Decatur Democrat, Volume 35, Number 49, Decatur, Adams County, 26 February 1892 — Page 6

e-——===== ®hc gettwrrtrt DECATUR, IND. IL BLACKBURN, PVKJWH. An early riser. The man who sits down on a tack. We may now indulge the hope that the Louisiana Lottery octopus will soon shrink to a bacillus. Canada’s mamma appears to be oblivious to the flirtation going on between Uncle Sam aud her unruly daughter. , A fire in the sixteenth story of a new “fire-proof building” was one of the perplexing novelties that occupied the attention of the Chicago fire department for a while. A saloon was blown up with dynamite in Kansas City the other night and all its good liquor wasted. Here, at last, is a dynamite plot of which no anarchist will be suspected. When you get into a tight place and everything goes against you, till it seems as if you could not hold on a minute longer, never give up then, for that's just the place and time that the tide’ll turn. British naval experts are considering the advisability of usipg some sort of liquid fuel. This illustrates the sluggishness of the British intellect, for the American navy has used firewater for many years. Chinese women who marry Ameri-. can citizens, it has been decided, will be admitted to this country. Taken In conjunction with our superior divorce facilities, what a field «f industry is thus opened up. Max O’Rell declares that be never saw an American man with a stupid face. This is equivalent to a confession that his lectures in New 'York were not attended by people from the fashionable circles. Bergen County, New Jersey, is terrorized by a bear as the reigning sensation. The corps of imaginative gentlemen who write bear stories for the Gotham press should take advantage of the -situation to ride down into that neighborhood and see for the first time in their'lives a sample of their adorwtion at liberty. The Boston Post declares that the Louisiana lottery is reaping a harvest from the sale of tickets in that city. The authorities wink at the iniquity and do nothing to-suppress it. The Louisiana concern ds an octopus and has more lives than the cat. A business that brings in millions every year to its projectors with no chance to lose is mot going to give up its struggle <easily. One of the more recent devices for prectaoing spontaneity and life in a literary club is not to have the subject announced until the evening when it is to be talked about. The chief trouble about the scheme-seems to be that the .person who selects the subject is likely to be the only ■ one who knows anything about ■ it, and therefore the entertainment becomes a monologue instead of a discussion. The determination of one Of'the Hanlon brothers to forsake the stage for jtloe ipulpit recalls the fact that while many actors have become effective and successful clergymen — Dr. Lorimer being an example—no clergyman has ever become a great actor, although several of them have tried. The conclusion seems to'be inevitable that While acting seems highly useful in the pulpit preaching does not go well -on the stage. There is yet hope for humanity A new star has arisen upon the dramatic firmament of Europe who has introduced a novel order of drama which lasts fifteen minutes! This is adapting things to the rapidity of the age with a vengeance. Signor Mon tanaro, the deviser of this thing, is an Italian, who has got his inspiration in Cuba, and, of course, as he is the latest he is said to be a genius. If he has the power of telling dramatically an effective and significant story on the stage in fifteen minutes he must be a genius indeed. Mr. Yerkes holds that a crowded . city street, with cable-cars plowing through it, gongs clanging, wheels clattering, and people shouting, is a symbol of metropolitanism. “If I w.ant to impress a stranger in Chicago all I have to do is to make an appointment to meet him at LaSalle and Randolph streets at 5:30 in the afternoon. It makes him open his eyes.” And well it may. There is no more murderous spot in the United States than that corner at that hour. It deserves the title thfe soldiers gave to that gory salient at Spottsylvania, “the bloody angle.” Nearly every one is afraid of a girl of fifteen or' sixteen. She has been petted until she will say almost anything, and lacks the delicacy of feeling that distinguishes people who have been kicked and slapped for impudence until they are afraid of it. But if girls of fifteen and sixteen enjoy thejr pertness, let them enjoy it in peace. A time will come when Jjhey will not be so gay. Forinstance, after they have had five or six children, and had all their teeth pulled out at one sitting, and been compelled to become accustomed to a new set, they will begin to realize why older people are so quiet and modest, as compared to girls of fifteen or Sixteen. ’ The great want to-day is apt more opportunities, but the power to grapple with hindrances to obtain the desired objects. The men who are

, filling leading placed in the various , callings and pursuits of life arc usually those who in their youth had to battle with adversity and meager opportunities, and who, by the force thus developed, have risen to their high stations. It is interesting to note that on this principle the sons of the royal family of Germany are required to learn a trade, some manual Industry, that they may learn self-mastery and be able to enduro hardship. A self-indulged, easy-go-ing boy, who never knew one act of self-denial, promises little in the years of mature manhood. The boy is father to the man in that sense. Charles H. Spurgeon was one of the world’s greatest preachers. He was conspicuous for his rigid adherence to his earliest teachings and to his first interpretation of the sacred writings. He preached the gospel, holding in one hand the promises vouchsafed to those who “come up through much tribulation,” while the other grasped a flaming sword, em-, blematic of that lake of fire and brimstone which he believed to be the destiny of those who forget Godj and “fail to keep his commandments.’ The positive words of the Master, “My yoke is easy and my burden is light,” brought to him no confident, assurance, for he took upon himself a heavy yoke and grievous burdens. He was never an orator in the best sense of that word. But he was unique among pulpit speakers, because without seeking notoriety, which is usually attained by eccentric utterances or innovation, he achieved it without departing from the grooves of his creed. His private life was as remarkable for its purity as was his public career for its earnestness. Ever since the time of the Alabama award the American and English orators have proclaimed at every possible banquet and on all international occasions that blood is thicker than water, that hands must be clasped across the sea, and that the two great English-speaking nations of the world must never disagree so radically as to quarrel. Yet for the last quarter of a century, since the time when Blackwood admitted that the success of the Union monitors had rendered the intervention of England between North and South impossible, the voice of England has been against the policy of this nation. It has been lifted in scornful criticism of everything which tended to consolidate, strengthen and affirm a distinctly American policy with regard to foreign affairs. If we have ventured to resent impertinence from a South Pacific potentate or a South American toravo, the bark of the London press and the yelps of all the English provincial papers have been heard in discordant chorus, sneering, menacing, deriding. So it has been in this late Chilian business. What does it mean, Cousin John? Is blood really thicker than water? Can we clasp hands across the sea on which our navies and our merchant ships are henceforth to ride on widely different interests bound? Thebe was some very sensible talk at the recent meeting of the Prison Association in New York in regard to the treatment of fallen women. Mrs. Lowell, who has had long experience in the treatment of this class, urged strongly the value of the work in reformatories where the individuality of the Inmates is respected, but where the moral influences are as stringent as they are gentle. She urged that there was little prospect of reformation without a training of the prisoners to work, and impressing upon them the fact that although they were women they were not, therefore, outside the pale of the legal responsibility. Mrs. “Jennie June” Croly sentimentally pleaded that the womanhood of fallen sisters be not outraged by difference of dress, or by reformatory restrictions and enforced work which kept before them the fact that they are different from the pure. To this nonsense Mrs. Lowell answered with profound good sense that there was no reason , that they should not be reminded of their condition. Ignoring the facts . did not alter them. She did not be- , lieve in the false sentimentality i which had given woman ground to suppose that she could shield herself behind her sex when she had violated I the laws of God or man. She felt ; that any ornamental system of appari ent condonement only ended in hyi pocrisy and in nothing which was to l be considered reform. It is refresh- - ing to see now and then a woman who i can take a broad and common-sense s view of a question of this sort, and ! Mrs. Lowell is to be commended for 5 the stand which she took in this mat- ) ter. I ' ■ - .. Discovered by Spaniards. ’ The Hawaiian Islands were disoov- “ ered by Gaetano, a Spanish navigator, > in 1542. The independence of these islands was recognized by the United States in 1820, and more formally in 1 1843; by Belgium in 1844; and by En--3 gland and France later in the same t year. i f They Are Cunning. 3 Some of our shy wood birds avoid human habitations in their wander- ■ ings, but the wisest go where guni powder is dear, and pass the winter y in the swamp forests of Yucatan, or i even farther south, in the pathless r- woods of Guiana and Eastern Brazil , W augh! , Indians are fond of the larvse of many insects, and they do not despise ’ slugs as an article of food. Roasted r "crickets' are a favorite diet with them, s particularly in California and Utah. :- Grasshoppers furnish many tribes with a large part, of their subsistence. e Idaho’s Tall Girt. -——- h A Boise City girl, 16 years old and ' 5- 6 feet 2 inches in height, is said to be e the tallest woman in Idaho?

; I WAS A GREAT ORATION. GENERAL PALMER MAKES Hl* FIRST SET SPEECH. 1 ’ ' The lUlnols Senator Claims the Attention of His CoUeagues While Arguing In Favor of Popular Elections—Warmly Congratulated on lloth Side*. Popular Vote for Senator*. Senator Palmer's was one of the greatest speeches ever heard in the Senate chamber. A |pfge crowd assembled 111 the galleries to witness the debut in the Senatorial arena of “the grand old man” from Illinois. There was a full attendance of Senators; and no man wae ever paid a higher compliment by his colleagues. None left the chamber during the delivery of Ms address, and that all were charmed with the simple oratory

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SENATOR JOHN M. PALMER. of the Illinois Senator was evidenced not only by their attentiveness but by their congratulations at the. conclusion of the notable effort. Senator Palmer said: Mr. President : In calling the attention of the Senate and country to the subject of an alteration of the constitution of the United F tares, which shall provide for the election of Senators in Congrem by a direct vote of the people of the several States, I only obey the instructions given me in the most Impressive manner by the people of the State of Illinois. The people of Illinois are loyal to her constitution, and are devoted to the principles of orderly, constitutional, free government, but they believe that the election of Senators by tbelr State Legislature under existing conditions has failed of satisfactory results, and that the reform proposed by the joint resolution now before the Senate is demanded alike by correct principles and the highest considerations of public policy. Influenced by a knowledge of this state of pwbfio opinion tbe State committee of the Democratic party of Illinois in 1890, in connection with a call for a State convention, submitted to the electors at* ached to that party two propositions to be considered and determined by them In their primary conventions. These progiositions were In substance: -First, the propriety of a nomination by the proposed State convention o' a candidate for Senator, to be voted for by ths people at tbe next election and directly, as is possible under the provisions of the corjsticutiem. ‘Secondly, the selection of a 'Candidate for Senator if It should be determined ihat a candidate be nominated. The election of a Senator by a popular vote, which by common consent ahotild. control members of the Legislature, was -not novel to the people or Illinois, for they were familiar with the history of the great contest of USS, when Douglas and Lincoln were spontaneously chosen to represent opposing .opinions upon subjects which, by their gravity and impoitance, interested and excited sveryinteillgent voter in the State. Senator Palmer then briefly described the manner in which he was elected by the Illinois Legislature, and .continued: I am here to-day the Senator thus elected by the free people of the State of Illinois, and my duty to them and my own sincere and well-ma-tured convictions alike require me to urge upon the Senate tbe submission to the legislatures of the several States an amendment to the i onstitution of the United States which will provide that enators shall be elected by tbe direct vote of the people of the States. The constitutional method of electing Senators by the legislatures of States is no longer satisfactory to the American people. Ido not mean to make myself responsible for the charges of bribery and undue Influence which attend nearly every senatorial election by indorsing or repeating any of tbem. and In referring even in this slight manner to tbem I do so only to emphasize the statement I have heretofore made, that the people no longer confide in, but are profoundly distrustful of, the methods of electing Senators by tbe State legislatures. It is not a sufficient answer to the popular dissatisfaction with the present u ode of electing Senators to say that it is the method provided by the Constitution. The Constitution at the time of its adoption was regarded by many of the most distinguished members of the convention as an experiment of extremely doubtful success. Tbe provision in the Constitution for ita own amendment by peaceable, orderly methods was one of the happiest conceptions of profound statesmanship. To remedy the obvious omission to provide sdeqnate security for the protection of Important rights, the first Congress which assembled under the « onstitution proposed ten amendments to the Legislatures of the States for their approval. These amendments were adopted and became a part of the Constitu lon. The Constitution we reverence is not the fragment prepared by the convention, but the complete instrument, perfected by the amendments. Five additional amendments to the «. onstitution have since been adopted. Os these the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth grew out of conditions which could not have been foreseen or provided for by the most sagacious statesman, out the eleventh and twelfth amendments are organic and were devised to cure original defeats in the framework of the Government. Experience ]png ago demonstrated the uselessness of the electors as agents for the selection of President and Vice President. Electors are now but counters for the enumeration of the votes of the States, the John Does and Richard Roes of our political system. The constitution' should be so amended that tbe election of senators should be taken from the State legislatures and conferred upon the people, to be exercised by them directly. Specific proof of tbe incapacity of the legislature to exercise electoral functions and of the capacity of the people to do so will be found on examintlon of the revised and amende i constitutions of the older States and of the new States modeled after them. It will be sufficient tor my purposes and tend to brevity for me to refer to the Constitution of tbe t-tate of Illinois. That is, the original constitution of 1818, under which tbe territory of Illinois was admitted into the Union, and the revised constitutions of 1848 and 1870. The Territory of Illinois extended from the Wabash to the Mississippi and from tbe Ohio to Lake Michigan. Almost tbe entire population was south of the present capital of the State, while the northern half was what in 1818 seemed limitless prairie. Tbe population of the northern half was so sparse that as late as 1821 Chicago was described tn a book of authority as a "village at the mouth of Calamick Creek In Pike * ounty.” Tbe emigrant* to Illinois Territory were tbe pioneers of civilization, chiefly from Virginia and the Carolinas, who bad found their Way through Tennessee and Kentucky. Soon after they crossed the Ohio their migrations were cheeked by wbat seemed to them the dreary wastes of the central and northern portions of the Territory. The people I have attempted to describe were beyond anything that we can now conceive jealous of executive authority, and therefore, by tbe Constitution of 1818, they reserved to themselves the election of a Governor, but surrounded him with a council of revision consisting of tbe Judges of the Supreme Court, and than, apparently distrusting themselves, they provided that the justices of tbe Supreme Court and the judges of the Inferior courts should be appointed by both branches of the Legislature. Tbe Constitution further provided that the justices of the peace should be appointed in such a manner aS the General Assembly should direct, snd tbe Legislature was *u horized to appoint the executive officers of tbe State Government, with the exception of the Secretary of State. Under the Constitution of 1818 the Legislature was omnipotent, and it is difficult to describe the extent to which it abused its powers. It established a visionary system of internal improvements and elected commlMkmers to execute the contemplated public works, with authority to bo 11 h-> bonds ■ f the State in domestic and foreign markets, by which means a public debt was created so enormous that when the people In 1847 called a convention to revise the Con titutlon, jpoverty and distress prevailed on every hand. Tbe convention of 1847 made many valuable changes in the existing constitution. It prepared and submitted to the people a provision for the payment of the State debt, which tbe people, with the sturdy, rugged honesty and courage which have always characterized tbe people of Illinois, adopted by tbelr direct vote aud saved themselves and their posterity from the shame of repudiation. I hope I may be pardoned when I pause and say with feelings of pride that I assisted in the preparation of this proposition and voted for it as one of the freemen of the State, aud that in 1869, while Governor. the currency of the country being then depreciated. Illinois paid Its debt in gold. The convention of 1847, however, did more, for It deprived the legislature of all electoral power • it provided for the election of governor and all the exective officers of the State and the justices of the Supreme < ourt and the judges of the inferior courts by the direct vote of the people, and furl her that no office, w hether created by the const! utlon or by the laws, should thereafter be filled by the wgls-

constitution# ftSSANEWAS to the plan proposed for the election of tbe justices of tho supreme Court by tho people with reluctance. Itwnsan experiment then which has vindicated itself, and the judges of the Supreme Court of Illinois, elected by the people, have justlfled'the highest hopes of those who favored tho innovation. If It wore possible it would be wise to incorporate in the constitution of tbe United States many of tbe reforms to bo found in tho improved constitution of Illinois aud other States for tho protection of popular rights I ought now to say that in the election of- senators the legislature of Illinois Is subject to such criticisms only as may bo fairly directed toward tbe conduct of the legislatures of other States. It Is true that it has been charged at different times that the votes of members have been controlled by federal appointiuente given to members of the legislature very soon after 'they ha<l voted for a successful candidate, and tn one memorable ease a long struggle in the State legislature was determined by tho death of a member of tho house of representatives, who was a supporter of one of the candidates and the election of a member who supported his loading competitor. It has been oharg d by one party and confessed by the Other that the vacancy was filled by au ingenious trick practiced upon tbe very large democratic majority. It has never been claimed that the representstive from the Thirty-fourth district of Illinois represented the people of that district; nor has it been denied that it the people of the district bad known he was a candidate he would have been defeated. Tho vote of the member from the Thirty-fourth District elected one of my most distinguished predecessors. It also “gerrymandered* the State in the adjustment of the Congressional and Legislative districts, and for this a remedy seems impossible. But if the constitution is amended to permit the election of Senators by the direct vote of the people then the “gerrymander" will no knger influence the choice of Senators, but will in that respect at least pass into ‘innocuous desuetude.* I confess that I donbt whether the legislative districts in any State are so adjusted as to allow- a fair and just expression of tbe popular mind in tho selection of representatives In either branch of the State legislature. Ido not by this intend to assail the conduct of any political party, for while States are “ gerrymandered to serve the purposes of political parties.'' other causes have operated to produce unfair, apportionment in State legislatures. Tbe Pre-ident, in his late annual message, called the attention of Congress and the country to one instance which he apprehends may operate to defeat the popular wilt in one of tba States in tbe choica of Presidential electors. The words of the President ere entitled to Che most profound respect. The election for the choice of presidential electors, the election of members of the Legislature who elect Senators tbe election of members of the House of Represents ivos in Congress, are alike influenced and often controlled by the unfair arrangement of districts If the amendment to the constitution which I propose be adopted the members of tbe Senators of the United States will be chosen by the direct vote of the free people of the several States, and the Senate will be, wbat it never yet has been, the popular branch of the Congress of the United StatSs. \ There is one additional consideration to which I call the attention of the Senate. In 1787 tie property of the country was of small value; in 1892 its value cannot be expressed in terms which can be comprehended by the ordinary mind. In 1787 it was believed by many that the security of property would be endanSered by th- direct participation of the people i the election of Senators; now tbe rights and tbe liberties of the people are threatened by tbe overwhelming and all-pervading Influence of property. It is not necessary, in order to make myself understood, that I should assail or d nounce those who control the enormous aggregates of either fixed or speculative prop, ertv; it is enough to point Co tbe irresistible logic of interesting conditions. The property, or. to use more expressive words, the wealth Invested in commerce, in manufactures, in the railways, the forests, and in the myriad forms of organized activity demands legislation for ita protection or ita benefit, and its political power, whether employed in the < ongress of the United States or in the State Legislature, rarely falls of suooesa. Organized as it is, it is so related that it can direc its influence to tho attainment of any desirable end. Mr. President, the property to which I have alluded has now nothing to fear from the aggressive action «f the people or from their direct influence upon the governine t. All that thev can gain by tbe amendment to the constitution I have proposed will be enlarged powers of eelf-delense. Senators hereafter to be elected by the people by their direct votes will be their true and exact representatives, and will defend their homes and their property from unequal and expensive burdens. They willdigzrf.v the States, for the people are tho States. They will recognize their responsibility to the people "ho elect them, and they will find their reward in the approval of their fellow citizens whom they have faithfully served. Mr. Chandler asked Mr. Palmer if he had any objection to allowing his resolution to Remain on the table for a few days longer, so that he (Mr. Chandler) could submit some remarks on the subject. Mr. Palmer replied that this would be in entire accordance with his views. Mr. Chandler intimated that he was inclined to take a conservative course, and was of the opinion that we might be able to stand by the constitution for a little time longer. In any event, he had reached a conclusion that the constitution had better not be amended in this respect in the year 1892. The Religious Difficulty. •Gourville, the French Ambassador, waited on. the Duchess Sophia of Brunswick, for the purpose of ascertaining if her daughter, aged 12, would make a suitable match for the dauphin. “How exceedingly beautiful!” he exclaimed; “she is worthy of-the highest rank and position. May I ask in what religion the Princess has been educated?” ““In none up to now,” replied the Duchess; “as soon as we get to know what prince she is going to marry, we will have her Instructed in his religion.”—Lubbener Kreisblatt. Quite Gory Enough. First Escaped Murderer—l say, pard, now that we're out, what shall we do? The blood-shedding instinct is strong in me. 1 simply thirst for gore. How can we go on shedding and remain unhung? Second Escaped Murderer— I have it, my sanguinary friend—we’ll join a professional foot-ball team. —Pittsburg Bulletin. —£ Could Steal, but Couldn’i Lie. “We don’t think our conductors are turning in all the fares they col- I lect,” said the manager of a street?: car line to one of his oldest employes. “You don’t knock down, do you?” **Ycs sir. n “You do! Why didn’t you deny it?” “Why, sir, my mother always tought me to despise a liar."—Epoch. — — James Parton used to tell how, early in his career, he was itemizing for a weekly paper; and he noticed that a large share of the news was devoted to exposing human frailties. Thereupon he resolved to make a reform in journalism. He began to collect matter for a new feature in his paper: “Good Deeds Done Lately.” During the first week he picked up only a few paragraphs for it, but he wrote a flourishing introduction, and gave good earnest of the future. But the next week the Stock was still smaller. Nobody rescued anybody else from a watery, grave; no legacy was left to Harvard by a rich deceased Bostonian; and nobody lost a wallet and rewarded the ragamuffin who picked it up; and so that new department perished of inanition. In a New Jersey town a courageous band Os men dragged a woman out of bed in the night time and taking her to an unfrequented spot tarred and feathered her. If a few such regulators of morals should make the acquaintance of the interior of a jail—or of the contents of a shotgun—it would be a great gain for the communities they infest - /■ —— Our grandchildren may see the Grant monument in New York unveiled; it is a treat not in More for us. Meanwhile New York can amuse itself by poking fun: at Chicago’s enterprise in getting ahead of the metropolis.

ABSURD STUMPORATORY HOW IT IS NOW DEALT OUT IN « OFFICIAL REPORTS. Congressman W. L. Wilson Writox a Caustic Criticism of Secretary Foster's Argument for a High Tariff—At Whole Expenae la the Wool Crnaado Conduotedt ProatUntlng Public Documenta. The Secretary of the Treasury, In hia recent report to Congress, lapses into a reminiscence of the Ohio campaign when ho says: “I do not believe that any considerable number of the people desired to see the manufacturing industries destroyed or wages reduced to the European standard, which would be tho inevitable result ‘of a reduction of duties with a view to revenue only.” This is the utterance of a stump speaker who uses boldness of assertion for argument, not tho careful statement of a finance minister who has examined the industries and commerce of his country, for the very report in which it appears contains in immediate connection with it nn overwhelming proof of its absurdity. The Secretary declares that a reduction of duties to the basis of a tariff for revenue only would inevitably destroy our manufacturing industries or reduce wages to tho European standard. Revenue duties, according to tho accepted definition of tariff reformers, are those rates of taxation that will bring the largest Income to the public treasury. Higher than these the law should never go, but it may place a lower duty on any article or for good reasons place it on the free list. This was the rule announced by the framers of the tariff of 1846, and Secretary Walker declared that experience had shown that a rate of about 20 per cent, was the revenue rate. Now in the vast majority of cases a duty of 20 per cent, on the finished product would far more than equalize tho difference in wages In our own country and abroad, and the “incidental protection” of a revenue tariff would be ample so far as the question of wages is at issue. But Secretary Foster may say that by a tariff for revenue only he means a tariff purged of all protection, incidental or otherwise, and I will give him the benefit of this latter meaning. Whenever an industry is able to supply our own market, and also to compete in foreign markets, it is clear even by the admissions of protectionists that it needs no protection. In other words, taking the rule as laid down by Prof. Denslow, whose book has been indorsed by Major McKinley and the foremost protectionists, wherever we do not produce an article ourselves, and wherever we produce more than we can consume, a tariff cannot protect Thus a tariff on coffee, of which we produce none, and a tariff on wheat and cotton, of which we produce a great surplus, could not be protective. If now we turn to the statement of our foreign commerce as made by the Secretary, we find that during the fiscal year of 1891 we exported of the products of agriculture about $650,000,000 in value. These products were sold in the world’s markets subject to the competition of the freest trade. They were produced in oar home market subject to the high rates and grievous burdens of our protective tariff, and the difference between the wages of farm hands in the United States and farm hands in other countries is far greater than the difference in any of the manufacturing industries that cry so lustily for protection. The wages of farm laborers in Dakota are from $24 to S3O a month, in Rhenish Prussia they are $4 to $6 a month, and in India still less. Why are not the agricultural industries destroyed when subjected to such competition as this, and why, according to Secretary Foster’s reasoning, are not wages reduced “to the European standard?” But turning again to his report we find that our exports of manufactures last year reached the value of $170,000,000. 1 If these industries could compete with the foreigner in neutral markets after paying the cost of getting to these markets, would they be destroyed or even distressed by a competition in our home market where they would escape that cost? Moreover, an examination of the manufactures sent out of the country will show that they are not as a rule the products of our cheapest labor, but. of our best paid and most skilled labor. Thus the very industries which show the greatest ability to compete with like foreign industries are those in which the highest wages are paid. We send out scarcely any woolen goods, although the average wages for their production for each hand (Massachusetts Statistics of Manufactures, 1890) is $367 a year, but we export largely of agricultural implements where the wages reach an average of SSOO per hand; of chemical preparations, where we pay $564 a year wages; of clocks and watches,where the average yearly wages are $656 per employe, and I may add here that the Waltham Watch Company, of Massachusetts, has three times secured the contract for supplying the India railroads in competition with all the watchmakers of Europe. We export $10,000,000 worth of leather and leather goods where the wages paid are $513 and more per employe; locomotives, sewing machines, musical instrui ments, and many other articles where the average yearly earnings of the American employe are often twice as large as ■ those paid anywhere else in the world except in England. In fact, the Secretary would find, had he given the returns before him that careful study that ought to have been the baste of any official utterances on his part, that, paradoxical as it may at first sound, it is a Jaw of modern production that the higher the wages the cheaper the product, and that the high wage paying countries are precisely those who have nothing to fear in the competition of the general markets. And if he had with equal care examined into the experience or our own country under past tariffs, he would have found that it was squarely the reverse of his off-hand and partisan prophecy.— Congressman W. L. Wilson, in St. Louis Republic. At Whose Expense? Mr. William Whitman, President of the so-called “National Association of Wool Manufacturers," has taken offense at the expose of his trick to make the country believe that the woolen manufacturers of the United States are opposed to free wool. He declares that the “Wool Consumers' Association” and the people who demand free wool and lower duties on< woolens are “engaged in a crusade at the expense of other people.” Commenting on this statement on tho part of Mr. Whitman, the American Wool Reporter asks Mr. Whitman who paid tho profit of 50 per eent. made by his mill in 1891. Says the Reporter: President Whitman of the “National Association of Wool Manufacturers” did wrong in penning tho following sentences in tho letter which he gave to the press Jan. 29 in reply to recent criticisms of his “Memorial:" “To attempt radical tariff legislation now is the maneuvering of politicians for partisan purposes, who are thinking least of oil of the welfare and prosperity of the wool manufacturer. “The persons most eager for free wool are those who have nothing at stake, and who are always ready to engage in

eraeades for tariff reform at the expense of other people.” Under Mr. Whitman’s administration the larg# manufacturers have been dropping out of the “National Association" one by one, until there are but few remaining to dispute Mr. Whitman's suSremaey. The "Memorial" upon whose efenso ha is now engaged, was not prepared even by tho little meeting of the “National Association” at which it was first presented. It was brought in, cut and dried, by President Whitman and the Secretary of the association at the opening of the meeting. And it can not be true that legislation proposed by a committee, of which Hon. Moses T. Stevens is a member, and indorsed by such leading manufacturers as Arthur T. Lyman, Jesse Metcalf, Galen 0. Moses, Chas. M. Beach, Wm. B. Weeden and T. Quinoy Browne, nearly every one of whom has a larger actual ownership in woolen manufacturing than Mr. Whitman—it can not be true, we repeat, that the attempt to secure such legislation as is proposed by these men la “the maneuvering of politicians for partisan purposes." Hon. Moses T. Stevens, of the Ways and Means Committee, la the largest individual woolen manufacturer in the United States. T. Quincy Browne is treasurer of the largest oorporatlop in the United States making carded wool goods. Jesse Metcalf is the principal owner of very large mills making combed wool goods or worsteds. Galen C. Moses is treasurer and principal owner of the largest woolen mills in the State of Maine. Arthur T. Lyman is treasurer of one of the largest carpet mills in the United States and a director, and heavily interested in other manufacturing establishments. Mr. Wm. B. Weeden is one of the foremost woolen and worsted manufacturers in Rhode Island, and Mr. Chas. M. Beach is equally concerned in manufacturing in Connecticut. All these men have a largo portion of their fortunes invested in woolen manufacturing. On the other hand, Mr. Wm. Whitman is a comparatively small owner in the mills of which he is treasurer. That was a singularly ill-considered expression, also, in which Mr. Whitman refers to the vast army of consumers of wool goods as “engaging in crusades for tariff reform at the expense of other people." At thS expense of whota, pray! Evidently at the expense of the Arlington mills, In whose especial and particular Interest the McKinley bill was framed to enable that corporation to earn 50 per cent, upon its capital stock in 1891, “at the expense of other people.” Who Pay* Tariff Taxes? It will be well for those who assert that high tariffs do not raise prices, and that, in any ease, the foreigner pays the tariff tax, to turn their attention to France. On the first of February the French “McKinley bill" went into operation. The duties were raised on all products coming from the United States in retaliation for the high duties imposed on French products by our own McKinley bill. This brief dispatch from Pari# tells the story; “Paris, Feb. 4.—Prices are rising rapidly as a result of the jiew tariff. Pork and mutton have been advanced 3 pence per pound. Italian and Dutch cheese has risen 100 per cent., and foreign soap 200 per cent. The extra cost to workmen for necessaries of life is estimated at 1 franc daily." Our exporters are not aware that they are paying the increased duties. In fact, they do not even know what the new duties are. But the French laborers realize now what it is to live under a protective tariff, which does not help, but hurts them. An increase in the “coat of the necessaries of life of one franc daily," or 20 cents, is the tribute which they pay to highly protected monopolies. Here is food for reflection for those who have been deluded into the belief that the foreign manufacturer, not the home consumer, pays the tariff tax. Saved from Suicide by His Dog. An intelligent pet dog owned by Louis Schmidt, of Camden, has prevented him from committing suicide. Schmidt is just recovering from a serious attack of typhoid fever, which left him very nervous and subject to fits of melancholia. He was seized with one of those spells the other night, and while Ids wife was asleep he stole to the kitchen. Here he procured a rope, and, making a noose, tied one end to an iron hook in the wall. Then procuring a ' chair he adjusted the rope, and kicking away the chair swung himself off, as he thought, into eternity. But, unknown to Schmidt, his faithful dog had followed him, and, instinctively knowing something was wrong, the intelligent animal went back into the bedroom whining pitifully. Finally he awoke Mrs. Schmidt by tugging at the bedclothing and rubbing his cold nose in her face, and she followed the dog down-stairs as soon as she missed her husband. There she found him hanging from thb hook. She managed to cut him down in time to save his life.— Philadelphia Times. Steam Boiler Explosions. A theory in regard to the causes of steam boiler explosions which will strike many engineers as revolutionary in its character has been promulgated by the Manchester (England) Steam-Users’ Association. They renounce tho doctrine—supported though it is by the’ general belief and by a multitude of what seems to have been convincing illustrations—that boiler explosions’ are usually attributable to a shortage of water, or that such shortage is, generally speaking, calculated to produce that result. The real cause, in their view, of such explosions are Imperfect construction of the boiler, corrosion of plates through want of proper care and attention, and consequent weakness and Inability to resist sudden internal pressure. In numerous experiments made by them it was found that the introduction of cold water to a red-hot boiler, running at low water, strained the seams of rivets and flattened the furnace crowns, but did not burst the boiler nor disturb the setting. ■ The Latent Trust. The latest thing in trusts is the Rice Mill Trust, which has been formed at New Orleans. The deal between the syndicate and mill-owners has been finally consummated, and the trust is now in operation. Every one of the thirteen rice mills has joined the trust. At present only a few of the more modern mills will be operated. Uhde Ham'i Sorvantn. Uncle SanZ has an army of 150,000 people in hie employ. More than 30 per cent, of these have been added to tho service during the last decade. Theif salaries range from $50,000 paid the President to the $1.50 a year some Postmasters receive. •' The consumption of untaxed sugar in the first year that the people of the United States have had the opportunity of eating it increased thirteen pounds per capita. What an access of comfort is represented In this freedom of trade in one raw material of manufacture! With free wool the poor man’s back might be made to fare as his belly. _ ■' Men would be very wise if they could only learn as much as their boy# think they cotdd teach them. At the time of birth the octopus is not Ungar than • common flea.

1 MUST WIN AT ANY COST IS THE REPUBLICAN WATCHWORD IN OHIO. DeinoeraM to Ho Dafraudod <!'“ " r ’ K.proMniation la Cooar««»- A Uarrymandor the Mo.t Infatnou. Folltto.l 411.torr—W 111 It Buoo.e.1? [Cduinbiu (Ohio) CorrMiipuJonim 1 The cougr»««ion*l redUtriotiiiu liill now before tne Leuielrture i« exciting much A here Mid throughout the State. It i« by Demooret. M the moet. outragrou.ly unftdr F uieeeure of epi>ortlouiilent ever ,°on l « n r>» t ** lu thl. or mi? other State, and I* deelwiiod to detrend the people of their just repionoutution in tbe lowerhouee of Congress. .. The bill ni.kcs sixteen of the twentysine distrlcts absolutely liopublicau. and glre* but fire to the Democrats for their 426,<XW votes lu the tit 0 In the preseut Congress there are ,!“ u " j™ Demoorats to noven Republicans *» tho gerrymander t he DemooraU n ode ego, end uuder it with the ft.i l K® l ™. l **““ plurality McKinley received iset fall the Hepublicans could esßily elect eleven of tbe twenty-one congressmen and have u fair ohanoo for two more. . , , ... The pending gerrymander violates all taa political traditions of both port lee. auiidors districts eesoelated together for over halt » <-*»“ tury, and brings counties into districts ofdlaelmilar associations Mid which were never before joined together for any cougreeidomd or political purpose. t—4o""l L * I - I *••“> p— ur iir"* • i ?i I I, II I 04. »-*»■•■ — I 5 I '““I”\ THE OLD ARBANGEMENT. Os the present Democratic Congressmen the following nine are knocked out by being put in strong Bepublicftn districts, viz: Third J)Utrict George W. Houk; Fourth District, Martin K. Gantz; Seventh District, W. E. Haynes; Eleventh bistriot, John M. Pattison; Thirteenth District, Irvine Dougan; Fifteenth District, Michael D. Harter; Sixteenth District, John G. Warwick; Seventeenth • strict. Albert J. Pearson: Twenty-flrst District, Tom L. Johnson. The districts of tho other five present i Democratic Congressmen are so changed by taking in and cutting off counties that hardly more than two of them can get nominations from their new constituencies owing to their want of acquaintance with the peoplo upon whom they ore thrust so unwillingly. Leaving out tho two Republican Congressmen from Cincinnati, whose two districts are not very much disturbed, the other five present Republicans in Congress have their districts so changed that they will all have to make a big fight for the nominations, and then some of them will be left. Os these Ezra B. Taylor represents the old historic Reserve District on tbe “Western Reserve,” which in the eighty-nina years of the State’s history has never boon represented but by five Congressmen-Elisha Whittlesey, Joshua R. Giddings, James A. Garfield, John Hutchlfis and Mr. Taylor. Under the new gerrymander it is so slightly changed that Mr Taylor will likely bo returned, though ex-Bpeaker Thompson is a candidate for the plum. The o d Third District, that used to boast of a representative in a Thomas Corwin, Robert C. Schenck, C. L. Vrtlaniiigham, Lewis D. Campbell Mid hiß nephew, ex-Gov. James E Campbell, and which of late yoars has been reliably Democratic, la tinkered and doctored so ax to be 700 Republican. Warwick’s district is made strongly Republican and includes the homo of Gov. McKinley, so he can return to Congress if defeated next year for a re-election to the gubernatorial cnalr. The great silver orator, Gen A. J. Warner, has his future congressional aspirations dished by being thrown into a district Republican by 1,400. - SXT v r 7 —L j- V'l'l THE NEW ARRANGEMENT. Michael D. Harter, the Democratic Congress' man from the Fifteenth District, for whom. Senator Sherman voted as his townsman and who of all Ohio Denffiorata is the most opposed to free silver coinage, is cast into a district of 1,700 adverse majority. Congressman Outhwaite (Democrat) of Columbus, has his party majority so increased in his district by change of counties as to invite suoh competition that, his fourth nomination this year is made uncomfortably hazardous. The only reason the two Cincinnati districts were at all disturbed was to make one of them stronger Republican, so ex-Gov. Foraker can go to Congress this fall if the Republican nomination for President at Minneapolis does not open up to him a more assuring future than now appears from Mr. Blaine's declination. The Toledo district was purposely made 3.100 Republican to shut out Frank Hurd, whose free trade Democratic friends in Ohio are now arranging to send him as a delegate to the Chicago convention tor Grover Cleveland. The Twenty-fifth District, that Tom L, Johnson, a Cleveland-Mills Democrat, carried by 3,200 majority, is made largely Republican in hopes he cannot dig out. James W. Owens, a warm supporter of Hill for President, has his present Fourteenth District changed to tho Sixteenth and made stronger Democratic, end he, will likely be returned, as he is backed by Senator Hill and Ohio's famous "whip," Ike Hill, of the House Sorgeant-at-armsbip. Os the five Democratic Congressmen saved by being put in Democratic districts Owens and Layton will unquestionably be returned. Harewill no doubt be dumpod for a renominstlon, while Outhwaite and Donovan will have an equal chance to succeed, although in Bopublicsn districts, Vincent A. Taylor. Joseph D. Taylor, John A. Caldwell, and Robert E. Doan will have hard sledding to get back to Washington, while Gen. Enochs, E. B. Taylor,’aud Bellamy Storer, from thoir commanding ability and surroundings, will beyond doubt ho returned. The Republicans predicate under this gerrymander their getting s xteen Congressmen to McKinley’s 22,811 plurality, but Mr. Blaine's ‘ declining to run for President may upset all this prognostication and ex_en under this bill give the Demoorats a majority of one and per- . baps throe. Tho probability is that the bill will go through and become as great a boomerang as the one tub Ohio Republican Legislature passel In tbe winter of 1861-09, when the popular disgust made itself manifest by returning a strong Democratic delegation. The Foraker men will aim to modify it in the House, but It looks now as though it would pass, in which case some of the Foraker men swear they will get even with Sherman’s taotlcs when the November election comes. ' Tliq Perfect Man. Bev. M. T. Savage of Boston, gives his idea of the perfect man. He will be: A perfect animal. A trained, clear-seeing, unbiased intellect, whose one thirst is for truth. A taste that sees and appreciates all beauty. A heart that loves all lovely things. A sympathetic r beneficence that would have all men lifted tff the highest. A soul or spin t that recognizes kinship with the Eternal Spirit and ever aspires toward a fuller spiritual life. These all blend in one being, not that he has these things, but is these. —Womankind. An Unquestioned Claim. Gordon —Did Crawley's wife sue* ceed In getting a pension? Wallace—Yes, easily enough. Gordon—How? —- Wallace—She proved her husband died of small-pox caught from a Confederate soldier during a reunion of the “Blue and Gray.’’—Life. \,