Decatur Democrat, Volume 26, Number 25, Decatur, Adams County, 29 September 1882 — Page 1

VOLUME XX VI.

The Democrat. Official I’apcr of the County. A. J. 11l 1.1.. Editor mid BuHlnegA Mannzer. TERMS : ONE COLLAR AND FIFTY CENTS IN ADVANCE : TWO DOLLARS PER L EAR IF NOT PAID IN ADVANCE. A. G. HOLLOWAY, M. D., PHYSICIAN & SURGEON, DtCATUK, INDIANA. Office ever Adams Co. Hank 2nd door. Wil attend Io all professional calls promptly, night or day. Charge., reasonable. Residence an north side of Monroe street, 4th house east of Hart's Mill. 25jy79tf W. H. MYERS, Brick If Slone .Tlason Lontrac’r DECATtS, INDIANA. Solicits work of all kinds in his line. Persons conteniplatii g building might make a point by eonsttlung him. Estimates on application, »25n45in3. E N. WICKS, J. T. MS It RYMAN, yy ICKS A MERRYMAN, •fttorneys at Law A Str Real Estale Agents, Deeds, Mortgages, Contracts an I all Legal Instruments drawn with neatness and dkpatch. PaXiiion, settlement of decedent’s eitntes, and collections a specialty. Office up stairs in Fione 8 building—4th door. vol, 25, no. *24, yl. DR. KITCHMILLER will be at the BURT HOUSE, DECATUR, INDIANA, Ercry second Tuesday and Wednesday of each month to treat all Chronic Diseases. Consultation free. Call and see him. All letters of inquiry receiyed at the home office at Piqua. Ohio, will leceive prompt attention. Write to him and make a statement of your case.—v2sn36ly. D. BIXLER, BERNE, INDIANA. Retail Dealer in WATCHES, CLOCKS, JEWELRT, Bpco taOles, cfcoRepairing done at lowest prices to guar antee good and sound work Il B. Alliaom, Pr*«’t. W. 11. Niblick .Cwhier. B. StvtiaßAKbb, Vice Prrs’t. THE ADAMS COUNTY BANK, DECATUR, INDIANA, This Bank is now open for the transac* Lion of a general banking business. iVe buy and sell Town, Township and ‘County Orders. 25jy79tf PETERSON 4 HUFFMAN?” ATTORNEYS AT LAW, DECATUR, INDIANA. Will practice in Adams and adjoining counties. Especial attention given to collections and titles to real estate. Are No laries Public and drawdeeds and mortgagee Real estate bought, sold and rented on reasonable terms. Office, rooms l and 2, I. C O. F. building. 2ajy79tf FRANCE A KING. ATTORNEYS AT LAW, DECAT UR. IN DI AN A. E. N. WICKS, ATTORNEY AT LAW, DECATUR, INDIANA. All legal business promptly attended to. Office up stairs in Stone's building 4ih door. v‘2sn‘24 year I.

MALL’S Qatarrh Pure. HAil’S PatarrtiPure. Is Indorsed by Clergymen. Will Cure Any Case; Office 01 A. I. Slewart A Ce. Cblcafo, 111. June 4,1880. Hew. P. J. Chenn <t Cb., Tbtodo. O. Gentlemen:—l take plewarein informingyou that I hare use* Halls Catarrh Cure. Il has cured tne—l was very bad —and don't bes!t*te to Bay that It will cure any ease of Catarrh i f taken properly. You re truly, J . B. WEATHERFORD. _ Worth SIO A riottlc. E. Mran at, Jackson. Mich, writes: Have had Catarrh for 20 years Hall's Catarrh Cure cured me Consider it worth SIO.OOI bottle. Hall’s Catarrh Cnrelsaold by all Drugg lets st ;OQ»per bottle. Manufactured and sold by F. J HIENEY & CO. Sole Proprietors, TOLEDO, OHIO R. A. Pieroe A Co., agents at Decatur. ROBBED’-^® 3 V »'«w w u f their victims, lives prolonged, happiness and health restored by the use of the great GERMAN INViGORATOR which positively and permanently cures Impoteiicy (caused by excesses of any kinu ) Seminal Weakness and all diseases that follow as a sequence of SelfAbuse, as loss of eneigy, Lss of memory, universal laasuude, pain in the b«tck, d mness of vision, premature old age, and many other diseases that lead to insanity or consumption and a premature grave. Send for circulars with testlnionals free by mail. The Invlgorator »s sold at $1 per box, or six boxes for $5, by all druggists, or, will be sent fre? by mail, securely sealed, on receipt of price, by addressing, F J CIIFXFV, Druggist, IS7 Summit St , Toledo, Ohio Sole Agent for the United Slates. R. A Pierce & Co., Sole Agents at Decatut

The Decatur Democrat.

VOORHEES. He Distinguishes Himself as a Successful Republican Keynote Smasher, ————— Civil-Service Reform and Other Live Questions of the Day Ably Discussed. [From the Indianapolis Sentinel.] Seldom, if ever, has any one been honored with such an audience and such ah ovation ns greeted Senator Voorhees at English’s Opera House. Gov. Hendricks, without any preliminary remarks, introduced the speaker of the evening. SENATOR VOORHEES’ SVEKtTt. Ladies and Gentlemen; I ain here tonight a* one of your public servants to answer as heat I MftaV to your thoughts and inquiries about public affairs. We meet in the capital of one of the stoat and progressive States, whose people have a vital inter CRt. not only in their local institutions and laws, but in the welfare of the whole oViUntrv. One of the matters of general concern at this time in the public mind is the reform of the civil Service of the Government. For several years past, notably since the MtndiL tstrations of Grant, there nas been a strong an<l persistent protest against prevailing widespread romiption in office the polluting of the elective franchise and The irehoral debasement of official inoHlitV T fhis protest has not lieeo eonflheu to the Democratic party, making partisan accusations against the rival in power. The very best elements of the Republican partv have spoken loud est Sumner went to his grave neatffig witness to the debaucheries fit the civil service under the administration of his own party. Other eminent Republican Senators have described the civil service of the Government as a vast poisonous fountain, oveitiowing in every direction, and blighting tn its course everything true and exalted; they hate declared the conduct nt Republican officials to Ih» sn rank With malfeasance and crime that the Am mean name had become scandalised ahd dishonored in all the four qnarM* Cf the civilized globe. These chargts have been made openly and in hi'Jh places, and they are being relieated now by wise and thoughtful members vt the Republican part} in the nrers elsewhere. And recent ‘eYPurs- rwhhiag up to this very dav ao-l hW, emphasize them so strottidv Ihb most hopeful minds are filled with dread as they look upon this enormous evil, and foresee its demoralizing and destnu tive influence on the future of the republic. There is one mind, however, at least, on which this threatening question has made a far different ittipftMioft, Toward the close of the toil column speech recent A delivered in this city by <b K HaltlSon, he gave about thirty lines ahd about two minutes of hie time tO what he styled h Clvil-service reform ' Nearly everv candidate for the Presidency has or late discussed this subject as a sort of foreshadowing of admin is t ative policies t<> come hereafter, and so when I Raw this sub headed title, and knowing the speech to have been carefully prepared, I looked somewhat eagerly for the broad and comprehensive views of one who Aspires, and thinks himself equal the highest position in the world. Here Is what Gen. Harrison said: U I want to assure you to-night that I am an advocate of civil-service reform. My brief experience at Washington has led mb often to utter the wish, with an emphasis t do not often use, that I might be fdr ever re lieved of any connection with the distribution of public (Hiti’onage. I covet for myself the free awl Uilpilrchased support of my felinw citizens. and long to be able to give my time ami energy solely to those public affairs that legitimately relate to the honorable trust which you have committed to me. It is easy for theorists to make suggestions upon this subject, which, in their opinion, would cure all existing evils. 1 assure you it is more difficult t»* Baiile a law that shall be Bate and practical in its application. 1 know that several Republican Senators gave much thought and study to this question during the last session. I believe the next session will witness the enactment of a law, which, if it does not eOflsiinimate, will at least auspiciously begin, thia reform. That there are sincere advocates of this reform in the Democratic party, as in our own. 1 do not deny. But that this reform would be introduced by that party if thes’ were to come now in the control of the Federal patronage, I do not think any sensible man believes. In some of the States, and in the Senate of the United States, the Democratic party to-day controls the patronage. Need I say that in the appointments made there we find no suggestion «»f civil service reform?” And this is all; no sense of grievance except a personal one; no prayer, or plan, or suggestion of relief except for his own ex eni ption from the annoyance of those who placed him where he is. There is an impatient shrug of the shoulder, a complaining, splenetic sigh in this oaragiaph as much as to say in plain, express words that he was bored and disgusted with the men and women from Indiana who had sought his favor at Washington, and that his only idea of civil-service reform was legislation to keep them away from him. If there is any other suggestion of reform here I hope it will be pointed out. Gen. Harrison forgot the public service, and the claims of everybody, in the contemplation of himself and his annoyances. It is true, he says, in this connection, that he covets position for himself, but he serves notice on those who gave him position that to obtain places under the Government for them does not legitimately relate to the honorable trust they committed to him. If a narrower, smaller, colder or more entirely selfish view of civil-service reform has •ver been uttered than that entertained by Gen. Harrison, it has never fallen under my observation. No public or official scandals, no misconduct ot Government officers, from a member of the Cabinet down to a mail contractor on a star route, disturb him or engage his efforts for their purification or their punishment: Jay Hubbell, that captain of political brigands, may raid every branch of the civil service, making people pay ransom for their places; may make men groan and women weep in every department of the Government over a species of blackmail, wrenched from their hands for base purposes; none of these things move the spirit of reform in the breast of Gen. Harrison, or extort a word of rebuke from his lips, Ihe only concern he expresses is for the protection of himself against the intrusion and application of his own party friends for official patronage. He informs the people of Indiana that during his brief experience at Washington he has often uttered, with an emphasis he does not often use, the wish to be forever relieved of all connection with this subject. Os the absolute sincerity of this wish, and of the great emphasis with which It has often been expressed, I have not a doubt. I presume, however, that Gen. Harrison's admirers will accept his position on this question as another evidence of his exalted statesmanship: that he dwells in a high, rarefied atmosphere, above the small and sordid wants of this world, and that his great intellect should be left in a sort of lonesome grandeur, undisturbed by the }>etitio»s of common mortals, to devote its “time and energy solely to those public affairs that legitimately relate — not illegitimately, but legitimately—relate to his conception of a Senator's duties. Those who call ui»on him hereafter for official favors will therefore take notice that he regards tbeir business as illegitimate, and govern themselves accordingly. I may as well confess that on a question like this, and kindred questions, I am only human, and consquentfy have not attained that elevated plane on which Gen. Harrison so grandly poses liefore the nation. In fact I do not aspire to that region of frost and ice where eternal winter prevails and where_ the sympathies and charities ot human nature are frozen stiff anil dead. In Saturday s Indianapolis I see copied from the New York Herald an article purporting to lie Gen. Harrisn's views on public affairs, and quot ing him as saying that “m bis opinion all the I mt-ed States Senators would be in favor of malting it a felonv for one of their number to recommend a man for Executive appointment Doubt’; i* looks to him. from his cool am. loftv perch, like a penal statute in the name of the public good, but really for hie> ow n seclusion and comfort, would be a great blessing It does not look so to me, ana 1

DECATUR, ADAMS COUNTY, INDIANA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 29, 18S2.

nope to live a little more than two years longer in order to recommend many good and true citizens of Indiana ft’? hbpbihtment to honorable pOßitiOhs uiidet a Democratic iMlniinistiatibh; I wish niy colleague well in his somewhatsolitary Arctic home on civil-service reform, but I will not be able to V<>te for his bib making it a penitentiary offense to sign the jiapers of an applicant for office. I must content myself w thldge along over the commofl sands of life, not privileged nor disposed to scold or neglect anybodyfrom Indiana or elsewhere who does me the honor to knock at my door or send a card. REDUCTION OF TAXKRi Leaving the domestic policy Os Indiana at |his point I Will next ask your attention briefly to a few issues connected with the Administration of national affairs. When the last session of Cbngtess was thought to be drawing to a close, and indeed after the House had passed a concurrent resolution for final adjournment within the next ten days, there came to the Senate from the House a piece of proposed legislation purporting to reduce taxation to the amount of something ovtT Congress had then been in session almost seven months, hhd at one stage ot tins ipng session, a icepublican caucus Os the House, where such measures must ©Hgihate, hail decided against any changes in the internal-revenue Jystem, and had caused the Committee of Ways and Means, to back down On that subject. The bill-, therefore, Which came to the Senate fpr eofisidGtation in the closing days bf that body was an afterthought on the part of Republican leaders, and was thrust before Congress and the country in order to make an issue with nn attractive sound, but without one single feature of relief in U. It diii iiotj fit fact, command the respect Os many Senators who felt compelled for party reasons to give ft silent support, .but who ih jwiVrtte spdkh Os it with contempt. TheVe Wils nere and there, however, a mind I<o constituted as to become deeply enamored of its provisions, and there was one such mind in the Senate from Indiana. Gen. Harrison appears to be greatly dissatisfied with me beoaupe I did hot fall in love, as he did. with ft t)ih which, in making a reduction for the whole people of only $23,000,(M0, gave the bunks and the business of banking a reduction of $11.387,T0T, about one-half the entire amount, and to patent medicines, cosmetics and perfuineriPfi 503 of the balance, Hw* Wafi ti;e proposed repeal of taxes to InV rtntount of sl3 Bl4,:j(Mi from the Most lucrative business in the United States, and from articles of fasliiohable luxury. There was not pfie feature of practical relief In the whttle bill. The proposed repeal of taxes on lucifer matches would not, as was conclusively shown, have lowered the price a single cent to the purchaser. The measure ought to have been entitled a bill for the relief of the ban** Wirn some trimmings •round Hit edges to relieve somewhat its mean and sinister aspect Democratic Senators were united against it; we denounced it as special legislation in the interest of a few selected privileged interests; we demanded that the whole field of taxation should be reviewed and With a view tn justice and equality; that the faHher, the mechanic and the day labbireh should have their interSfltß Considered and cared for as k ell ks the banker, the perfumed dandy or the proprietor of patent medicines. On such an issue as that I am content for Gen. Harrison to complain of me whenever or wherever he pleases. The people will understand the matter without much notice or comment from me. Nor is it true that I failed in anv particular t-o State my Position oh this subject iH the Senate. I said hs J say here, that “I would take taxes off the necessaries of life” rather than “off the luxuries, the cigars, the cigarettes, the perfumeries, the cosmetics, the patent medicines and the banks. ” I said In my place in the Senate, and I repeat it now that when the work of reform in taxatdon. noth as th tatilt and internal rdVemm, fnfeos jilftcC, it Ought te embrace every interest; L that the only way to reach an intelligent treatment of this subject is to take up the whole question in detail and determine what is right as to one article by its relation to another,” and that it was u a mistake to take up a few articles and propose to deal with them, and let the whole field of reform lie uncultivated. ” I further st ated that whenever t he subject was brought liefore the Senate in a proper shap»‘ I expected to vote to abolish Hll internal-revenue taxes With inO exception of a reasonable amount on whisky and tobacco. It seems that these propositions were very unsatisfactory to Gen. Harrison, but that fact neither surprises me nor shakes my confidence in their correctness. But Gen. Harrison, with much flourish, cites the fact that in a former Congress which was Democratic a bill was reported by Mr. Carlisle, of Kentucky, proposing to repeal the same kind of taxes from the business of banking which were embraced in the Kelley bill of last session; also that such a bill passed the Senate. I shall not charge Gen. Harrison with a want of fairness; 1 am not here to impugn motives, but to state facts. He heard me very plainly state the circumstances which led Democrats in the Fortv-sixth Congress to support or to acquiesce in the Carlisle bill relieving the banks from certain taxes; that Congress, Democratic in both branches. U as engaged in perfecting and passing a bill for tiie refunding of a large portion of the national debt, by virtue of which more than SI2,O(M>,OU) a year w ould have been saved to the people in the reduction of interest. The bill as it passed both houses and went to the l*resident provided for bonds liearing 3 per cent, interest, and the fifth section of that bill required the banks to do their business with the Government on these bonds, and to receive the same rate of interest paid to everybody else. We heard on all sides the menaces of the banks against the passage of the bill, and, with a view’ to reconcile them to the measure more than anything else, the Carlisle bill was proposed, making them a present of their taxes. On the 2Uth day of July last while the Kelley bill was under discussion, I spoke without Contradiction in the Senate as follows: “I rememlier ven' well when we were trying to fund the national debt at 3 per cent, it was thought the banks might be placated somewhat by certain relief as to their taxes, in which, w hile I did not concur. I acquiesced; but after the act was passed in their behalf they went into rebellion—open, absolute rebellion—and bulldozed and intimidated the administration of Mr. Hayes into vetoing the bill which the representatives of the people had passed funding the debt at 3 per cent. After that veto had been launched upon us it was not in the power of Congress to pass that necessary, just and righteous bill for the funding of the national debt over the veto. Consequently it failed, and the result has been that the late Secretary of the Treasury, now the Senator from Minnesota (Mr. Windom), funded the national debt without any seniblance of law w’hatever. He funded the "debt because of the permission given him by the banks that had aenied it to the law’-making pow’er of this Government. u That is the history of this matter, and w’hile at one time some of us acquiesced in the reduction of taxes so far as banks are concerned, the circumstances and conditions whv it was done at that time no longer exist." That statement is historically true and cannot be controverted. Within the space of three weeks the banks retired from circulation $49,000,000 in order to compel, by the approaching dangers of a financial panic, the veto of the Funding*bill. They were successful, and the President hung out the white flag, and the banks remained master of the field. It has occurred to me ever since that, while I will treat the banks in a spirit of fairness and justice under all circumstances. vet they arc not entitled to the first and the deepest cut in the loaf whenever a measure is brought forward to reduce taxes. But there has been much said and written of late in regard to the responsibility of men and parties for the delay which has occui red in the work of tariff reform and the reduction of taxation. I did say in the .Senate that I proposed to look “in the face of the facts on this point, and speak the naked truth, affect whom it may. ’ If Gen. Harrison would do the same he would have to add a supplement to the he made here on the 3t th of last month. He would have to state that more than seventeen years have elapsed since the close of the war; that durI ing that j>eriod the Republican party has controlled the House, where alone revenue reform originates, over eleven years, and the Democratic party but six; that during the ! six years of Democi atic ascendency in the House the. Senate was a Republican checkmate four years of the time on all its moveI ments, w hile the two branches were in peri feet harmony during the eleven years of Re- ■ publican control in the House, u’ith the Prescient of the United States all the time on theix i side to help them along. He would have also to state that, hampered and obstructed j as the Democratic majority in the House

constantly was, yet i’eptiateti efforts weig made isl the direction of a be Vision of the la\vs of taxation, while no movement of the kind stands to the credit of the Republican party during its complete ascendency for so many years in both houses of Congress and in the Executive Department, unless we dignify the contemptible hill of the last session by counting it). If, therefore, I felt free to criticise the conduct of the parties on this subject, without trying to protect any one from just censure, yet it w’ill be seen at a glance that the Republican party is entitled to ninety-nine hundredths, if hot all. the blame for delay in revising our unequal, and in many respects oppressive and unjust, system of revenue. I have never given a vote In the interest of delay, or so intended, and I never shall. I hut repeat what I said in the Senate w hen I state that "I have not the slightest doubt that there are enormous inequalities and injustices covered up and protected by the present tariff legislation. 11 needs the hand of reform applied liberally and vigorously. I have no doubt of that. And when that Work of reform takes place, so far as 1 am concerned, I want it to be well understood and to embrace every interest. ” I want it to embrace, foster, encourage and protect, on principles of discriminating justice, the interests of the agriculturist, and also the manufacturer. When this is done we will have a tariff such as Jefferson sanctioned, Jackson enforced and Polk illustrated in the administration of the Government. The West and the South will then have their share of blessings to enjoy, as well as the burdens they have always had to bear. While, however, irty record appears of so tnuch importance just hoW to a certain class of assailants, I will be pardoned fhr saving that I did not vote for the famous Knit Goods bill, flor for.the monitor ipbin the Naval Appropriation bill, and that I did vote to take all duty off salt, and tb put that article of prime necessity on the free list If others voted differently let them take care of their own records, and I w ill try to take care of mine. THE IMPROVEMENT OF RIVERS AND HARBORS. 1 wish, however, at this point to present my views upon another question, not partisan in its character, nor in the support nor opposition which it received in the last session of Congress. The River and Harbor bill is a WPasi&e Velatifig td the business, the rntemaj ahd external eninineted of the country, and the development or all biir material resources, arid as sUch I will giVe-yoii frank- j ly the reasons whv I sustained it. ' The motives which inspired my course upon this subject could only be for the general w elfare; they could not be personal to myself. The power and pdliry of the Government tb improve the water \vays of the country are not in question, nor have tlu\v beensinct \ e adoption of the Federal constitution. The extent of such improvements and the character of the streams and harbors on which they should he made have constituted the only legitimate grounds of inquiry and discussion. The last bill on the subject was the largest which ever passed Congress, but the increase over former ydafly appropriations was due t* l WhietL 1 ‘thiiik, were just in Rtid nidi cart riever occur again. The bill enacted last session was exceptional, and cannot in the nature of things become a precedent for future legislation on this subject On the contrary, the appropriations for rivers and harbors next year will be from $5,(XX),000 to $8,000,000 less than were made in July last. The reason for this is obvious. The improvement of the Mississippi river is n wnrk as national ift its character and iiripfirtahce as the improvement of the harbors on the Atlantic seaboard for the safety of ocean commerce. It is an inland sea w ith a current flowing to the seas beyond, and by right, and for the benefit of the producer, it should bear three-fourths of the agricultural wealth of the United States which is atiraoted tn foreign malkrits. By Its own ipajesfir HmtSe, and through its Vast and far-reaching tributaries, it furnishes the cheapest transportation known to man to the carrying trade of eighteen States, embracing the greatest productiveness of the globe, occupying the central. interior portion of the American Union, and needing a broad, free outlet to the seaboard with which to escape from the exactions. the avarice, and the freight pools of railway corporations. The waters Os thd Mississippi fiver and its tributaries. Unhampered by articles of ihcorportttibii. Without first or second mortgage bonds for the original construction, with no dividends to pay; and consequently with no charges to make for their use, flow through -X) degrees of longitude and 23 decrees of latitude, inviting the farmer, the manufacturerand the merchant to load upon them all the commodities of the earth, without money and without price. No other such river marks a line on the map of this planet The greatest and most useful rivers in ail the four quarters of the earth become insignificant in comparison w ith the American 1 Father of Waters. The Obi, in Asia, drains a valley of 1,358,000 square miles; the Nile, of Africa, drains a valley of 520,(MX) square I miles; the greatest river in Europe, the Voll ga, drains a valley of 400,000 square miles. Coming to the Westefn hemisphere, the AmI azon drains 2,(XK),000 square miles, but above and bevond them all is that mighty water I highway in whose embrace w'e stand tonight, the Mississippi river, which drains a valley 2,455,350 square miles in extent, and in fertility and resources beyond the reach ! of human calculation, or even the human I imagination. A few’ years since Congress created a commission "to inquire into and report the be: t I methods, and the necessary expense of imiiroving and increasing this vast channel of imerican commerce. The original report ; of that commission recommended the expenditure of $5,100,000 on the Mississippi 1 river, including only from Cairo to the Gulf, i Congress, however" was slow in the matter; it lingered as to its duty; until last spring i the great river rose and swept away all the i restraints which the Southern States, by years of labor and millions expended, had placed along its low banks; it inundated regions of country larger in extent than the great State of Illinois, and of higher value I In its productions than anywhere else beneath the sun. It impoverished hundreds of thousands of people, white and black who appealed to the Government for food and snelter, and received them; it eni dangered and wrecked commerce, destroyed life and property, and finally made it very apparent to every observing mind that the strong arm of the Federal Government, and that alone, was capable of confining it to its natural channel and of reducing it to the proper uses of the people. For this purpose Congress at its last session initiated a system of Mississippi river improvements which accounts for the bulk of the increase in the River and Harbor bill over I former years. The sum of $5,100,(KM) originally recommended by the commission to l be expended from Cairo down to the mouth I was appropriated, and to that was added S?(n,(M»o, in view of the wants of the river from Cairo north, making m all the sum of $'1,308,500 for the improvement of the MisI sissippi river, perhaps the most important Western interest, all th ngs considered, today in existence. No such annual appropriation will be needed here ifter. The amount . in the recent bill was necessary to accomI pli'h speedy resuite, but much less amounts ! will in the future keep the work in progress i The appropriations for rivers and harbors in I 1881. and concerning which there were no cri'icisms or compla : nts. w’ere $11,451,300. If to that, amount are added the appropriations for the Mississippi river; for the di-ease and death-breeding flats of the Potomac at Washington; for the continuation of ol 1 works, long ago authorized and of unquestioned propriety; and for the necessary surveys of all works, both new and old, the increase in the River and Harbor bill of this i year over last- year will be fully acI counted for. There are doubtless items in the hill which might, with advantage, have been omitted, but if there is a dishonest feature in the measure it has not yet Ijeen pointed out; and taken as a whole I thought it to lie for the best interests of the country. The water ways of the world were created by the Almighty as the free, cheap routes of travel and transportation for manj kind, and I believe that even* dollar spent in the necessary improvement of their navigation is returned fourfold to the fanner, and all others who have property to ship and to sell, in the reduction of freights. A vear ago a bushel of wheat, starting from Kansas City to Liverpool byway of rail to New York, would pay 52 cents for its transportation, while another bushel from the same field starting to the same destination byway of the river to New Orleans, would secure its passage to Liverpool for less than 20 cents. There are millions to the farmers in this one fact. Every article going to market has to pay its own way. and every cent paid for transportation comes out of the price and is so much loss to the producer. It is estimated that the wheat growth of the United States this year will be over 500,000,000 bushels, nearly all of it. comparatively speaking, in the Mississippi valley.

Indiana herself producing over 5u,uX>,(MX) bushels. On everv bushel shipped to distant markets, and on everv’ other production of this fertile inland region, the producer can Rave to himself from 1(> to 30 per cent, bv recourse to tlie water lines drawn by the hand of nature, and improved and kept fit for use by the hand of man. i confess I can see no reason for any complaint against such legislation when carefully considered and kept within reasonable bounds. This Government at various stages has granted over 2(M),tXX),(MX) acres of land to aid the building of railroads. These lands, if fairly appraised to-dav, including the immense grants in Illinois, lowa, Kansas and other rich, prosperous States, as well as in less-advancect States and Territories, would average not less than $3 per acre. This is a low estimate, and yet it shows that at least $1,4(M),000,(j00 in money value have been given as a gratuity to railroad corporations. It shows also that if for rivers and harbors there had been appropriated, each and every year since the adoption of the Federal' constitution, the exceptionally large amount contained in the last bill, the water ways would have been but little if any ahead of the donations received by the railways in the last forty years I have no war to make on railroads; they are mighty factors in the progress ami civilization of the world, but I do not want the ambition, the greed and the power of corporate wealth to shut out the modest but most benevolent ami glorious uses of nature's road-beds for barges, boats and ships. The extent and the importance of our com- I inerce on inland waters, I think, is not well ’ understood. Yon will pardon me for quote • ing from one of the ablest and most culti- i Vated Sen itofrs from New England, whoss fcectiori is far Idss interested ;.i this question ; than the West or the South. Senator Hoat\ ' bf Massa -husette, iri a recent broad and non partisan address Ort this subject savs: “ The river uomnlerce Os the single city of Cincinnati was last year more than $ 15,000,(MM). There passes each year up and down Detroit river a tonnage greater than enters Liverpool. The number of vessels that go in ami out of Chicago annually exceeds by 7,OCX) those of New York; and, although these vessels are, of course, smaller in size, the actual tonnage of Chicago is much more than half that New York. These waterways are not (hily of vast iirtportniloe in them- I selves, bitt they are fnipottaiit also as a check Upon the prices charged by railroads, They | fire free. When the Waterway is once fitted : for transport it is the property of all man- ■■ kind The legislators of the States and of the nation have exhausted their ingenuity to impose shackles upon the Failrpads. Sometimes the attempt nds been niade td fix rates by law—sometimes a rate according to distance; sometimes relief is sought by endowing competing routes; and in one memorable instance the State has been urged to take the business of railroad management iirto its own hands. * * * Railroad competition terminates in railroad combination. The only check on the power of great railroad lines, when in concert, over the commerce bf the nation is the competition of the waterway. ’’ But there wei‘e nisd othef l ; pa e cins tending to reconcile me to the support of the River and Harbor bill. I knew it to be large; I knew that by f ir the most of it went to the South and tiie Wes . an I that, as a rule, the Eastern press would .assail it, but I knew by ill the past history of the Government tnat every dollar appropriated would be honestly ipent Whether the amount appropriated be Spent this verr or n»‘*t we have the assurance Os rlearly a hiliidfetl years thilt it will be all accounted for. Cashiers of banks embezzle, the trustees of all sorts of conx rations, including churches, sometimes break faith and enrich themselves, but I have yet to hear of the first engineer of the army disbursing money for Government works who has phive’l HI his fruSt. -lb highef tri-butu tuan this could possibly be paid to i the Engineer Corps of the United States army, nor, indeed, to the army itself, which is composed of men of equal honor. We have “very reason to believe, therefore, that every ’ dollar of the money appropriated for rivers and harbors will be applied now, as always ■ heretofore, honestly to the purposes con- | templated by the bill. Another reason which assisted my mind to I Its conclusion Oil this Sflbjedt Waft that the | money appropriated to the proposed works I would give increased employment to labor I tn almost, if rtdt quite, every State in the Union. Any ifieasiire, with art eye to the public good, which has a tefidericy to give a laboring man six days’Work in a week instead of five, and which makes more good I money in circulation and within his reach as wages, will have a strong claim on my support, not only as long as I remain in public life, but as long as I live. If still further pressed for the causes of my support of the River and Harbor bill, with which, it is true, I was not entirely satisfied. I turn and look at the map of Indiana. I ought not to be blinded to the general welfare by mv care for my own State, nor have I been"; but it is useless to deny that her interests will always have a commanding influence witli me. Nearly 400 miles of the South- : ern border are washed by the waters of the Ohio river, and but dtizerfft are deeply interested in the navigation of that great watercourfuL The recent River and Harbor bill contains an appropriation of S3SO,(MX) lor the permanent improvement of the Ohio river, i more than one-half of which amount is re- I quired for the protection of steamboat nav- | igation throuoi the Indiana chute at the Falls between Louisville and New Albany. ' The interest in such a work is not confined i to the people of Southern Indiana: it is important to the whole State and to the whole country. And the same thing is true of that spacious and beautiful harbor in Northern Indiana, which has made Michigan City a shipping depot and increased the trade and business of all parts of the State. One hundred thousand dollars was appropriated, with I great justice, in the recent bill, with which to continue the work on that harbor. It Would have givetl ine great concern to have seen that work abandoned for the want of funds. I thought of Michigan City and of my friends there when I answered to mv name ill t'avbr of the bilk Through Western Indiana the Wabasn winds its way, and for the benefit of the grain growers in her rich valley S7O,(KX) were appropriated for her improvement as a cheap line of transportation to the Mississippi, to the Gulf, to the ocean and to all the great markets of the world. With an appropriation of $20,000 for the improvement of White river in order to enable the farmers in her great bottoms to float their immense produce on the bosom of that stream to greater waters beyond, the account for the local interests of Indiana in the bill is closed. At least $365,000 of the money appropriated in the bill will be disbursed for the immediate welfare and prosperity of the people of this great commonwealth. But I have heard the River and Harbor bill assailed because, among other evils, it was too liberal to the South: that it gave nine or ten millions to the improvement and restoration of that impoverished section, and that the expenditure of the money would in some instances reclaim extensive sugar lands and cotton fields from overflow. This was thought by some to be too much a blessing for the Federal Government to liestow on the Southern people. To me it wears a different aspect. Whatever benefits that section benefits the whole country. And when I have seen for years past Southern Senators and Southern members of (Congress voting without a murmur hundreds of millions in pensfons, w hieh th* ir people assist to pay, to the soldiers of the North. I am the more easily reconciled to a generous national policy toward them and all their interests. And now, with this plain and candid statement, and with a conscience entirely free from reproach, I submit my course upon this question to the calm judgment of the people. lam aware that some of my valued friends ami political associates took a different view from mine. For their opinions I have <» profound respect. There) is not the slightest spirit of controversy in what I have said on this subject: I have simply answered as a public servant should for his own conduct. THE PROHIBITORY AMENDMENT. Passing from the point just noticed, hov’ ever. I regret to find the position of Gen. I Harrison exceedingly infirm and untenable on another question of commanding importance to the people of Indiana at this time. I The last Legislature of this State proposed a radical, far-recching. fundamental revolution in the legal rights, personal privileges I and social habits of our citizens. Nothing more sweeping or intrusive upon individual I responsibility and the true principles of self- ! government was hardly ever proposed than i the prohibitory amendment now submitted I to the consideration of the voters of Indiana. I Are intelligent people to have no opinion for ■ or against such a proposition? Why i was this sweeping proposition made? ' Has it merit. or*has it no merit * What ' say the political leaders of the Republican i party iu Indiana? The Republican Stite I Convention stood mute at the bar of pr.buc

i O|-in on and public inquiry, nke a guilty j criminal at the I ar of justice, who is afraid i to go on the witness stand to testify in hi? I own behalf. That convention, like the crim- ’ inal, dreads the cross-examination sure to follow. Gen. Harrison fol owcd the bad ex- ' ample set by the convention. For the first ! Lime, I think, in the history of the United j States, a .Senator in Congress has no opinion | to give to his constituents on a question so vital as their organic law. I know of no oth'er instance in which a man regarded as a i leader, not a follower and time-server of I public opinion, but a leader, has been | stricken dumb in the presence of his follow- ! ers on a question of government like this. My observations of history have led me to believe that great, broad men point the way and lead when important policies are pro posed. He who, like Agamemnon, would be called leader of men cannot skulk and wait until his followers have themselves decided the question; until he has found like the weathercock which way the wind is blowing, and then point "in that direction. Gen. Harrison and the entire Re publican leadership, so-called, in Indiana have determined and announced that they have no policy at all on prohibition itself at this time, but that perhaps they will have next year or the year after, when they have found which way the people incline. You have seen a Senator or the United States stand before you two hours and more, simply saying on this great question, like all trimmers and evasive statesmen, that he wants you to go first and he will come afterward: that when you have spoken he will find his tongue. If the next Legislature should agree to the proposed amendment and pass it on to the third stage of consideration, dodging oh the part of the Republican party will no longer be possible. Why hot sneak now? I’he leaders of that party say that prohibition oh its naked meritfi will be before the jieople at a special election next year. What is their fear to say now what they will have to say then? They will then be smoked out and compelled to* give utterance; now they might have the credit of independent thought. But passing by (ten. Harrison, Gov. Porter and others who, like the dumb figures at cigar stores, say nothing, and offer nothing, although they seem to do both. I will call your attention briefly to the amendment itself. 1 have been called to account with some severity for saying recently in a speech at Terre Haute that the prohibitory amendment was not the result of a popular demand; that the last Legislature was not elected on that issue; that the question was hot heard of in the canvass of 1880, and that the Legislature had acted virtually on its bwn conceptions; .Mid not on instructions from the people. I have beeil feffillrtled that there wore petitions before that Legislature on this subject. Gen. Harrison says that the petitions bore the names of 46*000 voters. With all due respect to him he did not, and could not, know that statement to be ttuO. What evidence is there that they were voters? The mail who carries a petition for any cause aims only to go to those who favor it, and once then* he takes the names of men, women and children alike. He Wasted no time or labor in seeking those who are kiioWti tn be against his wishes. There are 400,000 voters in Indiana,and more. Even if the petitions mentioned by Gen. Harrison were all signed by legal voters, as stated by him, I would still be at a loss to know how or why they could fairly instruct a Legislature acting for more than five times their humber. There isl indeed but one way to as- ' Certain the public voice and will, and that is at the ballot-box, where ever}’ citiieii, knowing the day and the place, goes of his own volition, and records his best judgment. If this had been done in 1880, ami there had been a pdpiilat Expression ih faVor of prohibition. we Would have been better prepared for such ith iMstig. and e'vert Gen. Harrison might have been able by this titric to say something on the matter one way or the other. But the amendment is here, in whatsoever manner it came, and the Democratic party neither shirks, fears nor evades its presence. We meet it We say in explicit terms, not only that we are opposed to all sumptuary legislation, but that we are especially opposed to the proposed prohibitory ftmenattldht io the constitution. A wayfaring man. though ft fool, can tell exactly where the Democratic party Standi on this question. The astrologers bf East, the Wise men rtf aheieflt and modern tithes who have called back th earth the spirits of the dead, cannot reteal oiie sinstlP Rafik, candid expression of the Republican party oiie way or the other. I stand on the Democratic 4 platform of the State, and I will give you the reasons, as I understand them, which sustain the declaration of principles therein contained. The first sectinn of the prohibitory amend ment now before the people for their inspection, discussion and decision is supposed by many most worthy people to contain a cure for all the evils of intemperance; that it iw a new evangel which is to accomplish what the gospel of the Savior, the influence of the Christian churches and the power of God on earth have never Vet performed. Let us look for a moment at tliis supposed miraculous productiUti. If lb Very familiar, but I will read it once mute; “The manufacture, sale or keepifig for sale in said State of spirituous, vinous or malt liquors, or any other intoxicating liquors, except for medical, scientific, mechanical, and wine for sacramental purposes, shall be and is hereby forever prohibited in the State of Indiana. ” This section will close the distilleries, the breweries and the vineyards of Indiana, and practically confiscate property of many millions in value, tax-paying property whose security is guaranteed’ by the constitution and laws of the country. But will the cause of temperance and good morals be advanced thereby? Indiana is embraced by Ohio, Kentucky, Illinois and Michigan, and under this amendment copious streams of the Strong liqtiore—Whisky, brandy, nim, gin-** Which can be kept without spdiling. as lieef Cannot. Will flow from all sides ifitn the and into the houses of those who care sos such beverages and have the means to send for them. Take the case of some wealthy citizen of Irtdiahapolis, byway of illustra tion. He finds nothing in this* amendment preventing him from keeping all the liqnm* he wants for his own use. and to give to ifid neighbors. He will send to Kentucky for a barrel of fine old Bourbon whisky; to New York for rich and costly wines—champagne, Madeira, port and sherry; to the best mar kets for cogniac brandy, and with these and other choice fluids store his cellar. There is no restraint whatever placed on him by this amendment as to ms use of these liquors, except that he shall not sell them. He may give a banquet, lino his ta- ) files and his sideboards with every vintage : beneath the sun, and with every brand of alcoholic spirits ever known; he may invite I his guests, young and old, by the hundred: ] he may throw open his windowsand turn up 1 .all his gas, and have music to draw the at i tention of the outside public; all this he : may do under the proposed reign of prohi- | bition. and none can molest or make him j afraid. Nor is there anything in the amend ; ment to prevent a candidate on election day keeping all sorts of liquors at his house, his ' store, his office or other place of business. ' or even in the vicinity of the polls. With which to treat his adherents ami those whom he wishes to influence. Is the sincere and zealous Prohibitionist satisfied with such a prohibitory law as this? It will accomplish but little if anything, except to deprive the laboring man of his beer, which does him no harm, and induce the introduction of the strong and hurtful liquors into the State for individual use. i Such liquors ha<l better be kept in saloons ! under stringent laws regulating their sale, than in the cellars, the cupboardsand on the side-lioards of domestic life. They will do far less harm in the one instance than in the other. I expect, within the next sixty days. i to hear every intelligent, honest advocate of ; real prohibition denounce this amendment as a sham and a fraud. They will fully realize by that time, if not sooner, that it would I promote, rather than diminish, the evils of ! intemperance. But the second section of the proposed amendment opens up. if possible, a broader field of farce and fraud than the first, which i I have just considered. It reads as follows: “Section 2. The General Assembly of the i state of Indiana shall provide in what manI ner, by whom and at what places such liquors’ shall be manufactured or sold for medical, scientific, mechanical and sacra ! mental purposes.” It will sip observed that both sections ot the amendment recognize the necessity of i spirituous liquors, but the second section, which I have just read, provides that the State shall take official control of its manulacture and sale It is a square declaration that the people of Indiana can not be trusted 1 to engage in such bueineF.s us they choose, -uhiect onlv to the general provisions of law i which apply to even citizen alike Individ-

| ual authority and Individual responsibility ' are to be wiped out, and the General Assemi bly of the State is to determine and provide, i first, in what manner “.snirituous or malt i liquors, or other intoxicating liquors,” shall ' be manufactured and sold: second, by whom j they shall be manufaci 1 and, third, | at what places throughout the State they I should be manufactured and sold. How j many official distilleries will be established | under this section no one can now safely i predict There arc- ninety-two counties in ■ the State, and whether one or more will lie provided for each county remains for | future Legislatures to determine. But the I number and location of the official saloons where these liquors are to be sold are matters of grave importance to the people, in view of the fact that the amendment itself concedes the absolute necessity for such liquors in sickness, in business and in the worship of God. No one will deny that that medicine ought to lx? within almost instant reach of everybody, nor should any neighborhood be without the means of celebrating the Lord’s Supper, which consisted of bread and wine. There are over 1,000 townships in Indiana, and it is not too much to say that the citizens of each one of these townships should have an official saloon, or a State liquor agency, or whatever you please to call it, in their midst. There is no limit on future Legislatures, under this section, as to the location or number of these State dispensaries of liquors, nor as to the number of appointments to be made to carry on the business. It is therefore perfectly plain, if the prohibitory amendment*is adopted, that more than a thousand new offices may be created, and doubtless will be, to provide for partisan politicians of local usefulness, and to open up a new field of official patronage in which future Jay Hubbells may take their per cent, by war of assessment for the corruption of the ballot Tha amendment fairly calls for legislation of thia kind. But in the hands of these State officials, costing the people of Indiana more than $1(X),00C a year for their salaries and expenses, is an honest execution of this amendment possible? I say not. Take the case, byway of illustration, of one of these State agents* or official bar-tenders, who alone of all the community can be trusted to sell or issue spirits of any kind for medicine, business or sacrament. When the head of a family is hurried to the State saloon in behalf of a sick wife or child, how is the official behind the counter to tell whether the story he hears is true or fah‘3? Or if the applicant should want it for his own relief, how is it to be ascertained whether his ailments are real or feigned? I suggest that a corps of medical inspector? will have to be appointed to accompany the official saloon keepers and guard them from daily imposition, or, what is more probable, daily coillliVa»ca at fraud. When a man applies to purchase ftpiTitUOlL*, vinous or malt or other intoxicating liquors for scientific or mechanical purposes, on what conditions or proofs are they to be sold? Nor do 1 see how the dignified liquor-seller, with his badge of authority, is to be safe from deception and fraud even in the sale of wine for the observance of the most holy rite of the Christian religion. In each and (‘very instance the applicant’s word would have to be taken on trust, or a sort of trial instituted and evidence submitted. A greatei* farce han such a system of prohibition on the oi. ■ hand, aild the sale of liquor on the other, has never before been heard of or imagined. Indeed, it is worse than a farce, it is full of positive affirmative evil. This proposed amendment and the subsequent legislation which it calls for will constitute a vast seminary of all the meaner Vices, such as prevarication, deceit, smuggling, downright falsehood and general hypocrisy. It will also teach the people an open contempt for laws which will not be enforced, and nothing is more demoralizing than sucn a condition of affairs. A system something like the one now proposed was put to the test in Indiana about twentysevcii years’ ago, and it is within the memory of thousands thftf it increased the evils of intemperance, fostered aiid ♦nieouraged official and individual fraud, lowered the standard of morality and was a dead letter in the courts. And such is the history of kindred enactments now in Maine and Kansas. lowa not having yet tested her recent prohibitory amendment. The figures of the United States census for 1880 reveal many good things for Indiana, but none so splendid as the fact that under her present Constitution she has a better standard of education, a lafget ftefidol fund in proportion to population, fewer people who can not toad and write, a lower ratio of commitment for crime, a greater proportion of householders, a more rapid and commanding development of Uli her material resources than any other State in the fflirtn. when all these elements of her greatness are takCH m»d considered together. 1 do not say that these results are due to the manufacture and sale of spirituous liquors in Indiana, but I do say that they are due to the fact that our people could be trusted on that as on other branches of business, and that the Democratic State constitution of 1851, under which we have prospered and grown great, did so trust them. That constitution, with no prohibition in it. trusted individual responsibility, trusted the influence of virtuous, intelligent homes, trusted the schools, trusted the Churches of the Living God. mwctexl all the J'joweTful, irresistible agertekw which imTaOVC, lift Up and advance the human race n self-conttC’l itrtd refined and exalted civilization. The results »re before the world, and 1 for one am proud, v(?rt proud, of Indiana. Others mav traduce her it choose. Speakers may be brought from other SLatef* to slander her domestic policy, but whether I stand or fall in the contest my voice shall be heard in her vindication and in recounting her deeds of glorious progress. “Men do not gather grapes of thorns nor figs of thistles,” nor lias Indiana taken her proud place in the very front line of the sisterhood of States under any false system of domestic government. The people know the tree from which they liavo gathered such precious and abundant fruits, and they will be content to let it stand. SUBMISSION. But while the Republican leaders of Indiana, as 1 have already stated, decline to discuss the amendment off its merits, and in terrified tones protest that prohibition is not now an issue before the people, they havd invented a false cry on its submission to a popular vote. Nothing could illustrate their WfrOknewi and absurdity on this point than an incident ft few evenings ago at Terre Haute. A very estimable citizen of that beautiful city introduced the Hon. B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri, to the audience, and, follow ing the lead of Gen. Harrison and others, took pains to say iu substance that the issue before the meeting w’as not prohibition nor anti-prohibition, not whether the amendment ought to be approved or rejected, but solely and entirely whether it should be voted bn at the ballot-box. Having sufficiently, as he supposed, warned the speaker as to the kind of speech he was expected t«» make he retired, and the distinguished Missourian began. Imagine the consternation of the dodgers at his first sentence! "I have come here to-night," Raid he, “to advocate the cause of prohibition,” and be proceeded to do so. 1 know Gov. Brown, and could have told the managers ot that meeting that he disdains timid tactics, and that, however wrong, he has the courage of his convictions, which the Republican loaders of Indiana have not. The tact is, if the people do not want prohibition, they have but little, if any, interest in proonging a controversy over it Aut let us look fairly and squarely for a few moments at the rights of the people in a proceeding to amend their constitution. There are three stages in such a proceeding. The first is to bring the proposed amendment before the people. That has been done by j the last Legislature, and the amendment, I such as it is, is before you for your considerI ation and action. The reason why one Legi islature shall propose and the next Legislai ture decide upon it is manifestly to allow’ ! the people a clianue to vote as well upon its i merits as upon every other aspect of the I question in electing the body which has to : agree or disagree to it. According to mv • view of the constitution, before an amenn--1 ment can become a part of the organic law ! it must in reality be submitted twice to the I popular vote. The proposed prohibitory ■ amendment is now, for the first time, subj mitted, and will be voted on in November. | If the members of the Legislature then chosen shall, under their oath to supjiort the constitution, agree to it, then it will be a ! second time submitted to a vote of the peo- • pie. The Republican platform demands j that the members of the Legislature shall so i agree whether in good conscience they can • do so or noL The Democratic platform rec- ! ognizes their right to act according to their sense of duty when the time comes, and to I favor or oppose the amendment at any stage. ■ But, if the amendment is agreed to, then the Democratic platform calls for its subI mission at a time, and under cii’cumstan ?es i which will secure a full vote, and without | extra expense. The Repv.bi!can platform

NUMBER 25

demands an especial election, with neces aarily a meager vote, and at an expense to the people of at least 8100,000. Which party seems most willing to trust the people? Which party seems most willing to trust r.ho Legislature’ and the people both? There can be but sue answer. The Democratic party believe’ in the right and the capacity of the people to govern themselves, both as to their personal habits, tastes and appetites, as well as at the ballot-box. If the amendment, however, should be submitted at a special election, and should be ratified by the popular vote, an extra session of the Legislature, with all its expenses, would have to be called, or something worse would follow. The adoption of the amend ment as a part of the constitution would at once abrogate every license in the State, and at the same time there would be no penalty for selling without a license. There would be no law. until one was enacted, by which men could be prosecuted and punished for unlimited liquor selling anywhere they pleased, and to everybody who chose to buy. I'o avoid the unrestrained, unlicensed traffic, therefore, in spirituous liquors for more than eighteen months, or until the next regular meeting of the Legislature in Janu.iry, 1885, an extra session would be convened some time next year, and the people would ]>ay for it CONCLUSION. Fellow citizens, the two great, leading parties of the country are before you, ai d they will eventually stand or fall accord ng as their records are just or unjust, profligate or honest, faithful or recreant to the constitution. The Republican party has assumed the privileges of enmity, and, with a garrulous disregard of truth, boasts on all occasions of its past exploits. It claims the entire credit for the suppression of the Rebellion, without a hint that anybody outside of Its organization took part in the work, while in point of fact as much Democratic blood and money was poured out in the cause as came from any other source. It claims, with much vainglorious talk, that it liberated 4,;xxi,(XX) slaves, while in point of fact it protested with every breath it drew during the entire war that it intended to do nothing of the kind In resolutions, in speeches, and from the j>en and the tongue of Abraham Lincoln himself, the purpose to free the slaves was vehemently denied from the beginning to the end of the great struggle. The overthrow of slavery was one of the inevitable incidents of the war, one of its absolute results, and came from higher causes than party policy or party intention. The Republican party claims credit for liberal bounties and pensions in behalf of soldiers, their widows and orphans, while a Republican President vetoed the bill for the equalization of bounties, and a Republican Congress passed a statute of limitations on the right to obtain a pension. It claims, with daring effrontery, and in the face of well-known facts, that the public credit and our present system of currency are due to its wisdom and patriotism. On the contrary', as certain as the historian ever records the truth, he will write it down that the Republican party demonetized silver from unworthy motives; assailed, destroyed and contracted the greenback circulation; brought the panic of 1873 upon the country, and was directly responsible for the five years of bankruptcy, ruin and misery which followed. The historian will also record that prosperity only returned when, in 1878, with a Democratic House and almost a Democratic Senate, the financial policy of the Republican partv was reversed; silver money was restored to coinage and the greenback was protected by a penal statute from further destruction.’ The coinage of silver and the silver (ticates have added over -f100,000.(XX) to our circulation, every dollar of which is at par with gold ; the greenback remains where we placed it four years ago, both in amount and in value. These are the two great props to the business prosperity’ of the country. Let him who dares attempt to pull them down! They stand by the will of the people and in opposition to tne policy of the Republican party. Still further playing the braggart, that party claims credit for restoring law and order throughout the country .after the close of the war. Instead of credit on this account there stands against the Republican party a record of crime throughout the Southern States, darker, more extensive, more repulsive in its details and in the aggregate than anv other political pait-v ever committed in all the wide realms of hnmarx history, such a career of venality, corrufdinix and official robbery as the former ascendency of the Republican party in the South presents Is nowhere else to be found in the conduct of nations. No larceny was too great or too small to be committed, no scheme of plunder was too enormous; no prostitution of official power too base to prevent it* swift and thorough execution. The whole civilized world knows this story of shame by heart, and yet that party has the audacity to again aspire to control the States and the domestic policies of the South The Republican partv never touched a State 1 that it aid not degrade. A coalition has given it a temporary ascendency in Virginia, and that great tierofc commonwealth stands before hei creditors and the world with dust on her brow and with the stain of repudiation on her official records. Not only are the Iwasts of the Republican partv in regard to home policies empty and raise, but what shall l>e said of che horrible sarcasm, or bunesqne. contained in the recent State platform on the subject of our naturalized citizens? Whilq honorable, hon*>Kt. law-abiding American citizens were confined in British jails, without accusation and without trio.’, or the hope thereof under a Republican administration; ata time when the world was full of disgust at the imbecility of our foreign policy, the Republican partv of Indiana actually swaggered to the footlights and praised itself for "exalting tho value of our naturalization laws to our foreign-born fellow-citizens, by securing to American naturalization everywhere the full rights of American citizenship. ” This is a fit and proper climax to a long series of groundless and false assumptions of meritorious conduct. Democrats of Indiana, the future wears a pleasant aspect for you. The party arrayed against you has been strong in the purse ami the patronage of the Government: it has been hard to dislodge from power even when beaten at the polls; but now. torn by rival factions and exposed in its debaucheries on the public service, it goes to its national downfall in 1884 as certainly, in my judgment. as that year shall come. Such a result is required by every consideration of the public welfare, and the next time we elect a President we will inaugurate him, A Sharp (Question Io the Bishop. When Bishop Whitaker was in Candelaria, Nev., he took a stroll in the outskirts of the camp with a party of ladies and godly gentleman. A mail was seen lalmriously turning a windlass which hoisted from a shaft a bucket filled with rock. The only thing remarkable alxmt the man at the windlass was bis hat, the crown of which was cut clean off. allowing the hot sun to pour down upon a perfectly bald head, some waggish friends having recommended this arrangement as sure to produce a crop of hair. The Bishop and his party stood watching the man toiling and grunting at his heavy lal>or for several minutes, and the kindhearted clergyman spoke up w ith concern, and said: “My friend, why don't you cover up \our head? This hot sun will affect your brain.” “Brain, is it ?” cried the man, as he gave the windlass another heavilycreaking revolution. “Begob. an’ if I had any brains d’ye think I’d be here pullin’ up this bucket?” The Bishop ami his party hastily retired as the gentleman at the windlass proceeded to express, between tugs and in a very strong way, his opinion of men who had been born, like himself, without brains. In the educational system of Newfoundland each important religious Ixxiy receives an amount of money from the Government propo tionate to its numbers. Separate Boards of Education in each district, and School Ins}»ectors appoint d by the Government respec ively fnm the Church of England, Methodists and Roman Catholics, emphasize thi difference in faith.