carnegie’s mills. On June 1, 1891, the employes in the Homestead Steel Works — Carnegie, Phipps & Co. —were forced to accept a reduction of 10 per cent, in their wages. During the year 1891, according to the Iron Age,wages at Carnegie’s and Edgar Thomson’s Steel Works, at Braddock, Pa., were reduced as follows: Melters, from $1.06 to 65 cents per 100 tons; vessel repairers, from 37 to 26 cents; ladlemen in blooming mill, from $1.19 to 89 cents. And wages in other departments were “reduced in the same proportion." April 10, 1892, fifty of the best paid workmen at the Edgar Thomson Steel Works were discharged, as was stated, to make room for “direct process" machines for making steel from pig iron. On May»l, 1892, there was a reduction in the wages of the 150 employes of Andrew Carnegie at his Lower Union Mills in Pittsburg. Seventy-five blacksmiths accepted the cut of about 20 per cent, without a murmur, but seventyfive hammermen struck. The strike, however, was over in a few days, as it is a hard thing to get work when a man is blacklisted because he went on strike. On June 9, 1892, the Iron Age reported that trouble had arisen at the Homestead Steel Works of Carnegie, Phipps <t Co: “It is understood that the reason for this is that the firm had made large reductions in the scale, which the men are not Willing to accept.” The changes proposed by Mr. Carnegie and his associates “mean a clear reduction of about 17 per cent, to every man who works by tonnage. In addition to this, other large reductions are made, in some cases over 25 percent.” The workmen have been told that they must sign the new scale “on or before June 24th.” The Iron Age of June 16 fully confirms the worst fears of the workmen. It publishes not only the Homestead scales proposed by the Carnegie Steel Co., but several pages of scales in other large companies. It says editorially: “We need make no apology for giving an unusual amount of space to the wages scale, because the discussion of them during the next few weeks promises to be the all-absorbing topic in the iron trade. The defeat of the Amalgamated Association in the East in the last few years will keep that section of the country out of the conflict.” It thinks the situation “foreshadows a sharp and possibly a prolonged struggle.” • When the Amalgamated workers are on strike and are holding meetings and parades to keep up their courage, they can carry with them the stale old legends displayed at the Minneapolis convention by the Boston Home Market Club: : American Wages for American Work- : men, American Markets for the Ameri- : : can People, Protection for American : : Homes. ' ’«• : • i Tin-Plate Workers’ Wages. The great American manufacturers of tin-plate are showing their hands sooner than was expected, even by the greatest skeptics of “protection." It was announced from Pittsburgh, Pa., June 17, that “At the conference between the tin-plate manufacturers and the scale committee of the Amalgamated Association this afternoon, the latter were astounded at a call for a reduction of wages of the most highly skilled classes of workmen in the tin-plate and sheetiron industries. ” This call for a reduction is in the face of the assertion of the manufacturers that the tariff put on tin-plate by the Fiftieth Congress was necessary in order that good wages might be paid American workmen. Think of it! Wages to be reduced so soon in this great “infant” industry. The foreigners, imported by Niedringhaus and others to work in an “American" industry at “American” wages, are asked to accept lower wages. This ought to be the straw that will break “protection’s” back, but perhaps the matter can be patched up by the manufacturers, who are never backward in coming forward with excuses for lower wages. This same dispatch says that “David B. Oliver, C. Zug, J. H. Laughlin and other leading manufacturers urged the acceptance of the manufacturers’ scale, on account, they said, of the depressed condition of the iron trade.” Just as if iron was not also heavily "protected,” and therefore entitled to be in a “booming” condition! It was only on June 2 that the “Association of Iron and Steel Manufacturers," the “Tinned Plate Manufacturers, Association,” and the “National Association of Galvanized Sheet Iron Manufacturers” held meetings on the same day, in the same room, and elected the same secretary. Those who know anything about the matter know that the 1 duty on tin-plate has been kept up and raised, to benefit, not the tin-plate makers, who have never before existed} but the sheet iron and steel men, both of whom have been making enormous profits out of the duty on tin-plate, which has kept up the price of steel sheets and of galvanized iron for roofing purposes. It was not strange, then, that they met together, and formed this three-headed trust, or monster. The iron and steel manufacturers -greed to reduce wages ip their lines an average of 15 or 20 net - cent. It was generally believed that the tin-plate men would not dare to exercise their united power to reduce wages, at least until after election, or certainly until the tin-plate bill had been discussed in Congress; but their greed and their “gall” lias exceeded the expectations of the most sanguine. These “McKinley!zed" and “trusted" industries <onsider it their especial privilege to worry wage-earners and consumers. What do they care for the feelings or sentiments of the people? They announced on June 2,189 z, “that prices will not be touched on in any way.” And yet the Iron Age of June 16, says that the prices of sheet iron have ; been advanced and that the prices of ■V- ’

galvaniind Iron are firmer, and. In a The roufoW In W. K e.” Fare., Hers Is food for reflection for the farmer who still thinks he is voting money in his pocket when ho votes for > "protection." If he will ponder this 1 fact sufficiently he will solve the whole ■ tariff problem. It is quoted from “Recent Economic Changes," by David A. Wells. • “Indian corn can be successfully and has been extensively raised in Italy. But Indian corn grows in the valley of the Mississippi, • thousand miles from 1 the aeaboaixi, has been transported in recent years to Italy and sold in her markets at a lower cost than the corn of Lombardy and Venetia, whore the wages of the agriculturist are not onethird of the wages paid in the United States for corresponding labor. And one not surprising sequel of this is that 77,000 Italian laborers emigrated to the United States in 1885." In other grains and food products and in cotton it is the same. The $1 and $2 and $3 a day laborer of the United States competes with the cheap labor of Europe and Asia and often undersells it in its own markets. Thus wheat can bo produced in Dakota, where wages are $2 a day, at 40 cents per bushel, but it cannot be produced in Rhenish Prussia for less than 80 cents, though wages there are only $6 per month. As to England, her wheat growers have been driven out of existence by our dear labor and India’s and Russia's cheap labor. Such facts as these must settle the i question forever, with rational minds, as to whether or not wages determine cost of production. They did not do so fifty years ago, when high-wa'ge Europe was supplying low-wage Asia with many manufactured articles. Still less do they do so now, when with modern machinery and methofis, one man, or a boy, will produce as much as ten men produced fifty years ago. What folly then to say that “on all Imports coming in competition with the products of American labor there should be levied duties equal to the difference between wages at home and abroad. ” And yet this is the serious declaration of the Republican party in its Minneapolis platform, and it poses as the party of nineteenth century - I civilization. These Republicans persist in shutting their eyes to facts. If McKinley had consulted tables of labor cost in different articles in different countries and had made tariff rates only high enough to put American and foreign goods on a par in our markets as to labor cost, his rates would not have been one-tenth as high as now. But instead of consulting figures he asked the manufacturers how much duty they wished and, as Congressman Wilson has shown, practically left blanks for manufacturers to fill out; and they often made duties higher than the total cost of production in any country—all for the benefit of the poor wage-earner, of course. Some day the voting consumers will have intelligence and spunk enough to suggest to the manufacturer that it is time for him to remove his hand from their pockets. Colonial State Tariffs. Before 1789 each of the States or colonies had a tariff wall around it. Statesmen had not then learned that it is possible to get rich by taxing neighboring States or countries with a suffictently high protective tariff. Hence, believing that their own people must pay duties on imports, they made their tariffs only high enough to yield the small revenues required—generally only 3 or 4 per cent. Some of the States, however, as Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, New York, etc., did make some attempt to levy duties so that they would give temporary encouragement to new industries. But even then they seldom levied duties of more than 8 per cent. —perhaps because they thought stronger food would not be good for mere “infants.” Thus Pennsylvania put a duty of 5 per cent, on window glass, New York 7 J per cent., Maryland 2j per cent., and Virginia and. South Carolina 3 per cent. Hats were dutiable from 2J to 10 per cent, in the different colonies, clothing from 2J to 16 J per cent., twine 2J to 5 per cent., lead 2J to 3 per cent. Such duties as these would be beneath the notice of our modern tariff makers who call a 30 per cent, tariff “free trade." What a nuisance these State tariffs were then is seen from the following, quoted from Mr. J. Alexander Lindquist’s “United States Tariff History," now being completed for the Reform Club: “Though the States did not directly discriminate against each other by means of import duties upon goods grown or manufactured in . the United States, the mere fact that each had an independent tariff, and that the rates imposed by the tariff of neighboring States were seldom the same, led to no end of disputes and contentions among them. Petty discriminations were therefore often resorted tp. New York exhibits a good example of the state of affairs under the Confederacy. For some time a brisk trade had grown up among the Dutch farmers Os New Jersey in supplying the city of New York with . vegetables and poultry, and among the Yankees of Connecticut in furnishing her with firewood. In the early morning on market days the river was dotted with shallops loaded with butter, cheese, eggs and vegetables from the farms of New Jersey, and every week vessels loaded with firewood came down from Connecticut. The New York Legislature determined to divert this trade to the farmers of the State and passed a law requiring the shallops, sloops and wood boats to enter at the custom house and pay tonnage duties. New Jersey retaliated by taxing at £3O per month the land at Sandy Hook which the city of New York had bought of the original owner and on which a lighthouse was maintained. Connecticut merchants and vessel owners united in a league to stop trading with New York, but the Constitution put an end to further trouble.” A Copper. Trant Again. The New York Daily Commercial Bulletin of a recent date says: “After a long period of negotiation the producers of copper in Europe and the United State# have arrived at an agreement to J restrict the production after July 1 next, i The American producers have agreed to restrict their exports of copper to Eu- I rope, in consideration for which the Spanish producers have pledged themselves to cut down their production 5 per cent. The object of this agreement is, of course, to bring about a higher : level of prices.” Whether or not the producers can sue- ■ cessfully hold together to put prices back where they were during the exist-1 ence of the great copper combine in i 1888-89, it is certain that there has been j left for them a duty of li cents per pound, which was about all McKinley could do to invite another copper trust' I to repeat the outrage perpetrated In 1889 i upon the American people. It will be j remembered that in 1889 the copper i ! trust sold American eopper so much cheaper in Europe , that it was reim--1 ported ami sold at a profit here after I paying a duty of 4 cents per pound; ahd , from April to August, 1889, the foreign price never exceeded 8 cents and the domestic price was never less than 12 cerite'. But for the duty no such differ- : ence could have existed and the effects , of the French syndicate upon our in- ’ dustries would have been as slight as j they were upoji European industries. The effect of high prices for raw ma-

■ terials of any kind is far-reaohlqg and peTwero affects" by*t™e“ 1888 is described by James Powell, President of the Union Brass Company of Cincinnati, in the Engineering and Mining Journal of Jan. 19.1889: /When the syndicate began brasa- ' workers all over the country were fully employed at good wages, and while the demand for goods may not have been I kept up at all times with the same vigor, yet the price of the raw material was such as to afford a living profit to the i copper producer only. “The consumption of brass goods for ' steam, Water and gas has fallen off ; from 25 to 40 per cent., with no immedi- : ate prospect of an improvement. The 1 manipulations of the combine have I been the most disastrous calamity for i the general copper consuming indus- | tries of this country that has ever befallen them." As evidence that the American end of this "agreement" is made in good faith, it is reported from Marquette, Mich., that a general strike is Imminent at the great Calumet and Hecla copper mine. The company, instead of acknowledging openly that they intend to restrict production by closing the mine, announce that they will discharge all emj ployes who are members of the Knights of Labor or of any other labor organization. They know that this will not only precipitate a long struggle that will restrict production but it will give them an opportunity to utilize cheap “scab” labor when they are ready to resume operations, and perhaps to starve some of the strikers Into accepting lower wages. Hatmakers Dona with Protection. At a mass meeting of the Cloth Hat and Cap Makers’ Union, in New York, on June 15, over 700 men, representing twenty-six of the thirty shops in the city, discussed the grievances of wage reductions. It was said that during the last year several reductions in their wages at different times have made a total reduction of 70 per cent., and that during the best four months of the year the best men have been unable to earn more than $6 a wriek. They will make an effort to get wages back above starvation point Pitiable as Is the lot of these men, it is no worse than that of hatmakers elsewhere in this country, since the McKinley bill came their way. A few years ago the hat factories of Bloomfield, West Orange and East Orange, N. J., were prosperous aud gave steady employment to hundreds of hands, nearly all of whom voted for “protection.” The almost prohibitive duty on hatters’ raw materials has caused the business to dwindle until now no mill in Bloomfield is running on full time and many of the employes have sought work in other businesses. The hatters, being intelligent men, have become enthusiastic tariff reformers and are preparing to form a Cleveland Club. What Be Had Lost. A naturalist, who is both an ardent student in his branch of science and absent-minded to a degree which keeps his family on the alert, recently celebrated his silver wedding, says the Youth’s Companion. Many guests were invited for the occasion, and the house was made ready for the reception of the company. Just as the first guest arrived one of the daughters was sent to summon the father, who had not come from his study. Care had been taken that he should be reminded to dress in time, so he was all ready, and at the summons of the daughter be came to the parlor. When they reached the n»m the daughter noticed that her fatifer carried in his hand a small wooden box, and as he shook hands with the nearest guest she saw him drop it. The cover rolled off, but she gave a sigh of relief when she saw that the box was apparently empty. The naturalist, however, uttered a cry of dismay, and instantly went down on his hands and knees in an attempt to gather up something. "Have you spilled anything, father?” she aiked. “Spilled anything!” he echoed, in evident indignation at her calm tone, “I have lost fifty fleas that I have just received from Egypt!”, The effect of this intelligence on the family was nothing in comparison to the company before the evening was over; and the only thing that the naturalist said to his friends in answer to their congratulations upon his happy married life—so his daughters declared after all was over—was to ask that if they carried away any of his Egyptian fleas they would return them to him! The Doctor’s Retort. One of t’’e brightest physicians of Portland and one of the ablest theologians of Bath were in the physiological room at Bowdoin Medical School not long ago examining, in company with others, microscopic slides showing certain peculiar glands of the irk testines. The physician at once launched out into a brilliant discussion of glands and their relation to various diseases. The theologian grew tired after a time, and finally said: “You doctors know so much about the uncertainties of this world that I should think you would nqt want to live.” “You theologians,’’ came the quick reply, “tell us so much about tiie certainties of the next that we don’t want to die.”—Lewiston Journal. The proclaimed purpose of the McKinley tariff is to enable American employers to pay higher wages io American workmen. Yet diligent search and much challenging have failed to discover a single workman who rejoices in any such benefit, while Mr. John De Witt Warner has collected for the Weekly World a truly startling list of cases in which reductions have been made in the wages of men employed In the shops and mines of protected capitalists. His list includes reductions m 71 iron and steel factories, 13 in coal companies, 18 in woolen and worsteed mills, 12 in clothing factories, 4 ip cotton mills or groups of cotton mills, tnpottery establishments, 2 in glass works, and 30 in miscellaneous industries. The reductions have ranged from 5 to 30 per cent, and have affected thousands of workmen and their families. Z — The Boston Journal said recently that those manufacturers who have not signed the remonstrance of the “National Association of Wool Manufacturers” “are too few and inconspicuous to require attention.” The remonstrance is against free wool. The American Wool Reporter, itself a strong supporter or protection, takes the Boston Journal to task and says that in Massachusetts only 169 woolen manufacturers slgped the remonstrance, while 205 refused to sign it It also says that “many of those are very important manufacturers, ” and that “an analysis of New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Rhode Island and other States would show results.” a J % Ld-

GEN. BIDWELL GETS IT. ■. ‘ PROHIBITIONISTS NAME HIM FOR PRESIDENT. Excitement Over th* Debate on Platform— Free Coinage I* Defeated, but Financial. Tariff, and Antl-Llqnor Plank* Adopted —Convention Proceeding*. Pint Day. Cincinnati ipeoial: The big Music Hall was gay with flaunting banners, national tlaoa. coat* of

uonai nags, coats oi arms of the several States, palms, and flowers, and prohibition Inscriptions when the delegates to the sixth annual convention of the Prohibition party, more prompt than k the delegates of the “ older political parties, began to file in Wednesday morn-

mg uuuuern, nau SAMUEL T. DICKIB.

Ing. A huge American flag surmounted the stage and supported portraits of Washington, Lincoln, Neal Dow and Frances Willard. The first cheering was that which greeted the Massachusetts delegation, which entered In a body carrying opened, light-gray parasols, aud singing a campaign tune. It was 10:30 o'clock when

, , —— 1 I ' \ \/ ’ ll' / / \ k w / wK / \ I DB. SABOXNT. JOHN B. GOUOH. LYMAN BEBCHBB. EDWABD C. DELAVAN. » JOHN H. P. HAWKINS. FATHEB THEOBALD MATHEW. NEAL DOW. OBOBOX X. BBIGGB. SOME FAMOUS FATHERS OF THE TEMPERANCE MOVEMENT.

the proceedings began with the playing of the hymn,“America,"on the immense organ, aided,by a bugle band on the stage. The audience rose and joined in singing the hymn. At this time the body of the hall was filled, and the galleries were about half occupied. Chairman Dickie, of the National Committee, then called the convention to order and Introduced Dr. J. G. Evans, of Hedding College, Illinois, who formally opened the convention with prayer, after which the delegates were welcomed to the city by Rev. Dr. Lockwood, of Cincinnati. • Prof. Dickie responded to the address, and closed by naming Gov. St. John as Temporary Chairman. Wild cheering and the waving of flags and handkerchiefs greeted the mention of the name of ex-Gov. St. John. The shouting was renewed agaih and again as the rioted Kansan stepped forward, assumed the gavel, and addressed the convention. The ex-Governor’s speech was heartily applauded by the delegates. On motion of Mr. Cleghorn, of Wisconsin, the roll of States was called, and each delegation announced the members it had selected for representation on the committees, after which the convention adjourned until four o’clock In the afternoon. The attendance, though not as large at the second session as at the earlier

GHN. JOHN BI DWELL.

one, was over 6,000. The exercises were opened with prayer by the Rev. Father Mahoney, of St. Paul, Minn. It was decided on motion that all former nominees of the National Prohibition party be invited to seats on the platform. This was carried amid applause. It was shown that both Judge Black and the Rev. John Russell, the nominees for 1872, were present. H. A. Thompson, the Vice Presidential nominee In 1880 with Neal Dow, was present. The committee on erodentlals reported through Colonel Cleghorn that there were 972 delegates actually present In the convention. The committee recommended Col. Eli F. Ritter, of Indiana, as Permanent Chairman of the convention, and Sam Small, of Georgia, as Permanent Secretary. The assistant secretaries of the temporary organization were recommended as the permanent assistants. The committee also recommended that State delegations cast the vote only for those who were actually present. Sam Small, on the part of the minority of the Committee on Credentials, arose to make a minority report. He, in behalf of fifteen States, protested against the action and recommendation of the majority, and made a strong speech and used vigorous language against the majority report. There were several lively passages between the delegates growing ovt of this dis-1 .. t

rolT’domaSed 0 on ’thJT’mSjority^2Sd minority reports, which resulted as folIowb: For minority report, 359; against, 521. The report of the majority was then adopted without division, and a » recess was then taken until 8 o’clock. In the evening Permanent Chairman | Ritter was escorted to tho chair. After fl i ho had made a brief address, the con- | vention adjourned until 9:30 Thursday M morning. i Haeond Day. When the Prohibition National Convention was called to order Thursday morning tho Platform Committee was still at work, and it was evident that it | would take some time to harmonize tho - conflicting interests represented therein. V T Three hours’ pulling and hauling by !, tho full committee. In addition to the all- a night session of the oub-committee, left ’ matters still in bad shape. The preamble of tho platform was complete, and tho alcohol aud woman suffrage planks, but the committee seemed at odds ovor the utterance upon the financial « question. It was finally settled that the ’. s report of tho committee would be In favor of free coinage. Tho tariff was tho next i subject taken up in the committee and another prolonged struggle began. At tho request of a number of delegates “The Queen of the Prohibition party," as she was introduced by Chairman Ritter, Mias Willard, was called upon for a speech. Miss Willard declared that sho was not in favor of fu- J slon, and closed by pledging herself and

the W. C. T. U. to stand by the Prohibition party. Dr. J. G. Evans, of Abingdon, ILL, $ presented a plea for contributions to enable the National Committee to prosecute its work, and subscriptions to the amount of $20,000 were taken before the session adjourned, which it then did until 2 o’clock in the afternoon Apparently realising the fact that too muoh time bad already been wasted, and that nominations should be reached with as little delay as possible, the delegates were prompt in assembling for the afternoon session. For five hours the convention discussed the platform and the discussion at times became warm and spirited. The resolutions were finally agreed upon and adopted, and the convention again adjourned until evening. Nominations for President were the first thing In order at the night session. John P. St. John nominated Gen. John Bidwell, of California, John L. Thomas presented the name of W. Jennings Demorest, -New York, and L. B. Logan named Gideon T. Stewart, of Ohio. But one ballot was necessary to decide, the result being: den. John Bidwell, 590; W. Jennings Demorest, 139; Gideon T. Stewart, 179. The Vote by States. » o » ' w| j i :f: : f : Alabama..... 4 4... Nebraska.... 12 8... Arkansas.... 4 Nevada 3 5 California... 13 New Hemp.. 21 2... Colorado.... 10 New Jersey.. 2® 1 a Connecticut. 14 2... New York... 70 12 6 Delaware.... 2 1 ... N. Carolina.. 9 8... ' Florida 6 N. Dakota... 3 ... 1 Georgia..., 19... 0hi0......... 2 ... 68 Idaho 6 ... Oregon 3 Illinois 24 13 23 Petin 66 17 3 Indiana. 22 10 6 Rhode Isl'd.. 9...... JS lowa 24 3 3S. Dakota... 3 a Kansas 27 Tennessee... 30...... Kentucky... 22 5 4 Texas 11 ... ... 4 Maine ....... 4 ... 3 Vermont.... 9 ■ Maryland.... 12 6 2 Virginia 9 8 4 Massachns’s. 24 8 1| Washlngt’n. 6 s Michigan.... 17, fl 3, West Va...., 9 2 1 Minnesota... 24 3 ...I Wisconsin... 13 2 6 Mississippi.. 3 1 Wyoming ... 1 Missouri.... 22 2 3 — Montana ■■■■| 11 Total 690|139|1T9 New York gave 3 votes to Basoom. When the result was known the band played “Hail, Columbia,” and the usual shouting and general hurrah took place. The roll-call for candidates for Vice President was.ordered, and the following candidates were presented: Sam Small of Georgia, William Sr.tterlee of Minnesota, Joshua Levering of Maryland, J. B. Cranflll of Texas, and Thos. R. Carskadon of West Virginia. Small withdrew before a vote was taken. The totals on the first ballot for Vice President were: Levering, 380; Cranflll, 386; Satterlee, 26; Carskadon,' 21. Enough changes were made before the figures were announced to give Cranflll of Texas 416 votes, 9 more than enough towin. Dr. Cranflll was called to the •; stage and made a stirring address, and at 2:10 a. m„ Friday, the convention ad- ' . journcd sine die. . t An Incredulous Professor. Tom Anjerry, a student at the Uni- 1 versity of Tcxhs, applied to Professor < Snore for permission to be absent: “I would like to be excused from my geography lesson this afternoon, as I want to take my sister out Tiding.” The old professor, who is no fool, looked at the young man over thp top of his spectacles and said, slowly: “Want to take your sister out riding, do you? Is she any relation to you?” | —Texas Siftings. A New York paper offers a firstclass revolver for the best so-and-so, 2 'Of course this evangel of peace will , be accompanied bv‘a police permit to carry’t. - ••