Decatur Democrat, Volume 35, Number 32, Decatur, Adams County, 30 October 1891 — Page 4

CAPRICE’S f?c3^>| a^L Used in Millions of Homes— 40 Years the Standard

©he Democrat JT. BLIOKBWr, Proprietor. FRIDAY, OCT. 30, 1891. The citizens whose wages barbeen raised by the McKinley bil should write at once to Ohio, tha Mr. McKinley may give the go< d news to the Ohio voter. Ex-Speaker Reed says that Democratic prophecy never “gets fulfilled.” There is one exception at least. The prophecy of-the fate of the billion dollar congress came out all right. Mr. Blaine now writes tha’ since the reciprocity clause was pul into the McKinley bill he' indorses it—that is to say, the reciprocity clause. Mr. Blaine has learned the great art of expressing his meaning by what he doesn’t say. Whatever happens in Ohio, there is a gratifying probability of getting rid of John Sherman, am: i who has damaged this country moi< than all the drought, grasshoppeand canker worms with which it habeen afflicted in the last twent? years. Secretary of the Treasui Foster has gone to Ohio to remain until after the election. He will drs v his salary regularly while stumpii p the state, and if it could be appln d regularly to keeping him as far as possible from Washington, the fii ances of the country would be much the better. If Ohio goes against high tarif 'next Tuesday, the only idea the Republican party has had to harp on since the Force bill died on their hands, will pass into the eten al shades, and Major McKinley wi 1 be heard of no more except who some Republican will with clinched hands and grinding teeth mutter some curses against him.

Mr. Blaine's letter to the inquiring Ohio editor who desired an explanation of his famous criticism of the original McKinley bill, (that it did not open a market for a bushel of our wheat or a pound of our pork,) can hardly afford the Ohio disciples of McKinley much satisfaction, although it is a veiy pretty card for Mr. Blaine. Marshal Field <& Co have just paid $3,000 tariff on $1,'400 worth of pearl buttons. These buttons, twenty-five and thirty cents per dozen in this ‘ country, are “threepence” in Paris and London. MiField was lectured by Republicans for telling the truth about the matter, and bluntly informed his interviewers that every merchant knows the tariff is a tax, and his customers know it, too. The path of the high-tax orator is mot laid with soft fleece when he goes among the wool manufacturers to explain how the “beneficent” works. Tom Reed got quite out of temper with his Worcester (Mass.) audience because the woolen manufacturers clamor for free raw material. Said he: “I cannot understand how any man can have the face to stand up and say: “I demand on my woolen carpet, the product of my mill, a large duty, and at the same time I will not pay any man anything more for the material which be uses to make that carpet. In other words, I will have protection on my carpet, but you shall not have protection on your wool.’ ” No better exposition of the fallacy of the whole tax argument could be made than the words of Mr. Reed. If equal rights enter Jnto the deal at all, one tax calls for another and by the time the taxer gets ’round, ratios are the same, an expensive artificial and unsafe basis /for trade is built up and no man is benefited. Benefit accrues co the ■■ & lew only when the many are laid under unjust tribute without corresponding returns. The essence of the law of protection is priviledge to some and patriotic endurance for /others. Mr. Reed would better let logic like the above severely alone.

BUY A FLANNEL SHIFT. Under the McKinley bill a good ordinary flannel shirt sell for $2.50. This shirt is all woo’ well made and warm, such a gamont as every workingman expose to the weather in this climate ough co wear. The full suit of this fla> nel, shirt and drawers, costs $5. / shirt, shoddy and cotton mixeo % with the wool predominating, am having the appearance of an al'wooi garment, can be had for $2 or $4 the suit. For $1.25 for the shirt $2.50 for the suit, wool and shoddy mixture or cotton warp is offered, and this, no doubt, will be taken by most people of limited in comes. It is not so bad but that it might be a great deal worse, as may be seen by comparing it with cheap er imitations of flannel. It takes the place of the wool and camel’s hair mixtures sold in 1888 at $2 and $2.50 the suit, the suit lasting two years, with wear from September to June Ist of each year. The imitation flannel, which must now be taken as a substitute, loses most of its wool by washing, and only enough remaining with the cottoi to make it hard and stiff. After ; few washings there is little warms left in such goods. But, leaving the imitations of a grades from very bad to very goo out of consideration, take the re« flannel, the plain, ssubstantial, ali wool shirt at $2.50, or suit at s■> The lowest possible cost here so; flannels for the winter for one ma: is $lO for two suits, or sls for a extra suit,such as every workingma should have against imergencie when dry flannels are needed am' his change suit is “in the wash.” It is clear that, under the McKinley prices, real flannel is out of thi reach of people who have small in comes. The average wage-earmr cannot afford it at all. He must put up with the imitations, for at the average wages of $1.25 a day he would have to work tour days to get a single suit of flannels. When it comes to buying for himself, for his wife, for the average family of fiye persons, two or three changes apiece, including undershirts for the females, he can no more afford real flannels than he can diamonds and rubies. Under the McKinley 7 bill real flannel is a luxury forthose only whose incomes are much above the average. It will often happen that men of family with an incom< of $1.50 or over a week will be com pelled to lay aside reluctantly th* real flannels when buying for them selves and take the cotton and shod dy mixtures, which, however skilfully made as imitations, are very far from being flannels.

Any head of a family who goes to lay in the winter supply of clothing will see at once how greatly the total expense for all-wool and imitation woolen goods has been increased by this vicious and demoralizing taxation. The best grade of all-wool flannel shirts, readymade, would not sell for more than $1.25 were there no taxon the material or the finished goods. The real value of the imitation woolen shirts is much less jnd without the tax they would sell by or their merit. As it is, the buyer is compelled to take what he can get. The retail dealer does the best he can for him, but with double and triple taxation on every article of woolen goods in his trade the dea er’s power to please his customers is curtailed. A distinguished Kepuplican speaker in Ohio announced last week that the prohibition party, the people’s party and every other new political organization is opposed to the Republican party. Well, why not? The Republican party has not legislated wisely for the people, has been a sectional party of hate and a centralized party of spoils. No wonder all the other political organizations oppose it. If it be true, as Talleyrand said, that a rich man despises those who flatter him, how much the Ohio workmen, enriched by the tariff, must despise the campaign adula-

HIGH PROTECTION. The Democrats are not seekim ‘to take off the tariff” entirely o> abandon tariff taxes as the princi. pal source of revenue. Many good people, are resting •omfortably in the belief that tli<\ are paying little or no tariff taxes, because they never see the collectowith bis tax bill, not understanding that he comes, as Colonel Mill told the Ohio people, like a thief it 'he night, with muffled steps an>‘ velvety touch. Undoubtedly then ire grave objections and lurkin; dangers in any sy stem of taxatioi that conceals from the tax-paye' what be pays and when and how In nays. It is difficult to fit such a system to the safe working of represen tativ< government. It deadens the vigil ence which is the price at which we hold our liberties, tor unless men clearly see and feel all these thing'it is exceedingly difficult—with the unthinking it is utterly impossibh to arouse them to the injustice of class taxation or the peril and wrong of extravagant expenditure. But tariff reform is not tariff abolition, that the belief that “it takes all the tariff now to meet the expenses of the government.” Under the McKinley bill, as under its immediate predecessors, the government does not get all the tariff, or even the larger share of it. What the exact share of the government is no man can tell with certainty, but those best qualified to judge of its working declare, after a careful study of the provisions of the bill, that less than one-fifth pari of the taxes it exacts from the p< o pie goes into the public treasui y. all the rest going to a limited num -ber of people; m the main to grea’ capitalists and corporations, to ininsure them prosperity in business. And that is the whole controversy. It is against this monstrous abuse of the taxing power that tariff reform is summoning the American people to battle. It does not seek to cut off needed public revenue, but to abolish or immensely reduce these enormous private taxes ne w collected through the tariff. Nearly all the wrongs and oppressions of governments have come from abuse or usurpation of the taxing power. In a country that pio-' fesses and aims to be free there is but one admissible principles* ai.d one safe rule, and that is that all taxation shall be for public purposes —what the people pay, the people’s government should receive. When the power of taxation is exercised to provide means for necessary public expenses, it is a legitimate use of it. When the power of taxation is loaned or sub let to any individual to help him increase the price of what he sells to the rest of the people, it is an illegitimate use of it. The one is tariti for revene; the other is a tariff for protection. The beneficiiaries and defenders of the latter-system pleasantly call it the protection of American industry against the competi tion of foreign industry, because* its method of operating is by imposing a high or prohibitive fine upon foreign products that might seek to enter our markets. Stripping away this disguise of words, we see that it is nothing but a device for compelling, by law, one citizen to pay to another citizen higher prices than the buyer would have to pay to a foreigner for the same commodities. Now a law that effects this result must enable every man to get back, in turn, from all others, in increased prices for his products, all that it has made him pay out in increased prices for the products of others, or it violates the fundamental rule of equal rights. But if it brings back to every man all that it has forced him to pay to others, all the citizsns in the country will be in the exact situation in which they were before the mutual taxation began, or in the exact situation in which they would haye been if themutual taxation had never begutt—which is the very thing protectionists express such a horror of. If there are any citizens to whom it has not brought back bas forced them to pay to others, they are wronged, discriminated against, aud pushed from the plane of equal citizenship down to a lower grade, Now there are two great classes of things whose prices cannot be raised by a tariff law, First, those things that we send out to sell in other countries whose price is fixed by the foreign markets—as, for example, our surplus farm product; secondly, those things which we make for ourselves without possibihty of oompetitioD from foreign-

ars in our home markets. Such « law, therefore, is limited in itsopei ation to those things which foreign !ra may offer to sell us in our ow> markets in competitltion with hom producers. Hence it is only th< home-producers of this last class'O things for whose benefit the tarif can increase the price of their pro ducts; and it is only from the hom< purchasers of those products tha the tariff can exact that increase* price. But the home producers of thi last class of products are only : -<mall part of our great army o producers. It is the few and al waythe few, then, who are the benet* ciaries of a protective tariff; and i is the many and always the man; who are the victims of a protectiv tariff. The moment such a law a' tempts to extend its benefits to a l * its effect is neutralized, tor it ca give nothing to any citizen excep by first taking it from some othe citizen. However, it can never be anything but a class law, its system of taxation a class system —taxing the many tor the benefit of the few. We have several times written upon the fact that the farmer pays more than his share of the taxes. That he does so is beyond dispute. The Western Rural, of Chicago, stated it thus: We complain much of the inequality of taxation. The farmer knows that he bears more than his share of the burden of taxation. He cannot be a shirker if he desires, for his property is of su< h character that the assessor can be th find and comprehend it. But thi<t is not true in the assessment of the property of the rich and practiced tax shirker. There are millions upon millions of value that are nev er discovered for the one reason and another never taxed. Some years ago the Western Rural had a series of articles showing the audacious difference between the real and assessed value of the Union Stock yards property. In the same series of articles it was shown what astonishingly few gold watches, pianos and horses the Chicago assessors could find. But there was not a farm here in Illinois that was n< t assessed, and the opinion may 1 e fearlessly given that there was not a gold watch in a farmer’s pocket or a horse in a farmer’s stable that was not taxed upon a good valuation. But great as this wrong is, it really sinks into insignificance when compared to the arbitrary assessments which corporations, trusts and monopolies levy upon the people.— Progressive Farmer. Should the President seize upon the military and naval services and use them as he does the civil service for his renomination, he would have a corps of men in uniform. At primaries, at conventions, at tl e business of hustling voters, running over the country, laying pipes and the thousand other odd jobs, they would be conspicuous objects, and the people would be greatly interested to watch them at work. Now let the President put bis civil service into uniform. Let us see Col. Archie Baxter as he journeys over New York state with Fassett, in uniform, and Postmaster Van Cott and Collectors Hendricks and Beard and a host of others. Os course, such as these should be distinguished by certain marks and extra embellishments as officers. It is probably a moderate estimate to say that the President has now v T 5,000 employes paid by the whole people and supposed to be giving their entire energies to the service of those who pay them, as busy as bees in his own private interest, or to put it less baldly but what really amouts to the same thing, at work for. the Republican machine. We take the liberty to suggest that the color pf the new uniform for the civil sey? vice should be red. Red has recent, ly been adopted as the official color of letter boxes for the excellent reason that it shows well at long distance, and that is precisely what we want of the civil service as it labors for boses big and little. When Col Baxter passes through the little towns and speaks at the par door for Fassett, if he is in a bright red uniform he shows well down the street as a federal employe off junketing. Bo with these differ? ent postmasters who have held ooh. ventions, their red uniform is a constant reminder that tbeir living is fnrntshed by general taxation, while they are using their time, and official position to carry out the orders of a Quay or Platt or lieutenants of

Thb Republican organa purpose* ly misunderstand and misquot the tin question. The Demucratt* make no claim that tin can not bt manufactured in this.country; with sufficient aid from the government, that is, by laying other industries under tribute, any commodity may be grown, any article manufactured. The question is, are the people of this country of alleged equal rights ready to assume extra burdens to establish a business that, with everything in lavor, can make way for itself in an honest and legitimate manner. President Garfield said that every such plea was based upon utter selfishness, a demand for privileges which others may not enjoy, else there would be no benefit. The ridiculousness of the hurrah about tin manufacture, three months after a double tax is levied upon it; the implication that tin mines and tin mills were ready to burst into blossom, the moment they were touched by the magic wand of wax is apparent to any thoughtful person. It is too puerile to be indulged in by “statesmen,” even in a political campaign. Cattle Dehorned. Stock Men attention. A. J. Bargahiser, the noted Cattle Dehorner is here for the purpose of doing work of that kind. AllWorkGuaranteed Do not employe inexperienced parties to d< your work who use butcher's saws, tenet saws or some oat rm saw, which will cause h.k heads and stub horn»*s. Years of cxreriet <•< have taught the undersigned that dehorn! i > must be done in a scientific manner to insure success. I use the latest improved method in securing the cattle to be dehorned. I GUARANTEE NO INJURY! As my instruments, used in the operation, are of the best material and made express I y for the purpose. Terms Reasonable. Leave all orders at the livery stable of Peterson & Fritzinger, Decatur, Ind. I will be at Decatjur until after All orders must be in early to secure prompt attention. For further information address me at Willshire, Ohio. A. J. Bargahiser. Children Cry for Pitcher’s Castorla.

Fir fW v# (SI “From the fullness of the heart the mouth speaketh,” hence faiz and high- minded people evrywhere delight in speaking the praisecof those • who, or the things which, are essentially good. Out of several hundred, written testimonials to the worth and merits of the Americanized Encyclopaedia Britannica there is only room for a limited number. . Lyman J. Gage, President Worlds Columbian Exposition. And vice President Os the First National Bank, says: “The move* ment inagurated to supply the people with the Americanized Encyclopaedia Britannica is a marked indication of an advance in the intlectual taste of the community. Under the easy conditions of purchase of the work it ought to be in every library, however humble.” from The Chicago Herald. “The Americanized Encyclopaedia Britannica is a magnificent and valuable possession tor every household. It presents for the first time a a oamplete reference library at a pnee and on terms within reach of every family.” . • . 1 From The St. Lnois Republic. “The Americanized Encyclopaedia Britannica is not the Enoyolopso* dia Britannica inJits old form, but the Encyclopedia "Britannica Americanized as to make It a thousand-fold more valuable to American readers than the Englsh edition.” - i . - t • ' : * ' ■ • This great 70riF W ft y b® obtained for |BO.OO, including one yenfs subscription to THE DECATUR DEMOCRAT as Thl» tim volumes will be delivered on payment of lfi.oo and then <9.10 each month thereafter until the full amount is paid. Call and examine the work at this office or, if requested by mail, our representative will call and show you sample copy.

A SUCBSSSFUL MAH Is a man that attends to bis own business. Our Business is to Sell Clothing and Furnishing Goods! © z k t And our Study is to Buy Good Goods and Sell them at the Lowest Prices We have for the Season the Best and the Finest lane of Goods ever Shown m the City. ’ • . . ' ' ■ r 1 - Come in and see us. Everybody treated alike. One Price to all. - Yours Respectfully, .'' ' : : ■. ■. . ... .'l'-’ . • ■ Pete Holthouse, the One-Price Clothiar. fl ft aa a At kee P 8 a l ar g® Btook Dry inn IJ fl ftffi Goods, Notions, Groceries, Boots, Shees KI 111 I and in fact everything kept in a general |f| ||| | store. Buys all kinds of Country Produce Al UJM UUU U f° r wklck the highest market price is paid.