Decatur Democrat, Volume 24, Number 21, Decatur, Adams County, 26 August 1880 — Page 4

**7^"" 1 11 1 11 — 1 i i Mr. English and Out Foreign Born Citizens. [Cincinnati Enquirer, August 12, 1880.] Citizens of foreign-birth have particular reason to be proud of Mr. English, and to give him their support. It is to him hardly h ss than to any other man in the country that they owe the full and final reeogition of their equal rights with native-born citizens to all the blessings of our institutions. It was. he who was foremost in the struggle against that worst and narrowest of ideas, Know-Nothingism. He was the friend of the foreign-born citizen when prejudice and passion were strongest against him —when they were lashed into fury by scheming demagogues, and when the'idea had taken a hold upon the people of the country, the strength of grip of which has never been equaled by any other idea. Men who were liberal in other matters were bigoted in their treatment of the foreigner. They professed to see in the rapid peopling of the country from foreign shores latent and terrible dangers, and in their zeal they were carried to the most extreme lengths. Voters of this generation can hardly understand the intensity of the opposition to foreigners which raged from 1852 to 1858. Public men surrendered to it and essayed to lead it for their own advancement.' Whole States threw off their allegiance to the old Whig party to give in their adhesion to this most pernicious of ideas. In Indiana, especially this sentiment became most fierce. The secret oath-bound organization was everywhere’ It pervaded every town and ward and voting precinct. It formed mobs to inflict the worst personal violence upon unoffending men, whose only crime was birth in a foreign land. It burned down dwellings over the heads of innocent women and children. Its frenzy did noteven stop short of wanton, unprovoked murder. Foreigners were assaulted when quietly at work, on the highway, or in the shop —or manufactory. They were denied work for no other reason than that they first saw the light in Ireland, or Germany, or France, or some land beyond the seas. It was this condition of affairs into which Mr. English was projected soon after his entrance into public life. And he met it as he has al ways met every public question, boldly, manfully, and without evincing the slightest desire to dodge or equivocate on this question. He attacked it as a dangerous, damnable heresy. He denounced it as utterly un-Ameriean in inception and idea, and as unworthy of any true man. He did this, too, in the face, of the almost universal success of this doctrine in every section of Indiana. He made the canvass against KnowNothingism when to do so was dangerous. It required physical bravery of the highest order. He went into the canvass, carrying his life in his hands in this much-vaudent, peace-loving North. But it required a higher order of bravery; that moral courage which dares to face a mob, to meet the advocates of public ideas, and, meeting them, to tear down their every argument, to present public questions upon their merits and to battle for a principle. And he made the contest ■drongan d fierce, and he made it to win. When every other Democratic member of Congress m Indiana, save one, was subjected to defeat by the adherents of this heresy, Mr. English was re-elected again and again by increased majorities. His constituents appreciated the fact that he had fought boldly’ against the most dangerous idea which had ever acl<)Ulred; *h<>M upon American soil. It whh ‘ w hi.-h ' ' .' ■ *

are required to respond at distant places to charges that should be heard at home? Oftentimes the defense followed by a quittai is more ruinous to parties and their families than con viction would be at home. If you hold a note against a citizen you must sue him in the County in which he resides. If he have a defense he may then make it at home. Hut if you assign that note to a National Bank, the.bank may sue him in the United States Court. There he can not afford to defend. He roust submit to judgment— it may be to execution and ruin. I cite you these cases for illustration. The Republican candidate believes in these aggressions upon Slate authority; he believes iu the Aggrandizement of Federal power. I pray you strike a blow on election day for the Plain and efficient wavs oi the olden time. ' I now come to the inquiry, What does the nomination of Genera. Hancock signify? He is a warrior oi grea distinction. In but one respect does that, cucnmstance commend him to our support or a civil office. The war of the rebellion is over. ‘‘Hike the dew on the mountain,’’ the great aimles are gone, “and forever.” The earthworks that marked the fields where dreadful battles were fought have sunk away and disappeared. Nothing remains of the encampment, the march and the battle to arrest the attention of the traveler. There are no battle scars upon the oarth ’s face. But a restored Uniot? remain., and the integrity of a® country. There were deep and bitter paqsuon—distiust and hatred, but with the years they were passing away. In that was the disappointmen of party ambition. Sei tional strife only could give assurance of Radical success. The men of the North were addressed in the language of malignant hatred to stand by the colors and the memories of the war. Hancock’s nomination defeats these appeals. Why, he fought in the war; he won battles- ae took prisoners; he fell wounded. What more could there be? Many of the men most eloquent in the pretense of anxiety about the honor of the soldier and the results of the war did not fight at all. Presented by two States of the South and accepted by States of the North, Hancock’s nomination means restoration and fraternity, When restoration and fraternity shall once more bind the sections together, the true purposes and results of the war are attained. His election and successful administration will complete a personal record of the greatest and rarest Interest. In war he overcame physical resistance and compelled a recognition of public authority. In peace he will overcome the malign influences that distract and divide, and will place the sections in absolute harmony upon the Constitution and the laws. On bls shield will then be inscribed • “Peace hath her victories, no less renowned than war.” m his difficult position at New Orleans General Hancock displayed in a high degree the qualities of a civil ruler. He respected enforced and obeyed the Constitution and the laws. From his youth he has been in the military service, yet he recognizes the supremacy of the civil over the military au thorlty. His letter to General Sherman recently published, has given great satisfaction to the Democracy of the country, and I believe its sentiments are approved by many of the Republicans. As a candidate I am sure he is hignly acceptable to the Democracy of Indiana, and 1 am confident he will carry’ the State. Mr. English, the nominee for Vice President, is a native of this State. He has been much connected with public affairs, and has shown the qualities of deliberation, prudence and s rength. He is not extravagant In hope or prodigal in promise, but he does what he undertakes. The ticket Is well received throughout the country, and I think will be elected. And, my countrymen, do you not think it ought to be elected? Is it not time there should be a change? For twenty years the same party, and largely the same men, have been in power, controlling tne offices, collecting and paying out the public moneys, keeping the books and making the reports. The tendency of legislation, until the Democrats obtained couwol of the House, was to extravagance and favoritism. Class and party have governed. Proscription of all else has been remorseless and relentless. The offices of the country have been used in pay for political services. Dargely more than half the white people have been excluded from all positions of honor and emolument, because they are Democrats. The public records should go Into new hands for examination. And the policies, habits and practices that have prevailed should be revised and approved. The ( John! itn t ion rr»rt>tciM re-election of our I

when he got there the State had gone for th* Democrats, unless some votes were throw? vov.' °£ Borne votes not cast were counted When he got there more than 6,000 market the difference, and the Hayes elec tors were that much behind But when they left the work was done though the result was not announced But two days had passed, and they were yel o??. 11 n e c j 1 ?! when a message overtook their, that allayed their anxiety, ft told them that the crime was consummated ; that the elected were counted out and the defeated were counted in. It then remained only to assert and maintain that the worn of the Beturnlna Board, brought about in part ac I have de. scribed, when covered by the Governor’s certificate, should bind Congress. The Commission settled that, and Garfield w«.s upou the Commission, and voted upon it-one of the eight. Gentlemen, what think you of thia? Ought he to have gone upon the Commission ? Not only with opinions formed and avowed but with purposes determined upon, he took nls seat— he took the oath ! He took his seat to decide not only t he rights of the Nation but also the rlghtsof the men who had been elected. respect to the action of Congress upon this question I have thought and said that I lie wrongs done to individuals were swallowed up and lost in the greater wrong and outrage upon the people and their institutions. But in respect to James A. Garfield other considerations arise. He accepted (perhaps sought) a place upon a tribunal that was to decide, not only questions of public right, but also tne claims of individuals to great offices. He • did that when he had Formed a purpose to dei cide against thos* whose claim was supported I by the preponderance of the vote. He was ' disqualified by bls formed and avowed purI pose, and also by hIH participation in the preparatory work. For that I challenge him before the bar of puollo opinion; and I do ; this in the name of public and private ! right; in the name of Justice i of fair play and of universal law. When men- , tioned for the position, it would have been I grand and Roman-like if he had risen in his place in the Hous® of Representatives, and announced that the services that his party had required of him had disqualified film, and that Lie could not accept and would not serve. Would either of you take a seat upon a Jury with opinions already formed, without informing the Court and parties, and asking to be excused? I think the great body of the people now think and know that the incumbents of the offices of Pesident and Vice President were not elected, out that they were inaugurated without right. Are any of you willing to Indorse the great wrong? By your vote will you say t hat General Garfield did right? Shall it be made an heuoreu. precedent or a condemned crime? I have but one more suggestion connected j with this subject for your consideration. The Administration and the party have rewarded with public offices all the.partles directly connected with the fraud. I' say all, because .be exceptions are but one, two or three. The members of the Returning Boards, their clerks, sons and brotners, electors, supervisors and viiting statesmen, almost all 'if’ve lucrative public employment. They na: tuber a full hundred, and their compensation ia osttnoated at more than 8250,000 per year, and above 81,000,008 during the four years of Administration —half of the cost of our new State House, and the full cost of the State administration for one year. I ~i. not comment upon the wrong and indc-ercy of making such a use of the President's patronage. Surely we all understand t hat the people’s offices ought not to be given in payment for such services. if Mr. Hayes desired to compensate the men who put him di offi ce, he should have done so out of his own estate. Are you willing that they shall stay in? Shad they become pensioners— Wells end. his two sons, and the rest of the hundred? General Garfield, if elected, can not and will not turn them out, for he was with them and 1 c? them. Gentlemen, will your ballot! go to indorse what was done, and the men who did it? In sur platforms, State and National, V7O have declared our opposition I c centralization, au<S our purpose to stand with all ocr might by the constitutional rights and power - of tfio United States, and with equal lldelity by the rights and powers of the Stator as reserved to them in the Constitut ion. The puroosc and policy of the Republican party has jeen to weaken the States and to strengthen jlie Federal authority. General Garfield In strong sympathy with his party in that respect. He has favored legislation having that tendency. And did you observe that in his speech in response to » Heronaile, tlie other evening, he made A Mvi'.'lH'in tlie one vronf. HtntiiHiimn

s XT F F JL ZE] 7vr Pl KT r-n

• ■— ■ — i ■■ .. ' HENDRICKS. i Governor Hendricks’ Brilliant Open- ‘ ing of the Campaign at Marion, August 12th, 1880. r Garfield’s Fine Italian Hand in the Returning Board Rascality of 1876. A Clear Presentment of the Issues of the Day. —A Short, Crisp Speech. — j Governor Hendricks’ Speech. Ab Governor of the State, 1 recoin mended to the Legislature that the Constitution should be so amended that the general elections : Should take place in November instead of Oc- I tober. We would then vote on the same day with most of the other States, and avoid the double election in the Presidential year. For many reasons I thought the change desirable I also recommended that a residence for a short and fixed period in the voting Precinct should be made a qualification of therlgbtto vote. The voters would then come to know each other when meeting on election day The Legislature pass d upon these propositions, but amended them by annexing conditions requiring reglstraf ion laws to be passed and maintained. 1 think that was unfor- I tunate. It should be left to the discretion of ' the Legislature what registry of I the voters shall be made. A very large body of the people opposed the amendments on that account. The vote upon them was had last April. A plurality was lor the amendments, but not a majority of the I voters of the State— not a majority of the voters | who voted at that election. Upon a case that i came up from Floyd County the Supreme | Court decided that the amendments bad not been adopted. Upon the question of law the remocratlc Judges were equally divided, and the decision was pronounced by Judge Biddle, who is not a Democrat, but Independent in politics. The Republican leaders have hoped and labored to make political capital out of that decision. In that they will fail. The Court is the proper tribunal, under our Constitution and laws, for the settlement of such questions. In thecauseof good and stablegovernment the people will sustain the Court. I thi ak the Court was right. Do you not think so? Are you willing that our Constitution am' form of State Government shall be changed by less than half the people? The Legislature, that represents all the people, can not put over us any law except by a vote of a maorityof all the members elected Os the 100 members of the House, full fifty-one, and ol the fifty Senators, full twenty-six must vote for a law before It can be over us. A full majority of all the people, through their representatives, must assent before a law can be made or changed. Would you have the State Government Itself Hable to change by a less expression of the will of the people? The Constitution protects our magnificent school fund from any loss. Can that be changed by less than half tne people? By constitutional provisions we are made secure in all our personal and domestic rights. W ho demands a modification unless full one half the people consent? In the C nstitution of the United States our lathers expressed their appreciation of the high Importance of stability and permanence of Constitutional law. That great instrument can be amended only by twothirds of both branches of Congress, and by the Ijeglslatures of three-fourths of the States. No change in either the State or Federal Constitution should tee possible, except upon the i mature judgmen . and deliberate action of the ' people. It is better that we bear, for awhile, i the inconvenience of frequent elections rather < than impair the stability of our Institutions. If a proposed change of government is not of sufficient public interest to command the • approval of at least one-half the voters, the < necessity for Its adoption can not be very < pressing. Take time lor deliberation. Strike ! off objection able provisions. Allow the peo- i pie to consider it again. If then adopted it 1 will almost certainly be right, in this case < thousands of the people are afraid of the regis- 1 tration law. They have heard that in other I localities that law is used as an instrument of j fraud and corruption, and they would rather 1 not, imbed it in the Constitution, but leave it i to I.etclHla.t.lve discretion. t •

- payers of Indiana in the one item of ns* r> Ung alone, the enormous sum of 8221.454.10, i While the expenses of the Benevolent Instl tutlons of the State have been largely diminished ,as I|have;stated, it should be remembered 0 that tne inmates have been increased in number, especially In the Insane Hospital; and t also that the cost of living has been 7 greater the past year than during t years immediately preceding; and in the 0 Insane Asylum the Superintendent’s report j hows that the disbursement for food was 844,0 4 4.31 or 14 per cent, more than for the year 3 previous, computed for the same number of i Inmates; and yet the present Democratic offii) cials have shown such extraordinary eoonoi my In the other expenses of that institution I as to save the taxpayers 841,466.68 in the year j 1879, as compared with the annual expendi- . tures under Republican officials. No man can , say that thef Benevolent Institutions of the i State have not been as well managed and f eared for as they were under Republican rule; • and no one will deny but that the State prints Ing has been as well done. Indeed, no depart- ; ment of tne State Government has suffered in - the least in efficiency. : Peace and order have generally prevailed. It is true we have had some labor troubles, but they have been settled by wise counsels, and , the laws have been enforced by the civil authorities. Not a gun has been fired during the eight years of Democratic executive control. No property has been destroyed by violence; and the persons and property of our citizens have been protected. I am convinced that in this enlightened age, with prudent and wise management, our laws can be enforced byci vil authority without resort to arms. And I think a great deal of this desirable state of as airs Is due to our wise system of commonschools. Intelligence and reason have taken the place of violence and passion. During the labor strike in 1877 many persons thought a resort to arms was necessary. I then differed with them, and believing as I did that our trouble, which was then great, could be settled by compromise and argument, 1 hastened to the office of the Mayor of Indianapolis, and moved the appointment of a Citlzcns’CommltteeofConference. My motion was kindly entertained by the Mayor, a good and efficient Committee was appointed, and my highest expectations were fully realized by the work of that Committee. Pittsburg, Pa., and Columbus, 0., by pursuing a different policy, and hastily resorting to arms for the settlement of the same trouble, lost many valuable lives and millions of property. This is a lesson that should be remembered by all, and all should profit by it. Should I be your Governor, there will not be a gun fired in I udiuna for the purpose of preserving law and order at home until every means shall have been exhausted to restore law and order through the civil authorities, and no man would be Intrusted by me in command of any force—should it be necessary to call out the militia— with power to decide the question himself as to the inability of the civil authorities to restore order. If I am your Governor I will assume the responsibility myself; and if we have to resort to the military of the country to restore order, I will decide that question myself. CONCLUSION. And, now, my fellow-citizens, I trust 1 have convinced you not only that the policy of the i Democratic party has ever been fn direct opposition to the charge made against It by Mr Porter and others that a State has the right to withdraw from the Union at will, but that the - policy of the Democratic party is and ever has 1 been in favor of the maintenance of the rights of the states under the Constitution, to man- 1 age and control all their domestic affairs with- 1 out any Interference by the Federal Govern- i ment, while conceding to the Feneral Govern- 1 ment the legislative powers provided 1 by the Constitution of the United States 1 I trust I have also convinced you that seces- ] sion was not a State right, but rebellion; that t the Republican party, since the close of the i war, has endeavored to pervert our form of ] Government from a Government of thirty- 1 eight free and Independent States Into a Gov- 1 ernment of consolidated power; that the right J of a stale to manage and control her elections f without Federal interference Is necessary to i the perpetua lon of free government; that the > right of the States to maintain Courts for the t trial of all offenses against State laws is imper- < atiyely demanded; that the Republican party ] has consolidated the wealth of this country in i the hands of a few, in the same way t It has consolidated the powers t of the States iu the hands of the Federal Goy- 1 ernment; that its policy was one that bank- 1 rupted all the debtor class, and increased t he i enormous lortunes of the creditor class, there- t ■KMinK 1 2 •*•» •M

understand the financial rule I have just referred to. RKPUBIICAN EFFORTS TO PREVENT TOE rTRCULATION OK SILVER. The Republicans now claim that they have brought the silver dollar from Its hiding place. 1 have tried to show you how they retired It to its h idlng place, and I no.w propose to show you how they are endeavoimg to keep it there. The Republican party, as I have stated, is wedded to the doctrine of having nothing as money but gold. Ever since the remonetization of silver by the Democratic party in 1878 the leaders of the Republican party haye sought in every way possible to prejudice the people against its use. John Sherman, when in the Senate of the United States,.opposed the remonetization of silver as bitterly as did Mr. Garfield, and since Mr. Sherman has been Secretary of the Treasury, lie has allowed no opportunity to pass in which he could impress upon the minds of the people the impracticability of Using silver Us money. He combined with the bankers of New York against it. He had his Assistant Treasurer made a member of the Clearing House Board of New York City, and then, according to a resolution passed by the Board (the Assistant Treasurer of the United States being a member thereof), silver was not to be •offered in payment for any balance due any knember of that Board, and was not to be received in bank only to be paid back in kind. AH this tending to embarrass the business community in handling it. A business man wants to deposit In Bank what ho receives, and check out of bank as his necessities require. It was well known to Mr. Sherman that an arrangement of that kind was calculated to bring about great opposition to the use of hi J ver as money ; and that accounts for the prejudice among business men of the Bust against sliver. He lias constantly refused to Band out silver in the payment of our bonded debt, white the silver he has on hand is a legal fender for every dollar that we owe. But he prefers tO' issue new bonds, bearing Interest, and sell them to buy gold with, instead of paying out the silver he has on hand. If he would pay it out on the bonded debt of the country we would save thelssniagof new bonds just to the amount of silver that he has on hand, and the interest upon the bonds also .Mr, Sherman has never lost hope of bringing the law into contempt; he even showed a disregard for the law making silver a legal tender. Although lie is our hired man, and his only business is to carryout the laws passed by Congress, instead of carrying them out he sets the law at defiance. Not being aware, apparently, of the intelligence of the jpeople he was talking to, he bason many occasions asserted that he could not pay out tne silver. If any business man had an agent employed, as we have Mr. Shermrn, to pay out money in bank on indebtedness, which was a legal tender, for every debt he owed, were the agent to keep the deposit in bank and issue new notes bearing interest in settlement of the debts and in payment of the old notes of his employer, he would be discharged instantly. Any man can pay out money that he has on hand if he owes debts fur in excess r f the money he has on hand. That is the con Jitlon of the Government. Mr. Sherman says that the silver money when paid out immediately comes back. That is the office of money, ana that dollar wh. ch 'passes the most rapidly in performing exchanges, is the dollar we want. If the sliver i dollar comes back rapidly to Mr. Sherman in i the payment of debts due us, after having < been paid out on debts we owe, it Is then i ready for another payment, and that < Is just what a business man wants— i When he pays out a dollar on debts that he i owes, to receive It back on debts due him. t There never was such an effort made since the 1 formation of the Government to set at defi- s ance the law of the land as there has been t made by tne Republican party to dlscoun ten- t ance silver, and banish it as money. Yet, on I the eve of uu election, in the lace of the rec- e ord, and in the face of the message of Mr. e Hayes, and his vetoing of the silver bill— the c bill for the remonetization of silver, and in v his late message recommending Congress to t stop the coinage of silver dollars, many Re- r publicans now claim, as did Mr. Porter in his t late speech, that they are the especial friends a of silver. I A REPUBLICAN BUGABOO. * Mr. Porter also, In his late speech, took great c pains to !ry and get up a sensation because of e the Introduction of a bill in the Lower House r