Decatur Democrat, Volume 34, Number 24, Decatur, Adams County, 5 September 1890 — Page 6

TOPICS OF THE TIMES. A CHOICE SELECTION OF INTERESTING ITEMS. Comment* and Criticlama Based Upon th* Happenings of the Day-Historical I and Mews Notea Charts have been prepared showing that the eye has 729 distinct expressions, conveying ns many different shades of meaning. ' It is stated that the German EleCTtic Company of Madrid has in contemplation the installation of a plant for electric plowing on a large property in the central part of Spain. One of the standing properties in the prison of Uskub, Macedonia, is a collection of large ants. Fifty ants placed on the body of a man chained to the floor so that he can’t move limb or head, will cause as extreme torture as can be devised. “It is really cunous,” said the Czar lately, “that I may not rely on a single one of my diplomatists. They all lie—- • always promise and never fulfill. I prefer my generals an hundred fold. The meanest of them, were he even an arrant fool, would never have the audacity to affirm a fact which he knew to be untrue.” Few princesses in the royal and semiroyal houses of Europe are so sensible as the Princess Maria Ann of Portugal, who is about to marry an untitled doctor of medicine. * In reply to an intimate friend who asked her recently how she could marry a man of such* low rank when so many princely suitors were at her disposal, she said: “I prefer to marry a man without a name rather than a name without a man.” G. W. Giffen, of Truckee, Cal., , makes the following unique political * announcement: “I am a Dependent candidate for the office of road overseer in and for District No. s—dependent upon the voters of said district. lam pre-eminently sound upon all the leading questions, from the tariff all the way down to ‘Who struck Billy Patterson ?’ and if elected will do my duty, and if defeated will* submit without kicking.” A gentleman who wrote concerning the price of board in a country town is said to have received this telegram in reply: “Board, S2O a week, including washing up the carriage and piano age tit. Robinson.” He wrote in answer that, though both piano agent and carriage needed cleansing, he was not accustomed to such charges in a board bill, and soon after learned that the original copy had run thus: “Board S2O a week, including washing, use of carriage and piano. Agnes Robinson.” Something unusual in the marriage line occurred & short time ago in Scranton, Pa. A couple; about to be wedded, were to take a certain train, and if lacked just eight minutes of train time. They were equal to the emergency. The groom, Clarence King Brown, hustled the bride and minister into a waiting carriage, and leaped in himself. He then gave orders to the driver to “fly” to the depot The driver did as requested, and while going through the streets at a break-neck speed the couple were married. They got to the depot just in time to catch the train, and re- , ceived the minister’s blessing as they jumped on board. \ . When Cora Belle Fellows, a young and pretty teacher, married Chaska, an Indian chief, the world lamented the sad fate of the heroine, and pictured her as the slave of the red man and the victim of his rude domestic discipline. / But the shoe appears to be on the other foot. tThe white bride is able to hold * her own against her husband's native tribe. •. When the annual issue of soap was made to Swift Bird’s camp Mrs. Chaska claimed the lion’s share, and cleared the room at the agency by burling the oakes of soap right and left. The lady is mated as well as married. Her prowess in holding the fort shows that she did wisely when she bestowed her vigorous hand upon a wielder es the tomahawk. C ■ j. A Russian woman, dressed like a Turk and speaking the Turkish language fluently, recently arrived in Tiflis from Reezab. Several years ago she had been decoyed from her home in Kertchinsk and sold to a Turk. She was kept in a harem in Reezah since then, and no chance was given her to communicate with any one outside. At last she got an opportunity to communicate with the Russian consul at Reezah, through whom she was enabled to escape from the harem and to return to \ her native land. She says that there are many Russian women kept in the harems of Reezah, and that the Turks > seem to have a predilection for them. None of them feels happy in her position. 'Unfortunately forthem, they are watched with such vigilance that they have no opportunity to communicate . with the outside world or to effect their liberation. There is a doctor in New Haven, who, to say the least, is a unique figure in medical circles. He argues that filth is health/. He doubtless means “wholesome,*/and if he knows as little about sanitary science as about / the meaning of English words no one ean wonder at anything he says. He is opposed to a plumbing ordinance in New Haven, and has 'written some long letters in which he cl a nosthat filth and good health go hand in haiifk— lie says among other things: “If a prisoh, is noted for its filth it is still more celebrated for its health, and our public institutions have proved beyond doubt the harmless nature of sewages.” He ridicules the seizure of bad beef by the inspectors, declares that it is "sheer nonsense” to forbid the sale of immature veal, evea if it be but four hours old, and boasts that he has advised wo- - men to give to their children, “especially to those suffering with cholera in-

fantum,” water from wells that are near certain vaults. > Illustrative of the peremptory business habits of the Webb boys this is fold by the New York correspondent of Philadelphia Press: In the early of Dr. Seward Webb as a railroad man he attempted a little show of authority with Mr. Jay Gould, which that gentleman treated in his dry, sarcastic way. It seems that W. H. Vanderbilt was just dead when his son-in-law, t>r. Webb, in a business letter called Mr. Gould rather peremptorily to (account, and presented his ultimatum ip a matter concerning some exchange in business between the Vanderbilt and Gonld roads. Dr. Webb’s idea was to hurry Mr. Gould to a settlement. Biit Mr. Gould was not to be hurried, or even brought to a consideration of the case, and he wrote a short note to Mr. Webb in which he simply said that his sorrow over the death of Mr. Vanderbilt three or four days before had been so poignant that he was unable to consider any business with his son-in-law at present It is probable that Mr. Gould has not heard from Dr. Seward Webb since. It may not be generally known that a State institution exists for the purpose of preventing the landing of persons from foreign countries who are insane or unable to support themselves and families. An official detailed for the purpose boards an incoming shin, and before the immigrants have had more than a peep at America, has ascertained their names, where they came from, what they’re here for, what they propose to do for a living after they get ashore (if they are allowed to), if they have any relatives here, or any one else awaiting their arrival, and lastly, how much money they have in their inside pockets. He doesn’t ask them if they are crazy, for if he did, and took their statement for it, the craziest of them would be the most sane, and the condition of the sane ones would be doubtful. Instead, he casually glances at them, and perhaps peers sharply into their eyes; and one look is usually sufficient for this expert, for he can ninetynine times out of a hundred, tell at a glance about how a person’s upper story is fitted and furnished. When a person is found who cannot be allowed to land, the Captain of the steamer is notified, and it is his duty to safely keep such a person on board, under a pjjhalty of SI,OOO for neglecting to do so. If any person who is allowed to land becomes an object of charity within five years thereafter, he is pro vided for by the State, the expense of his support being paid out of the State Treasury, a hill for the same being afterward sent to Washington for reimbursement from the Treasury of the United States. The Toad and the Duke of Wellington. Short Cuts has unearthed a peculiarly delightful letter of the little Duke of Wellington, which runs as follows: “Strathfieldsaye, July 27, 1837.—Field Marshal the Duke of Wellington is happy to inform William Harries that his toad is alive and weiU’ During one of his country walks the Duke found a little boy lying on the ground, bending his head over a tame toad, and crying as if his heart would break, On being asked What was the matter the child explained that he was crying "for his poor toad.” He brought it something to eat every morning, but he was now to be sent to school a long distance off, and he was afraid that nobody else would give it anything to eat, and that it would die. The Duke, however, consoled him by saying, that he would himself see the toad weil fed, and by further promising to let the boy hear as to its welfare. During the time the boy was away at school he received no less than five autograph letters similar to that given above, and when he for the Christmas holidays the toad was still alive to gladden his heart The story is even more delightful than that of the Duke’s indignation when he found that a party of children at Strathfieldsaye — among whom, we believe, was the present Prime Minister—were having their tea without jam. The incident roused him to immediate action, and he at once rang the bell and issued a general order that "children’s tea” was never to be served in his house with such "maimed rights.” Living Stones In the Falklands. The Falklands produce no trees, but. they do produce wood—wood in every remarkable shape. You will see, scattered here and there, singular blocks of what looks like weather-beaten, mossygray stonesrof various size. But if you attempt to roll over one of these rounded bowlders, you will find yourself unable to accomplish it. In fact, the stone is tied down to the ground—tied down by the roots; or, in other words, it is not a stone, but a block of living wood. If you examine it in‘ the right time you may be able to find upon it, half hidden among the lichen and mosses, a few of its obscure leaves and flowert. If you try to cut it with an axe, you will find it extremely hard to do so. It is entirely unwedgeable, being made up of countless branches which grow so closely together that they become consolidated into one mass. On a sunny day—if you are lucky enough to see a sunny day in Falkland —you may perhaps find on the warm side of the “balsam bog,” as the living stone is called, a few drops of the fragrant gum, highly prized by the shepherds for its supposed medicinal qualities. This wonderful plant is the Bolax glebaria of botanists, and belongs to the same family as do the parship and the carrot. Gnlcled Grant and Sheridan. I had as a guide on the battlefield of Waterloo, says a writer for the Lewis ton Journal, an old resident of Waterloo, whose father at the date of the. battle lived in yonder cottage on tne right flank of Wellington. Perhaps you would like to hear this old guide’s jitory; “I gnide Sheridan, great cavalry man, big mustache-3-1 show him battlefield of Waterloo. I also show Gen. Grant. Gen. Grant teld me he was surprised that there was only threefourths of a mile between the headquarters of Napoleon and Wellington. Grant said to me: 'War is different now. Bigger field, bigger guns, more shot.’ Do you see that cottage in the young apple trees?—that is where Victor Hqgo lived three months. I drank beer with Victor Hugo many time.”

MILLS TO THE FARMERS FALLACIES of the protec- / TIONIBTS EXPOSED. Address of the Texas Statesman to - the People or lowa, Delivered Before the Crowds at the Creston Blue Grass i Exposition. Our free government Is supported by an enormous tax levied on articles as they go from the hand of the producer to the mouth or body of the consumer. Our free government has tom out one system of slavery and is now struggling in convulsions to eradicate another. The beneficiary of tariff slavery denounces free trade with as much vehemence as the beneficiary of human slavery denounced free negroes. Yet the manacles have been stricken from the hands of the negroes, and it is only a question of time when they will fall from the hands of white men. When our flrsttax bill was enacted in 1789, it declared in its preamble that its object was to protect manufactures. In order to accomplish the much-desired object, a protective duty of less than 10 per cent, on dutiable goods was imposed. This encouraging duty of $lO on the SIOO worth of dutiable goods was about ten times as much taxation as they were paying for the support of their State governments, and was regarded as very liberal encouragement, and under it our fathers confidently expected the infant would soon be able to stand alone and cease to depend upon the bottle' for its nourishment’ They never contemplated that the in- . fanfc was to remain a perpetual imbecile, and'ithat the longer it lived the more nursing it wou'd require. But after one hundred years have gone the bottlesucking policy is more.. importunately demanded than it was then. Instead of the bottle the infant is now crying for a demijohn filled with protection and strengthened with an infusion of free whisky. Instead of its growing stronger on protection it is growing weaker, and the milk has to bo mingled with alcohol and administered in greater quantities. To-day the average protection is 300 per cent, greater than it was one hundred years and Congress is being importuned to raise it to 400 percent, over that of 1789. The average tax on dutiable articles for the year ending June 30, 1889, 'Was $45 on the SIOO of imports, and the billtnow pending and which will soon be passed will make it SSO on every SIOO worth. The experience of the country for a century shows that protection not only does not develop the infant into selfreliant and self-supporting manhood, but develops and intensifies his imbecility, If the next hundred years shall produce the same result as the one we have passed, it will require SIOO of taxes on SIOO of imports to enable the domestic infant to live. It was admitted by our fathers that high duties were a contribution from the taxpayer to the domestic manufacturer, and it-was so designed by them when the duties were imposed. They never denied that tariffs, high or'’ low, increased the price of the taxed article. None of them denied that the consume/ paid the tax on both the foreign and.’ domestic product. He paid on the foreigh goods for the support of the Government and, he paid on the domestic goods for the support of the manufacturer. They admitted it was a burden, hut it was a burden which, infant state, was necessary to be borne. They did not say that it lowered the price of goods, but raised them. They did not say that the foreign producer paid the tax on the goods, but the domestic consumer. They did not say that the tax would increase the wealth of the country, advance its civilization, build up colleges and seminaries of learning, produce entire sanctification of the body politic and finally translate it in chariots of fire to kingdom come. The good old souls, thought that it would encourage and develop manufacturing jsq rapidly that in a reasonable time the consumer and producer would be brought side by side, but they failed to see that while many would come to engage in manufacturing, many would • also come to obtain homesteads on our rich and productive lands, and the consumer and producer would remain where the laws of nature placed Jthem, scattered all over the face of the globe. They thought that the American farmer, who was then exporting a large surplus to foreign markets would after awhile find a market at his doors for all his products. Years have come and gone, but that all-suffi-cient home market has never come, and will never and can never cOme till the God of nature changes nature’s laws. Manufactures have grown, but agriculture has kept pace with them. Both have greatly overgrown the home market and both are in sore need of foreign markets. The farmers of the United States can to-day easily produce $1,000,000,000 worth of surplus agricultural products If there were open markets ip which they could be sold.. Our manufacturers can produce a surplus even greater than that if Congress would untax their materials and enable them to produce at a lower cost and undersell their in every port of the Congress to-day is preparing a bill to increase taxes, to check imports and exports, and lessen our foreign trade. This is not a bill to raise revenue, but a bill to prevent raising revenue. It is a bill to raise the prices of manufactures still higher and depress the prices of farm produce still lower. It will increase the prices of domestic manufactures and cause the people to pay more for them, while it will prevent the export of agricultural products and depress their prices, and make farmers less able to buy. , All values are created by labor, and when Congress, by taxation, increases the price for an article necessary to our wants, it increases the amount of labor we have to expend to procure the same things Three pounds of woolen hosiery can be bought in England to-day for sl, or one day’s work. Congress is now proposing to put a tax of 200 per cent, on that goods. It will then take $3, or three days’ work, to purchase It —one day’s work to pay for the goods and two days’ work to encourage the sad and melancholy manufacturer. Four pounds of worsted underwear can to-day be bought, in Europe for sl, or one day’s work, but when the new tariff bill passes, with its dnty of 175 per cent.,, it will take two and three-quarters days’ labor —one to pay for the goods and one and three-quarters for the benefit of the manufacturer. One day’s work will now buy one dollar’s worth of student lamp chimneys, but when the bill to check importation passes, with its duty of 450 per cent., ft will take five and one-half days’ work —one to buy the chimneys and four and one-half days’ work to light the lamp of joy In the bosom of the glass manufacturers, who only declare an annual dividend of 34 per cent, net profits. One hundred pounds of forged iron can now be bought in Europe for sl, pr one day’s work, but when the new bill passes to put 100 per cent, duty on It, it will “forge” two days’ work out of the laborer—one to pay for the iron and one to help the manufacturer to buy a castle in Scotland of a fortress in Mexico. These instances are sufficient to show you the effect of taxing all articles imported into the United States. It require* more labor to obtain the same •mount of every article upon which the tax is imposed. Is that the way to ihcreasO in wealth? And yet its advocates tell us that taxing people is the way to make them rich, and of course the more you tax them the richer they get If

labor creates wealth, and we know it does, then it must follow thas the less labor that is required in' a given time to produce a given result, the greater the amount of labor that would be released to be employed in other production, and consequently the greater the increase of production and the greater the increase of wealth. The price at which the importer sells in the market is the price at which the domestic producer of the similar article sells in the same market. There cannot be two market prices for the same thing at the same time and in the same place. What amount of the $7,000,000,000 of domestic product bears .the same enhanced price of 45 per cent, it is impossible to tell, but it is safe to say one-third of it, and that the Consumption of the product of our domestic manufactures costs the consumers a thousand millions of dollars annually, which is paid to the manufacturer to protect him against competition, and to secure him the enjoyment of a monopoly. To pay this sum would require a thousand million days' work at $1 per day. Placing our population at 65,000,000 souls, that would represent about 20,000,000 laborers, and at twentysix working days to the month it would require two mbnths’ work out of twelve by each laborer to pay the debt which a protective tariff has written upon the muscles of his arms. He has to work more; than one more month to pay the taxes placed on artjgles which he must consume to live. One month he must work for the support of the Government, and two months to build up fortunes for its favorites and castles for them to live in. Have you ever thought how rapidly this system is transferring the wealth of the many into the pockets of a few thousand people? Have you ever thought how rapidly it is enriching a few and exhausting the masses? Do you wondbr that colossal fortunes are springing up around you like mushrooms, while the working masses are vainly battling against a current that is bearing them over 5 a political Niagara? In an article written by Thomas G. Shearman in the September number of the Forum of 1888, and which has not been contradicted, he shows that less than 25,000 persons own $31,500,000,000 of the national wealth, which is more' than one-half the entire amount. Seventy persons are named by him in one of his articles, who own $2,700,000,000. Thirty others are named who own $450,000,000. This shows that 100 persons now own over $3,000,000,000 of the national wealth, which is about one-twentieth of the whole. If the favored few have in thirty years gathered up one-half of the national wealth, how long will It take them to gather up thQ other half? This is a little sum in whose solution.the farmers of lowa may take some interest. They may not take any interest in the tariff, but the tariff will nevertheless take a very lively interest in their farms. I have stated enough to convince any tax-payer that taxes in any form are a burden, and that taxation on imports is the worst form of that burden, and that taxation on imports which compete with American products is a malignant type of the tax disease. I wish this was the “be-all and the end-all” of this most pernicious and destructive malady. But it is not. The worst remains to be told. I have shown you how you are injured by raising the prices of what you have to buy. lam now to toll, you how it lowers the prices, of what you have to sell. When high duties are imposed on foreign articles to keep them out o ’ our market, as Is claimed to be the object of the pending tariff bill, they keep our articles in as well as the foreign arilclescout. We have been, through our whole history, producing a large surplus of agricultural products, which we hove been sending to foreign markets. This surplus is yearly increasing and augments in proportion to the increase of population and labor-saving machinery. After reeding all our mouths and clothing all our bodies and sheltering all of our heads we have a large surplus—and surplus means supply over and above all demands of the home market. What are we to do with it? We raise 2,000,000,000 bushels of corn, 500,000,000 bushels of wheat. We produce an enormous amount of meats far beyond our wants. The shop-keeping people of Europe want them and are willing to give us manufactures of iron, steel, copper, lead and zinc, and manufactures of cotton, wool, hemp, flax and many other things from 30 to 50 per cent, cheaper than we can get them at home, and give us from 30 to 50 per cent, more for our agricultural products. But our tariff says the home market must be monopolized by the home manufacturer, and duties must be raised high enough to keep the foreigner out. What is the consequence? We refuse to buy from the foreigner; he cannot buy from us. Trade is an exchange of two or more commodities. If one of the parties refuses to take from the other, trading ceases, and he who refuses to take from the other makes it impossible for the other to take from him. If the United States should prohibit the importation of all articles from foreign countries the law would just as effectually prohibit all exportation to foreign countries. This is the policy of tho new tariff bill. It does not propose to prohibit all imports; only those that compete with ours. It does not propose tc stop trade entirely, but to check it- Just then to the extent that it checks or restricts importation it wjll restrict or lessen importation. Whenever you have large importations we have large exportations, and the exports are chiefly agricultural products. From 75 to 80 per cent, of all of our exports are agricultural. When we have large importation it creates a demand for large exports of agricultural products. That increased demand raises their prices and distributes wealth throughout all our hives of industry. Whenever there Is a small importation there is a small exportation and little demand for farm products. That lowers their prices and leaves, debt, destitution and want throughout the land. Some of our distinguished statesmen are urging reciprocity treaties with the countries situated south of us; to open markets fpr our farm products. It would be a very small market for provisions and breadstuffs or other farm products, because they are farmers themselves, and are, like ourselves, exporting farm products. Mexico; Central and South America and Cuba all take less than $10,000,000 worth of our agricultural products. Yet I would be willing to open any market now closed or partially closed to us, whether it took one barrel of flour or a million barrels. But if it would be to our interest to have reciprocity with countries that take $10,000,000 of our farm products, would it not be forty times better to have reciprocity with a country that takes $400,000,000 worth of agricultural products from us every year? In 1881 Great Britain took from us products that amounted to $477,000,000, nearly all ot which came from our farms. If we would take more of her surplus she would take more of ours. If it is markets for our'farmers that are sdught for, it is difficult to see why we are looking to South' America instead Os Europe. lam afraid there is a (arge-siaed African gentlemao concealed in that wood pile. The amendment to tfie tariff bill, which has been sent from the State Department to ba incorporated in the Sonata, mentions steel rails as one of the articles that are to be admitted into this country free of duty. If duties are kept up on steel rails manufactured in other reentries and takes off steel rails produced in this country, a mine'will b cpeaod to that

industry tn th* 8 United States which will make the owners of that monopoly richer than the inP*s of Peru. This sluiceway of to be opened and poured into the laps of the steel-rail barons while prying the world to hunt “a market for another barrel of flour. ” If it is a market'fcr-pur surplus manufactures, why not say so? Woe® l * un " derstand each other better If we wHLcall a spade a spad, and not a jewsharp. "ff-to-day we had reciprocity with Europe, the farming interests of this country would spring forward with the bounds of a giant, while reciproicty with Central and South America, Mexico and Cuba would give that advantage to a few articles of manufacture, of which steel rails would be chief. I have done. I leave the question with you. If you want better rewards for labor, a better distribution of the wealth created by labor; if you want higher prices for farm products and lower prices for manufactures; if you want constant employment/ and higher wages for all workmen on farms, factories, and in all the avenues of commerce; if you want emancipation from debt and, depression; if you want prosperity to re, turn and bless the land, then go to thel ballot-box, leave your party prejudices at home, and vote for the men who will! carry your will into execution. Instruct your public servants*to get up from their knees and cease their worship of the mammons and molochs who have by 1 their aid brought the fairest land under heaven to the verge of ruin. Bid them unbind the hands of the toilers, which they have bound to worse than Egyptian taskmasters; bid them take the trumpet from the wall and sound the note of deliverance, and proclaim to the world that the night of captivity is ended. < A Girl’s Own Brother. “But, he’s my own brother.” Is that any reason why you should, take his courtesies for granted, and ’ never say “thank you?” Is that any reason why you should j not try and make an evening at home i pleasant for him, instead of forcing I him by your selfishness to seek his happiness somewhere else ? Is that any reason why you should not think his opinion of your frocks, your bonnets, or your looks worth consideration ? Is that any reason why you should appear before him in a clumsy wrapper and with your hair in papers ? Is that any reason why, when you have a man visitor, he should be made to feel that you endured your brother when there was nobody efee, but that when there was—well, then it was different ? Is that any reason why you should not be glad of a dance with him as your partner? Is that any reason why you should not listen to his word of advice about other girls or their brothers ? Is that any reasori ’tvhy you should not be interested in his story of the shooting or the hunting, when you are in the same tales from , other people ? Is that any reason why you should push him to the wall, except when you need him, and then claim his attention as your right ? Because he is your very own brother you ought to be ten-fold more considerate of him than of the brothers of other girls. Because he is your very own brother you ought to study his tastes and cater to them; read the books that he likes and suggest others to him; study the' songs he fancies and bfe glad to make new ones known to him. In this way you will make your brother your very own, and to him “sister” will be the most delightful among girls. Are you your brother’s keeper? Yes, in away; but you do not keep him by fetters formed of ill-temper, untidiness and lack of courtesy, but by one made of every feminine grace and brightened by a sisterly love. That is the keeping that will give you your brother’s love, and make you worthy the heart of some other girl’s brother too.— Ruth Ashmore, in Ladies’ Home Journal.

Who Ar* Compensated. A correspondent wishes to know what a compensatory duty is, and the information may not improperly be printed as news to those who read any of the protection organs. '' ' ' Whenever the American “consumer” Is a seller to his countrymen and a duty is levied on anything he uses In his business, the law supposes he must pay the duty, or the enhanced price, and it “compensates” him by levying an extra duty on what he produces. Iron ore is protected by 75 cents per ton. The law supposes that the American maker of pig-iron pays the Lake Superior oremaster 75 cents extra per ton. Hence it adds that to the duty on foreign pig-iron, making the duty on that $6.73 per ton. The maker of iron rails is supposed to be burdened with the protection of the oremaster and iron-master, so he Is protected by $17,92. „ The tariff is supposed by the law to be a tax upon every one except the final consumer—the man who uses what is made. Down (or up) to him every one pays the tariff tax and is “compensated* by permission to add the tax to his price. But there is no way to “compensate” the last man, the final consumer, so he is induced to believe that “the tariff is not a tax”—and it is not to any one but himself, for all the others have been “compensated.” ( It is a cunning scheme, but it is being found out. — New York World. • I Bight You Azo. If ths Democratic farmers of this State have no more sagacity in politics than to submit themselves to the plans for self-aggrandizement of the representatives of a party, whoso power in the legislative, judicial, and executive branches of the Government is used to oppress and rob them, they deserve to be enslaved, and ought to be marked with the brand of the slave. — Evansville (Ind.) Courier. Treasonable Utterances. It is truly astonishing to hear Congressman Funston, of Kansas, telling his fellow-statesmen that the opening of foreign ports to American meats “would ♦relieve the embarrassed condition of all classes of industry. ” In the name of the home market, are such expressions as this to be longer tolerated? Have we a tariff or haven’t we a tariff?— Courier Journal. Wait Till Nov*mb*r. The Democracy need not borrow trouble about the force bill if it goes over until the winter session. The people will have a chance to speak in November, and we guess they will speak so lond that eVMin the desperate Republican leaders in Washington will think it wise to heed the mandate.— Boston Globe. A remunerative business is dona by a little steamer which frequently leaves Victoria, British Columbia, always at night, with several Chinese passengers on board, sometimes five, occasionally as many as twenty. These are secretly landed on Unitea States soil, and the owners of the steamer charge from S2O to SBO per head for this service. The artful Chinese thus evade our laws, and come here in almost as large numbers as before we passed laws to exdude toem as immigrants. Tu Indian sun-dance is one way the savage takes to rays the devil.

A LENGTHY PLATFORM. ADOPTED BY THE STATE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION. , Full Text of the Resolutions—Joseph A. S. Mitchell Nominated for Supreme Judge —Other Nominees of the Cun ven lion for tl>eX.»ss_lmportant jaffleps. — Ex-Gov. Gray presided over the State Democratic Convention whlii met at Indianapolis on Thursday, the 28th ult. Thirteen hundred delegates answered to their names. Gn the second ballot Claude Matthews,, a farmer of Vermillion County, was nominated for Secretary of State. There was no opposition to Judge Joseph A. S. Mitchell as a candidate fbr Supreme Judge, and he was nominated by acclamation. There were three candidates for Auditor of State—J. O. Henderson of Kokomo, James S. Laselle of Washington, and George S. Green of Mount Vernon. Henderson was nominated on the first ballot. The hardest fight of the day occurred when the balloting for a candidate for Treasurer of State began. The candidates were P. H. McCormach of Columbus, Albert Gall of Indianapolis,-Thomas B. Byrnes of Evansville, James R. Slack of Huntington, and Henry C. Berghoff of Fort Wayne, who seemed to have about equal strength. Gall was nomi« inated on the fourth ballot, the vote being as follows: Gall, 688; Byrnes, 476: Berghoff, 134; Slack, 5. There were two candidates for AttorGeneral—Green Smith and James McCabe. Smith was nominated, receiving 787 votes, against 515% for McCabe. For Clerk of the Supreme Court Alexander Sweney of Huntingburg was nominated on the second ballot. H. A, Voorhees of Johnson County was chosen as the candidate for Superintendent of Public Instruction. William A. Peelle, Jr., for State Statistician, and S. S. Garby for State Geologist, were nominated by acclamation. The committee on resolutions, of which S. E. Morse, editor of the Indianapolis Sentinel, was Chairman, reported the. following platform, which was adopted with unanimity: We, the Democracy of Indiana, in convention assembled for the first time since the memorable contest in 1888, when we went down in defeat, but not in dishonor, overcome by the shameless methods of Dudleyism and the “blocks'of five,” do solemnly declare that the electoral vote of Indiana was obtained for Harrison and Morton by the most flagrant crimes against the ballot-box ever perpetrated in an American commonwealth; that these crimes were committed under the direct auspices of William Wade Dudley, then and now Treasurer of the National Republican. Committee, and by the procurement and connivance of Republican leaders Jn this State and in the nation; that the administration of Benjamin Harrison has made itself an accessory after the fact to these crimes by shielding the criminals from punishment and even by jrewarding them for their knavery; and that the'brazen prostitution of the machinery of the Federal Court of the District of Indiana by its judge and attorney to the protection of these conspirators against the suffrage constitutes the most infamous chapter in the judicial annals of the Republic. The Federal Court pf Indiana has decided that advising and organizing bribery is not a crime. We appeal from this decision to the people of Inliana, and we demand a verdict against fr’illiam A. Woods and the miscreants whom »e saved from legal punishment. We denounce the administration of Beniamin Harrfeon for its deliberate abandonment of civil-service reform; for its use of Cabinet positions and other high stations in bayment of financial campaign debts; for treating the public patronage as a family Appendage, instead of a public trust, and huartering a host of relatives, by blood and By marriage, upon the National Treasury; tor dismissing honest and competent public Servants in violation of solemn pledges, because of their political opinions, ana filling their places with men devoid of character br capacity, and whose only title to preferment rested upon disreputable partisan work; for jits dalliance with questionable gift enterprises; for its complete subservience to Wall street and the money power, Jind its undisguised hostility or indifference to the rights and interests of the producing and laboring classes. ! We denounce th® tariff monopolists for their efforts to perpetuate themselves in power by measures inconsistent with free institutions and good morals. We find in jthe force election bills, the bills creating rotten borough States, and the McKinley tariff bill the open manifestations of a gigantic conspiracy of the minority to oppress a groaning people with additional burdens of taxation fpr private benefits, and to fasten it on the country in such a ■way that the people cannot free themselves from the galling load. We condemn the Republican party for the deliberate theft of two seats in the Senate of the United States from the people of Montana; for degrading the House of Representatives from a deliberative body into a one-man despotism under the false and hypocritical pretense of expediting the public business; for unseating legally elected representatives of the people in order to strengthen a partisan majority which was originally a product of fraud; for trampling upon the rights of the minority in this regard, as well of justice and decency as of parliamentary usage and the plain requirements of the Constitution, and for reckless prodigality in appropriations, which has converted the surplus accumulated under the wise, frugal, and states-man-like administration of Grover Cleveland into a deficit of alarming dimensions, involving in the near future a further heavy increase of the people’s burdens. We denounce the force election bin, which has passed the House and has the active support of' the administration, as revolutionary and unconstitutional. It strikes down home rule and local self-government, suggests and encourages fraudulent elections, and provides the machinery to accomplish dishonest returns and false certificates of election; fosters sectionalism and bayonet rule where every Interest of the people invites to peace, fraternity, and unity; outrages the traditions and customs of a century by giving life tenure to partisan returning boards; makes the legislative and executive branches depenent upon the judiciary, and converts the judiciary into an instrument of oppression and corruption; Involves the unnecessary expenditure of millions of the people’s money, and in Indiana nullifies the Andrews election law pass passed by the last Legislature over the determined opposition of the Republicans. We declare that Interference of any kind by the Federal Government with State elections is a dangerous menace to the form of government bequeathed us by the framers of the Constitution, and that the intelligence and patriotism of the American people may safely be trusted to remedy any evils that may exist in our elections. We denounce the McKinley tariff bill as the most outrageous measure of taxation ever proposed in the American Congress. It will increase taxes upon the necessaries of life and reduce taxes upon the luxuries. It will make life harder for every farmer and wage-earner in the land - in order that the profits of monopolies and trusts may be swelled. It affords no relief whatever to the agricultural interests of the country, already staggered under the heavy burdens of protection; in the words of James G. Blaine, ‘‘it willxiot open a market for a single bushel of wheat or a single barrel of pork.” We are opposed to legislation which compels Indiana farmers to pay bounties to the sugar-planters and silk-growers of other States. We are opposed to class legislation of every kind, to subsidized bounties of every description and in every disguise. We are in favor of that measure of commercial freedom proposed by Grover Cleveland, which would benefit the farmers and laborers of the entire country, Instead of that limited measure of so-called reciprocity offered by Mr. Blaine, which would benefit only a few Eastern manufacturers. So long as the Goverment depend* fee support in any degree upon a tariff we demand that it be levied for revenue only K and a* far a* possible upon the luxuries of the rich instead of the necessaries of the manta. We denounce the silver bin, so-called, recently enacted, a* an Ignominious rarraader to the money power. It perpetuate* the demonetisation of silver and the single goM Standard, whereas the interest* of the people require the complete reasonetisation of silver and its rmtaratlna ta perfect equality with cold in ear coinage. We desMnd Mbe

free and unrestricted coinage of silver upon. the basis existing prior to 1873. We are in favor, as we always have been, of a just and liberal pension system. We denounce the Republican party for making pledges to the veterans in 1888 which have not been redeemed and were not Intended to be redeemed, and we warn them against further attempts at deception from the same quarter. We are rejoiced at the evidences of an awakening of th e farmers of the country to the necessity of org^pl 2 efforts to better their own condition anu protect themsel yes against unjust legislation'' oppressive administration. We invite atc®®*^ oll . 40 fact that the farmers are demanSJibl? 8n Bubstance the same measure of relief - Democratic party has been advocating for years, but has not had the power to enact, and that the surest and speediest way of obtaining this relief is to restore the Democracy to power in every department of the Government We demand legislation prohibiting aliens from acquiring lands in America, and for the forfeiture of titles to the 20,742,000 acres of our public lands now held by them. We favor the election of United States Senators by the people. We Indorse most heartily the legislation of the General Assembly of 1889. We applaud the election reform laws, and pledgffi ourselves to their support and full enfolfltement. We applaud -the school text-book laws by which the people are given school books at one-half the former price. We favor such additional legislation as will give full effect to the objects of this act and will extend its scope as far as practicable. We pledge ourselves to resist every attempt of the school-book trust to regain its old control over our township trustees and county superintendents. We applaud the bill for county farmers’ institutes, and pledge ourselves to countenance and extend that-valuable means of universal instruction in agricultural science. We applaud the state board of charities, law, and commend the excellent work done by that board in improving the condition and methods of our benevolent reformatory institutions. Thg creation of our splendid system of public charities, and their honest and efficient management, constitutes one of the strongest titles of the Indiana Democracy to popular confidence and support. We applaud the law for funding the school debt, by which the State is saved annually' $120,000 in interest, and nearly $4,000,000 has been distributed to the counties to be loalied to the people at 6 per cent interest. We denounce the conspiracy of certain Republican State officials and newspapers to destroy the State's credit for partisan purposes, by disseminating false statements as to her financial condition and resources. Indiana is not bankrupt. Her taxes are low and her debt is not oppressive, and for every dollar of it she has more than value received in the great public institutions —a fact which speaks volumes for Democratic integrity, economy, and efficiency. The State debt obligations?should not be hawked over the country, but should be made a popular domestic security, issued direct to the people of the State in bonds of small denominations, drawing a low rate of interest and non-taxable, that the interest paid may remain at home and the securities may be safe investment for trust funds and the people’s savings. We demand the adoption of a system of equalizing the appraisement of real and personal property in this State, to the end that an equal and proper uniformity in such assessments shall be secured, for the reason that under existing regulations many counties are compelled to pay an unjust proportion of the State’s expenses, while others as unjustly escape. We applaud the eight-hour law, the law to prevent “black-listing,” the law prohibiting “ pluck-me ” stores, the laws for the protection of miners, the law preventing the importation of Pinkerton detectives, and the repeal of the Republican intimidation law of 1881 as manifestations of the steadfast friendship of the Democratic party to the workingmen. We point to these laws as evidence that our friendship to American labor is not confined to words alone. We denounce the employment of the Pinkertons by a railroad corporation, in New York in the pending contest with its employes, and hold it to be the duty of State and local officers everywhere to prevent such usurpation by capital of the police powers of the State. We are in favor of arbitration as the only just and fair method of settling labor controversies. and we demand of the next Legislature the passage of a law creating a. permanent tribunal of arbitration for that purpose. We insist that labor has as good a right to organize in self-protection as capital, and that labor organizations be placed on a perfect equality befor* law with organizations of capital known corporations. We favor the just and equitable apportionmenh of the school revenues of the State, We favor the total abandonment of the system of fees and perquisites in the payment of State and county officers,, and we demand the enactment of a law by the next Legislature fixing fair salaries for all public officials, the same to go into effect as soon as practicable. Judges Coffey, Berkshire and Olds, Republican members of the Supreme Bench, deserve the contempt of the people of Indiana for their action in overturning the settled construction of the Constitution, reversing all legal precedents and contradicting their own rulings for the sake of a few petty offices and at’ the dictation or unscrupulous political tricksters. While we heartily indorse, and shall always uphold, maintain, and foster at any cost, our system of public schools for the free instruction of all who choose to make use of them, we are unalterably opposed to all attempts to regulate by law the course of study in any private or parochial school, and we deprecate and denounce any interference on the part of the State in the management of schools maintained by citizens at their own expense as an arbitrary, despotic, and intolerable encroachment upon private rights. We favor legislation for establishing and preserving the township libraries of the State of Indiana as invaluable adjuncts of our common school system. We heartily indorse the course of Daniel W. Voorhees and David Turple in the United States Senate, and we commend them for their able and brilliant advocacy of Democratic principles and their vigilant defense of the public interests against the assaults of plutocracy and monopoly. We also indorse the course of Indiana’s ten Democratic Representatives in Congress. A Family Cold Storage and 100 Maker. The world must be ready to use an invention before it can be made of any immediate value. When Reis invented the telephonejn, 1859. the world was net ready for it and he died in want A dozen other men improved the instrument and reached results by vuying methods, but Bell gets the thing on the market just in time to reap the commercial rewards from its use, although he is no more the inventor of that useful instrument than he is of the doctrine of infant baptism. The time has come, we believe, w hen the world needs another invention in the shape of an ice-making machine for families. Power can so easily be transmitted now by wire that in city houses a refrigerating machine for families might be run in every wellregulated household. We could then have pure ice and cold storage. Even if the cost is double, or triple, what it now is for refrigerators, people would gladly adopt and buy the new device, and it would be built into all new houses.— Pullman (III.) journal. The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad has successfully experimented with an apparatus which consists of an electric circuit formed by a single iron rod, which is laid between the tracks and a wire brush attached to each engine, in connection with an electric gong and telephone. Two engines approaching each other on the same track eome into circuit at the distance of a mile o* two. according to the strength of the battery, and at onee the telephone gins to ring. This is a signal for the trains to stop,’ and the engineers ma/ talk with each other by means of thq telephone and discover the trouble, whatever it is. In thia way a enUnioai is prevented. Could a clergyman who performs marriage ceremonies in autumn hq called an antanm-atic coupler I How should one expect the pees *• ba coßtsntad when tha rich never |