Decatur Daily Democrat, Volume 6, Number 133, Decatur, Adams County, 3 June 1908 — Page 4

est* take all they could get. and as to the people, the great mass of laborers and consumers, why, has not It been just as it may happen? Thera has been but one difference in the legislation of Friar Tuck and the legislation of the Interests of recent years. Friar Tuck was bold enough to avow that he made the law for his own benefit, but these gentlemen have been beguiling the people by the statement that it was made in their Interests and in the interests of this republic of ours. It may be that it Is only my own point of view, but I cannot look upon great material prosperity as absolutely essential to the greatness of a people. Vast domain does not fix the status of a people in the history of the world. Alexander at twen-ty-five had conquered the habitable globe, and yet upon his death, his empire sank into nothingness. Russia Is a vast domain, but not one of the great powers of the world. You may take the map of Europe, if you please, and with your thumb nail you may cover a little spot called Greece. It is not large in territory, but so long as art, sculpture and literature are loved, the name of Greece must be lisped lovingly upon the human lips. Off the coast of Europe you will see a little Island about the size of a pinhead. This is the Island of Corsica, barren, inhospitable, yet so long as military prowess and genius shall charm the world, that long shall the Island of Corsica not be forgotten. It is not great material prosperity, either, that marks the status of a people. In the Inaccessible Alps there dwell a people so poor as to have bnt barely the necessities of life, and yet for 400 years Switzerland has been free and the Swiss a happy people. No one knows who was the richest man when Aristides ruled over Greece. No one knows who had gathered to himself the most gold when Caesar found Rome brick and made it marble. No one knows who was the wea'thiest man when Shakespeare sounded for England and for all time the shoals and depths of human passions; no one knows who had the most money when the footsore soldiers of Washington incarnadined the snows of Valley Forge with their lifeblood. No one knows, and no one cares. Let us make honest money If we can, but let us know of a verity that liberty and justice and truth and righteousness are the great powers which make and keep safely a people. A Question of Ethics and of Politics.

I desire now to address myself for a moment to the question of labor and capital. It is both a question of ethics and of politics. The ethical side of it is so well known that it need not be discussed. If I know anything about Democratic tendencies, the party is not thoroughly understood in its attitude toward capital. It does not frown down upon wealth nor the accumulation of wealth. It is not what you have, but how you got it and use it that fixes your status from a Democratic standpoint. It believes that capital is as essentially necessary in this country as labor; that it is entitled to the same rights and privileges and immunities as labor. It does not believe that you should have any special legislation to the injury and detriment of labor, nor does it believe that labor should have any special legislation to your injury and to your detriment. It does demand, however, that the dollars which you accumulate shall be clean enough for your children to cut their infant teeth upon them. And if instead of coming out into the world as an individual, you seek a corporate creation at the hands of the state, the Democratic party does believe that it has some right, having created you, to control you. The platform of our party not having spoken definitely upon the state railroad law, I may be permitted to use it as an illustration of what I think the Democratic attitude is. At least It voices my own view with reference to the condition of railroads. None of us can disguise the fact that the building of the vast network of railroads throughout out state • has been of Inestimable value to its citizens. They have helped to mark our progress and importance in the world of affairs. He is not a good citizen who wants to injure the men who have built these roads. Therefore, S has seemed to me that the railroads of this state were entitled to represen tation upon the State Railroad Com mission; that the men who risk their Ilves and expose themselves to all the Inclemencies of the weather that you and I may ride in speed and comfort to and from various points, are likewise entitled to compensation and not a mere living; to enough wages to en able them to put by for a rainy day; these men also are entitled to representation upon the State Railroad Commission; and we, the private citizens of this state, who must pay for the comfort, convenience, luxury and s&fety that we enjoy, ought to pay in way of transportation rates and In the way of passenger fare, a sufficient sum to not only amply compensate the railroad man, but to give the man who builds the road a liberal return upon bls money investment. This is Democratic doctrine. Equality before the law, equal privileges for all and special privileges for none. I may be permitted to return for just a moment to voice my objections to the present, idea of government. 1 am not quarrelling with most of the things which the president of the United States Is endeavoring to obtain at the hands of congress, and what. 1 say with reference to the president may be applied with equal frankness to the present governor of the state My protest comes from a failure to understand. or If understanding, a failuw to carry out the theory of our govern ment.

From my standpoint the executive has no right to force his opinions upon the legislative body. Many things ought to be done, but the people must understand that good governj ment is only to be obtained in this I country of ours by a careful watch of the people of all their officeholders. 1 They must know, not after election, ' but before election and at election time, that the sending of a fool to the ' legislature will result in foolish legis- ■ latlon; of a knave, of knavish legislation; and of a man representing special interests, special legislation, and they must understand that if they obtain legislation of this kind, it is their fault and not the fault of the executive. On many matters of reform, in most, in fact, the attitude of the president meets with my approval; his conduct with my disapproval. If congress must do what he says, and the courts must decide as he declares, then let us regularly change our form of government and have a monarchy, and embody in the president of the United States, not only executive, but judicial and legislative functions. You may laugh at me and say that so long as we obtain what we want, and that which is right, it is immaterial how we obtain it, but If you will apply that principle to the affairs of everyday life you will find chaos, confusion, disorder and rilA in society. We know no way in the community in which we live to obtain our rights except through the regularly constituted legal tribunals. We know no way to change an evil law except by an appeal to the legislature, and if these things will not work in our Individual communities, be sure they will not work in our state and national life. A precedent is the most dangerous thing that can be established in civil government. A precedent, with the president or the governor usurping all the functions of government, assumed by a good man and used for a good purpose may speedily be assumed by a bad man for a had purpose. I beg you, my fellow-citizens, to keep forever In mind the distinctions between the different branches of government, and maintain them with fidelity until they shall be regularly changed by amendments to our written constitutions; to strictly adhere to the written letter of the law If working present hardship will result in future good. The Democratic party, however, is not in accord with the president of the United States in seeking to strengthen the pow’ers of the general government. It looks with suspicion on the taking away from the people of their right of local self-gov-ernment. T never made but one speech upon the subject of imperialism, and I promised myself to never make another. Those who did not go to sleep, left the hall. I asked myself why this theory of Imperialism which was opposed to all the doctrines of the fathers, in violation of the constitution of the United States and every public utterance of Abraham Lincoln, fell so i like a wet blanket upon an audience. ' I discovered that these yellow brothers ' of ours were about 7,000 miles away ■ from us; that we have not seen them, ; we do not care for them, they are not ' part of our lives. It is a lesson that taught me that whatever else might come, I would resist with voice and I pen any encroachments of the government of the rights of the state or the 1 right of local self-government, for be 1 sure, if your affairs are transferred to ■ Washington your representatives there i will be so engaged in weightier matters that they will have no time to look after the complaiats of a small | community in Indiana.

Men Who Ought to Pay Taxes. I do not speak upon the constitutionality of the income tax. I only say that from the ethical standpoint it meets with my approval. If your could see the widow who has less than SSOO painfully wending her way to the county treasurer’s office twice a year to pay her little pitiful tax for the support of the government, I think from the standpoint of ethics, you would agree with me that the men whose business affairs are protected by our system of government, are the men who ought to pay our taxes. There have always been two theories in Anglo-Saxon law, one that a man charged with the commission of a crime ought to be tried by a Jury of his peers, and the other that he ought not to be tried before an interested judge. Injunctions ought not to Indiscriminately issue. True, there are doubtless times when it is necessary to issue a temporary restraining order, but so soon as notice can be given, the merits of the matter ought to be entered into and the question determined whether a permanent injunction should issue while the facts are yet fresh and easily ascertainable. A violation of that injunction is criminal in its character. A person arrested for such violation ought to have a trial by Jury and he ought to have an opportunity to be tried before an impartial judge.

Improvement of Our Waterways. I have recently been up Salt River, in the Territory of Arizona. I went early to spy out the land and see whether I should like it as a permanent place of residence after next November. I there ascertained that the government had in process of construction a dam which in honor of the president of the United States, is called the Roosevelt dam. When this is completed It will furnish a sufficient amount of water to irrigate the whole Salt river valley, reclaim 300,000 acres of land, and furnish homes for a half million of prosperous, contended and happy people. H*w startling the comparison between this work begun and the $500,000,000 which we have put in th* Philippines in a vain endeavor to rseoncile imperialism with democraoy.

Our advocacy of the Improvement of our waterways is no new thing. We began most of the things that the Republican party is now talking about. Much discussion is had as to a waterway from Toledo to Chicago. We believe in the expenditure of public money that will lessen the expenses of transportation for the people and will furnish facilities for merchandise and passengers. New System of Government. Os recent years a new system of government has grown up in Indiana. Inetead of holding the officer to strict accountability for the faithful discharge of the duties of his office, it has been deemed wiser in township and county by the Republican party, to appoint a board of guardians. In its platform of this year, it says that it will not falter or halt, but will advance the cause of reform and better government as fast as the same can be wisely worked out with the approval and continued support of the people. It congratulates the people that it has enforced the maxim that a public office is a public trust, and has always fought for honesty and integrity in every public office. If this Is to be taken as true In spirit as well as in letter, It might be well to inquire what reform and better government is needed than has been provided for by the Republican party? It has had possession of the state machinery for the last twelve years. It has had every opportunity and every power to make things just exactly right. Is there something that needs reform, and do we require better government in the state of Indiana? If that be true, then it seems to me that the way to obtain it Is not by the multiplication of offices, the large increase in salaries, the vast expenditure of money, but rather in a watchful care upon the part of the people that the man who goes into office shall discharge his duty. If he steals, give him a hair-cut and a striped suit of clothes; if he fails to do his duty, remove him from office. The remedy is not in the multiplication of offices and Increase in salaries, but the remedy is rather in the man and in the public attitude toward the administration of affairs. The Currency Question. The business of this country was never done upon the currency of the country, and it never will be done upon such a basis. I am not a banker and cannot speak upon so abstruse a business as banking, but I know that one of the things which ails the present financial condition of the state and nation, is the lack of confidence of the people in the solvency and responsibility of many banks. For a number of years past the Republican party has been devoting a great deal of time and attention to the banking system. It has introduced a number of measures looking toward the strengthening of the system, as It says. The best that is proposed is denominated by its champion as a "cyclone cellar measure.” What is going to happen to the people of this country in the way of a financial cyclone none of us plain citizens know. With the Republican party entrenched in power in state and nation with the ability to do whatever it. pleases, with a flaunting declara tlon in the face of the people that the Republican party and prosperity go hand in hand, isn’t it marvelous that we should now be expecting the arrival of a cyclone? I suppose the answer to that will be, the danger of the election of a Democratic governor in Indiana. Just as a plain lawyer who has had some knowledge of bank failures in Indiana, I may be permitted to say that while the entire problem will not be solved, still you will have gone far toward it, when you make the depositor absolutely safe in his deposit. The Democratic party is in favor in state and nation of a bank tax to secure the depositor so that in the event of Insolvency the state or the nation will promptly pay depositors. When this is done many a bureau drawer will be robbed of its treasures, many a blue stocking will be emptied of its contents, and the deposits of banks will thereby be Increased. Demand for Primary Elections. Slowly but inevitably, if not in this campaign, in some future campaign, the 80 per cent who believe that the people ought to rule are going to see to it that the people do rule. They are going to prevent the interests from manipulating affairs of the state and nation They are going to prevent combinations of candidates, nominations for special purposes, and nominations by special interests. They are going to get into their hands the machinery by which they cannot only make but also elect their own officers. To this end the Democratic party of Indiana declares Itself in favor of the passage of a primary law for the selection of all candidates, both state and local, and the election of all delegates to all conventions. The Republican platform, however, is not satisfactory to the average man. It simply declares for a practical primary law. What this means is subject to interpretation by the man who Interprets it. He may declare that it is a law that works well, or a law that works for his party, or a law that works for his Interest, or a law that works in away he wants it to; it has not declared itself in favor of a primary election law that will give the people an opportunity to select all of its candidates, both state and local, and all delegates to all conventions. The Republican platform also declare* in favor of the revision of the corporation laws of this state. Unless I am much mistaken, it appointed a oommission some years since to revise the corporation laws in this state. That commission made a report to the legislature of this state of a codifica-

tion of the corporation raws, which" made those of New Jersey look like thirty cents. Had it not been for the splendid services of a Republican lawyer, the Hon. Addison C. Harris of Indianapolis, and the splendid services of the State Bar Association of the state of Indiana, Indiana by this time, at the request, by the consent and with the approval of a Republican administration, would have been the nesting place of every trust that could not . build its nest so satisfactorily in any’ : other state. Everybody knows that the corporation laws of this state are not what they ought to be. They are not so bad in themselves as they are In the ability of the courts to determine under what particular law a corporation is organized. A general revision may be advisable, but let us not have the corporation laws revised, like the tariff, by its friends. If the friends of a system are the proper ones to revise its laws, why not let the liquor Interests revise the license laws of this state? The Liquor Question. I come now to the consideration of the liquor question, which is engrossing the attention of many communities in the state of Indiana. I have such an abiding faith in the desire of the people of my native state to maintain the present system of government until the same shall be changed lawfully, that I make bold to ask their candid consideration of what I shall say, unbiased by any personal views which they may entertain upon the subject. This may be difficult to do, but it is possible. Either ours is a government designed to exercise its powers under the limitations of a written constitution, or it is not. From the academic standpoint no one will dispute that it Is such a government. But I fear that in the mad rush of the Individual citizen to obtain that which he desires, he has lost sight of this fact and has made up his mind to obtain what he wants, constitution or no constitution. While Thomas Jefferson was the author of the bill for religious freedom in Virginia and thus brought about vhe dis-association of church and state in America, I presume that there are not yet many Americans who are desirous of reuniting church and state. It may be that our distaste of this idea arises, to a certain extent, from the fact that we are not quite sure that our own particular branch could be made the state religion. For more than one hundred years, therefore, in the domain of morals, the church has been the final authority. It is the Bible which says: "Thou shalt not steal,” “Thou shalt not kill,” "Thou shalt not bear false witness.” The state has never said to its citizens any of these things. It has confined itself to the enactment of penal statutes in which it has affixed a penalty for larceny and murder and perjury. No one disputes the right of a people to institute the particular form of government under which they may desire to live. No one disputes the right of a people to change the form of government under which they are living. But In America we have a pretty well defined Idea that if there is to be a change in the form of government, that change shall be made in the way provided In the written constitutions by virtue of which our different governments now exercise their powers. It Is idle to dispute the fact that there are people in the state of Indiana who look upon the manufacture and sale and use of Intoxicating liquors as a beverage, as a crime against the law of God. There are those who believe that, notwithstanding the repeated decisions of the courts, the traffic in intoxicating liquors is a crime in and of Itself, and by that I mean a crime which arises out of the moral nature of mankind, and not out of any act of the legisla ture. Such persons as these are, at heart, prohibitionists. They cannot yield their assent to the right of the state to grant a license for the sale of Intoxicants. They look upon It as inherently a crime. When I speak to such persons as these, I assume that they believe that all legislation which tends to restrict a traffic in one part of the state and permit it in another, is but toying with crime. Such of these people, however, as I have personally known, I believe to be people who are genuinely in sympathy with our system of government. Desiring prohibition, they do not desire it in any other way than in a lawful way, and they are therefore impressed with what is unqualifiedly both the truth and the law, that the only way In which to accomplish this purpose is to amend the several constltutiona. change the organic law of the people so as to prohibit the manufacture, the sale and the use of intoxicants as a beverage. Church and state being disunited, however, it has been from the beginning the policy of this state to regulate the sale of such intoxicants. That regulation has heretofore been provided for by the legislature of the state of Indiana in throwing around the sale of intoxicants such safeguards as the legislature in the exercise of the police power of the state deemed necessary and appropriate, and in placing certain restrictions with reference to the obtaining of licenses and in providing that under certain circumstances, licenses should not issue. From the beginning of our government the Democratic party has been the champion of local self-government. It has believed that what the ward or the township could safely take care of, ought not to be transferred to the city or the county; that what the county oould take care of, ought not to be transferred to the state; and that what the state could take care of, ought not to be transferred to the general gor-j

ernfficCT. twrerrn tm<r-rtt=n« wTffi this time-honored idea, in its platform of this year the Democratic state con vention has unequivocally declared that it will submit to the voters of a ward in the city, and to the voters o. a township where there is no city, the question as to whether or no any 1 cense for the period of two years sha issue for the sale of intoxicating liquors in such ward or in such township. Neither the Democratic nor the Republican party is a Prohiibtion party. Neither party is attempting by an act of the legislature of Indiana to make men wise, honest, truthful, industrious or temperate. Each is simply seeking to regulate the sale of intoxicating liquors. If, therefore, the Democratic doctrine of local self-gov-ernment in whilst I myself believe, meets with the approval of the people of this state, then the unit provided in the Democratic platform is the unit upon which the vote with reference to the sale of intoxicants should be taken When each of the partties recognizes the right of the state to license the sale of Intoxicants, then, manifestly, it must be true that a vote upon that question should be reduced to the lowest unit of local self-government; otherwise the doctrine of locs’ self-gov-ernment is a farce, because it must be apparent to anyone who is at all advised as to the condition of affairs in Indiana, that a county vote would enable some voters to prevent licenses being issued in towns and cities which such voters do not enter once in ten years; and upon the other hand, it would permit such voters to foist upon townships and wards the sale of such liquors, when a vote in the Individual township or individual ward would have prevented such sale. It Is true that the remonstrance laws each party pledges are still to remain in force, but a vote once having been taken upon the question, it is my de-1 liberate judgment that no use what-' ever will ever be made of the remonstrance law. It will not add to the strength of this argument to elaborate | upon the subject further. If there is to be prohibition in the state of Indiana, let us submit the question squarely to the voters of the state, amend the constitution, and accomplish that purpose in a lawful way. If the policy of the state with reference to the granting of licenses is to continue, and the people are to have any voice in that question, let us maintain our ancient doctrine of local self-government and let each unit of the state determine that question for Itself. In this connection, however, may I be permitted to suggest to many right-minded men who have been unable to appre-; elate the frankness and clearness of the Democratic platform upon this question, that if they have the slight-' est idea of voting against Democratic candidates for the legislature upon the theory that the Republican candidate will vote for a county option bill, and . that the Republican platform declares for such a vote, that before you desert the ancient ideals of the republic, and while you are seeking prohibition in spots, that you obtain from the Republican candidate a written statement that he will vote for and work for the enactment of a law submitting to the voters of the county the question as to whether a license shall issue in such county for the sale of intoxicating liquors for a period of two years. In so many ways in the past have I seen' the people beguiled by pledges made in Republican platforms, which never came to fruition in legislation, that I think I ought not to be charged with unfairness when I declare that the Republican plank with reference to the liquor question is a delusion and a snare. Examine the Platform. Go home, get out the Democratic platform and see if it does not declare in favor of a local option law under which the people of city wards or townships shall have the right to determine whether the sale of such liquors shall be licensed in their respective wards or townships for the' two years ensuing, by vote at a special election. Then turn, if you will, to the Republican platform and see if it does not declare in favor of the enactment of a county local option law extending to the people of the respective counties of the state, the right to exclude the saloon therefrom by a vote at a special electton. What does the word "saloon” mean in a political platform’! Docs it mean what we commonly and ordinarily understand as a saloon’ Does it exclude therefrom clubs ho-1 tels, restaurants and other places i a which, now, it is possible tor a man to obtain intoxicating liquors? i n other words, would the members of any so _ cial or fraternal elub in Indiana feel that I was a gentleman if I alluded to their club as a saloon? And would they feel that the Republican platform covered their clubs when it declared upon the subject of the saloon’ Ex amine it still further and see how Rug they propose to exclude even the saloon from the county, is it to be for thirty days or thirty years? Are poll tlcians charged always with being ab solutely frank with the people? Why did they not use the language that they would submit to the voters m the county at a special election, the question as to whether a license should issue for the sale of intoxicating liquors’ Before deserting the ancient ideals of the republic upon this legislative ques tlon, be sure that the Republican can didate for the legislature has unequi vocally put himself upon record that the legislation which he proposes has to do with the issue of license for the sale of Intoxicating liquors and not with reference to the saloon alone And be sure that all the candidates of the Republican party for legislative office have all the same views on this

s - jJf make you* State Expenditures. diana provides b gtajgment of the rethat an accura of the , public ceipts and ezp '• | awb money shall be pub.ishedl» ® tas seemed to me. was intend‘S the P-Ple of ibis t 0 know how much money th^ were e P Xre was an exhaustive statement of receipts and expenditures published with the acts of the General This general statement enabled th people of this state, to know how much the governor’s office and the vsn ® * o-her offices of this state were costing them. How much the different instit tlons, whether penal or charitable tn their character, were costing them. How much was being paid out In the way of education, and how much in | the way of interest; what the indebtedness of the state was. Compliance , with the constitutional requirement was made and the average man bypicking up the acts of the General As- ■ sembly could know something about the financial condition of his state. In 1901 there was adopted an abbreviated policy attempting to comply substantially with this constitutional requirement without giving the people of the stat* any information by such compliance. The acts of 1001, 1903 and 1907 contain this abbreviated statement. So far as its value is concern-' ed, it complies strictly with that old story so often told about the report of the township trustee to the board of county commissioners. He disclosed that the money was all paid in and that the money was all paid out. It shows how much w-as paid out of the general fund, benevolent institution fund and certain other funds, but it does not give the people of this state i any idea as to the actual expenses of i the different instrumentalities of govI ernment. Prior to 1901 it was possible for the average man to pick up the acts of the legislature and ascertain how much it cost to run the governor's office. Now he has no method of knowing unless he goes to Indianap- ; oils, employs an expert and ascertains | those facts, for I presume it is not the ! business of the officials to stop their work and tell ail inquiring citizens i Just how much it costs to run the governor’s office in Indiana. What is said with reference to this office is true ! with reference to all others. I will be pardoned, therefore, if in my ignorance I inquire how it comes that the total expenditures for the fiscal year ending Oct. 31, 1894, being the last statement published under the administration of Governor Matthews, shows an expenditure in round numbers of $6,458,000, while the expenditures as shown for the fiscal year ending Oct. 31, 1906, being the last published report in the acts under the administration of Governor Hanly, shows a disbursement of $9,099,000. Where has the money gone? Who has gotten it? Has it been expended in increased salaries, in the creation of new and unnecessary offices, in unwarranted, unjustifiable and unnecessary allowances? If not, why was not the statement published with the acts of 1907 to show just to what different purposes this amount of money was applied? More than $2,600,000 was expended in the state of Indiana from 1905 to 1906 than there was from 1893 to 1894, and, strange as it may seem, the school revenue for tuition, instead of increasing during | those years, was decreased more than SIOO,OOO. I am not making a statement charging any dishonesty upon any public officer in the state of Indiana. I know of no dishonesty and I am too much of a lawyer to'suspect dishonesty where none Is proven. But , I am also acquainted with that trait in human nature which enables it to ex pend recklessly, if it has the power the money- of another. It has doubt! less all been honestly and leeally expended, but if the facts had been put fettle Public. I rather imagine that by this time, groaning under the burdons of taxation, the people would Jhe Ve offi am that the officeholders be not so liberal in l er Th Uf t 01 ° ther people ' 9 "’Oney. There Is but one way to correct this manifest abuse, and that ia to have a new deal all round. Put new I men in and let them understand that the people of rhia gtate butlhat'thev win P “ bllC ut that they will require a knowledge | of the way in which their been expended. No one from “ 1 believe that the workman is 3 tc 1 I hire, but I also beHeve ° f . I table adjustment of sain i equi ' ; etead of a horde of pettv iß ' .parading the state of Y “® ceholder s t, *bMe life, whose talenta ? y ’ men a I learning are beinc- h n ? S and wh °se ■ . the physical welfare of th m ° ra1 ’ and ? this state. of the People of I I C h ° mPlimßntßt °“ the Big Sticknumbe? a M , ln a lar S« ’■ measures which 9 j making O s f air dealkJ V? With the and man, and the amebn^t? 6eD man ! -| oondiUon of the iL 1 ration "f th* j not, howey^ classes. £ the United States eith . presidTO t Lt

jngton or in himself And whil* lg : not a politic*! question. I may be mltted to voice my view* upon a subject about which, doubtless, you and I will not agree. It has nothing to do especially with politics, but I feel that I ought to say what I think upon that subject I allude to the theory of the pr**|. dent of the United States that the only way in which to keep peace with your neighbor is to convince your neighbor that you are either big enough to lick him, or have more bowle knives, revolvers and guns in your possession than he has. What applies to the indivldual will inevitably apply to society at large. If. in order to be at peace with my neighbor it is necessary for me to wear a revolver, and when he gets two. for me to get three, then, in th* Twentieth century of Christian clvUlzatlon, it is indeed necessary that every time the nations abroad shall build a war vessel, it will be necessary for |us to build two. I cannot agree with I the economic views of Vic* President Fairbanks, but he haa my hearty commendation in hl* statement made at Chicago, that instead of more preparations for war. this world needs greater preparations for peace: that schools and colleges and churches and hospitals and libraries will do more to bring about the era of universal peace than all the military armament which nan can devise. I myself believe in the old couplet: “You cannot tame the tiger, You dare not harm the dove; But every gate you shut to hate Will open wide to love.” We ourselves stood In the forefront of nations with a small standing army and a comparativ»ly insignificant navy, so long as we maintained the ancient ideals of the American republic, peace with all nations, entangling alliances with none. While we held strictly to the Monroe doctrine and had not ourselves gone into the larceny business, the moral force of our position was worth a million armed men, but when we receded from that doctrine and began our system of Imperialism, then of necessity we began to tramp around the world with a chip on our shoulder, asking somebody to knock it off. I have sometimes found it difficult in my own life to retrace a false step, but, by the grace of God, it has been possible to do that thing. What a man may do a nation can do. Let us retrace our false steps. Let us say to ■ the world at large that we are not anxious to engage In controversy, that while physical prowess is to be admired, national prosperity is to be desired. yet. after all, the American people only desire to be a peace and liberty loving people opening its doors to those w’ho choose to come in, and finding no fault with those who want to stay out. In this, as in all other matters, my humble voice must always be lifted for a return to the ideals and the principles of the fathers. Dangerous Trend In Public Affair*. The contention which I have heretofore made with reference to the dangers arising from one branch of the government interfering with the duties of the other, has received a startling proof in the rumors of the last week to the effect that certain corporations have made bold to inquire of the executive whether they might do illegal things without the danger of prosecution. A bare mention of this fact is sufficient to show how really dangerous this trend in public affairs is. If these things may be done, or if the suspicion that they are done gets into the public mind, how long will . it be until in the lower walks of life , every man who desires to break the law will first retain as his counsel the i prosecuting attorney? I may not stop to elaborate, the public press furnishes [ full details. In our state affairs another startling thing is taking place. With increased i expenditures and increased tax levies, . the corporations have at last suoceeded with the state board of equal!- . zation in getting their taxables re- . duced. May I inquire what reduction t has been mad* to the farmer, the mert c hant. the lawyer, or the widow on ac- . count of hard times’ Surely the hour ! ’s ripe for the 80 per cent to voice I their sentiments. i 1 have already spun out the thread -of my verbosity finer than the line of t my argument, and yet have not tcmch- > ed upon som* questions which ae«m r to deserve attention. It is time, how--1 ever, to dose. In all that has been - said to you, nothing has been said . about the prospects of materia! pro«- ’ The pur P ,JB « this addre** ! nag been to attempt to recall your i minds to the ancient Ideals of the r*s public; to get you to be willing to di- [ vorce business and politics; to here t you soberly consider whether yon ever ’ !° Change your for ® of governotller w ay than the way i provided by law; to plead with you to 1 try^n S to obtain things which J' u want regardless of the law; to , am you that the mere following of a man is dangerous. Thrice Caesar L th Q JS x i aWay The CrOWn ’ and yet ’ wm H °? d eushed 001 Brutus's - *ound it was the blood of an emperor > lv The flrst consul prated louddi.!? Z! 10Ve 0{ liberty “ d y«t he c ed em P®ror of France. The tX tU °“ and the law are the * ven/X» M cl lJ zena that y°“ may safely 1 ertio e Following them, your libl toZ. ar V ecure ’ Why aak th* people ’ dai« y - ' aWB, w,len every day offi- > wa« institution? If It 1 that a glori:> U 8 privilege to die » , coastl ”uUon might be pre1 ever y dref of blood such 1 arainat rtM up ln Judgment • wTi^i 3 ,f to ° ut ° wn • adg - ■