Decatur Daily Democrat, Volume 5, Number 291, Decatur, Adams County, 3 December 1907 — Page 6

NT’S MESSAGE ued from page 1.) he railroad* ahd all othporatlona will do well to .hat this control must come, question Is as to what gov--1 body can most wisely exere courts will determine the in which the federal author»rcise it, and there will still ole work within each state Iway commission of that e national interstate comission will work in harbe several state commls■ithin its own province, to leslred end. is Antitrust Law. in my judgment, there iditional legislation looking r control of the great busing engaged in Interstate his control to be exercised >wn benefit and prosperity an for the protection of Inid of the general public. As jHpeatedly said In messages to ess and elsewhere, experience has tely shown not merely the unwisbut the futility, of endeavoring to stop to all business combinations, rn Industrial conditions are such .nibination is not only necessary, evitable. It is so in the world of ss just as It is so in the world and it is as idle to desire to put all corporations, to all big ons of capital, as to desire to end to combinations of labor, ation and labor union alike have ito stay. Each if properly mani source of good and not evil. t; in either there is evil It promptly held to account, sa receive hearty encouragefOris It is properly managed. , ’!y immoral to put or ' " 11 tute books a law nomlam m.rest of public morality " a go a premium upon pubthe >y undertaking to for[ri from doing what must l )ee i modern business condlter, the law Itself provides ,j Infraction must be the °.ecedent upon business suc- / alm at the accomplishment inch usually means the accom,nt of too little and often the doxisltive damage. Repeal, but Amendment, antitrust law should not be rei, but It should be made both efficient and more in harmony actual conditions. It should be ended as to forbid only the kind nblnatlon which does harm to the al public, such amendment to be npanied by or to be an Incident of ant of supervisory power to the rament over these big concerns ?ed in Interstate business. This Id be accompanied by provision he compulsory publication of ac-

SPECIAL SALE! ON I FURNITURE I for a short time and only for cash | C ME in early and have your Christmas gifts laid away for Xmas., delivery. We will hold them for you. And make a Good Discount to I you for cash during our sale. Our Motto The Best ( oods Tor The Least I * onev- SA i HEACI ION GUARANTEED 1 ” See our Large Line of Davenports they are jeauties The Genuine Hoosier is the best Cabinet on the market i Meyer, Presdorf & Moses Phoie 90 525 69

counts and the subjection of books and papers to the inspection of the gov- 1 ernment officials. A beginning has already been made for such supervision by the establishment of the bureau of corporations. The antitrust law should not prohibit combinations that do no Injustice to the public, still less those the existence of which is on the whole of benefit to the public. But even if this feature of the law were abolished there would remain as an equally objectionable feature the difficulty and delay now incident to its enforcement. The government must now submit to Irksome and repeated delay before obtaining a final decision of the courts upon proceedings instituted, and even a favorable decree may mean an empty victory. Moreover, to attempt to control these corporations by lawsuits means to impose upon both the department of Justice and the courts an impossible burden. It is not feasible to carry on more than a limited number of such suits. Such a law to be really effective must of course be administered by an executive body and not merely by means of lawsuits. The design should be to prevent the abuses incident to the creation of unhealthy and improper combinations Instead of waiting until they are in existence and then attempting to destroy them by civil or criminal proceedings. Law Should Be Explicit. A combination should not be tolerated If It abuse the power acquired by combination to the public detriment. No corporation or association of any kind should be permitted to engage in foreign or interstate commerce that is formed for the purpose of or whose operations create a monopoly or general control of the production, sale or distribution of any one or more of the prime necessities of life or articles of general use and necessity. Such combinations are against public policy. They violate the common law. The doors of the courts are closed to those who are parties to them, and I believe the congress can close the channels of Interstate commerce against them for its protection. The law should make its prohibitions and permissions as clear and definite as possible, leaving the least possible room for arbitrary action or allegation of such action on the part of the executive or of divergent interpretations by the courts. Among the points to be aimed at should be the prohibition of unhealthy competition, such as by rendering service at an actual loss for the purpose of crushing out competition, the prevention of inflation of capital and the prohibition of a corporation’s making exclusive trade with itself a condition of having any trade with itself. Reasonable agreements between or combinations of corporations should be {terra Itted provided they are first submitted to and approved by some appropriate government body.

Cssgrsn* Fewer. I The congress has the power to charter corporations to engage in Interstate and foreign commerce, and a general law can be enacted under the provisions of which existing corporations could take out federal charters and new federal corporations could be created. An essential provision of such a law should be a method of predetermining by some federal board or commission whether the applicant for a federal charter was an association or combination within the restrictions of the federal law. Provision should also be made for complete publicity in all matters affecting the public and complete protection to the investing public and the shareholders in the matter of issuing corporate securities. If an incorporation law is not deemed advisable, a license act for big Interstate corporations might be enacted or a combination of the two might be tried. The supervision established might be analogous to that now exercised over national banks. At least the antitrust act should be supplemented by specific prohibitions of the methods which experience has shown have been of most service In enabling monopolistic combinations to crush out competition. The real owners of a corporation should be compelled to do business In their own name. The right to hold stock in other corporations should hereafter be denied to interstate corporations, unless on approval by the proper government officials, and a prerequisite to such approval should be the listing with the government of all owners and stockholders, both by the corporation owning such stock and by the corporation in which such stock Is owned. Lessons of Recent Crisis. To confer upon the national government in connection with the amendment I advocate in the antitrust law power of supervision over big business concerns engaged in Interstate commerce would benefit them as it has benefited the national banks. In the recent business crisis it is noteworthy that the Institutions which failed were Institutions which were not under the supervision and control of the national government. Those which were under national control stood the test. National control of the kind above advocated would be to the benefit of every well managed railway. From the standpoint of the public there le need for additional tracks, additional terminals and Improvements in the actual handling of the railroads, and al! this as rapidly as possible. Ample, safe and speedy transportation facilities are even more necessary than cheap transportation. Therefore there is need for the Investment of money which will provide for all these things while at the same time securing as far as Is possible better wages and shorter hours for their employees. Therefore.

wane there must be Just and reasonable regulation of rates, we should be the first to protest against any arbitrary and unthinking movement to cut them down without the fullest and most careful consideration of all interests concerned and of the actual needs of the situation. Only a special body of men acting for the national government under authority conferred upon it by the congress Is competent to pass judgment on such a matter. Those who fear from any reason the extension of federal activity will do well to study the history not only of the national banking act, but of the pure food law, and notably the meat Inspection law recently enacted. The pure food law was opposed so violently that its passage was delayed for a decade, yet it has worked unmixed and immediate good. The meat Inspection law was even more violently assailed, and the same men who now denounce the attitude of the national government in seeking to oversee and control the workings of Interstate common carriers and business concerns then asserted that we were "discrediting and ruining a great American industry.” Two years have not elapsed, and already It has become evident that the great benefit the law confers upon the public Is accompanied by an equal benefit to the reputable packing establishments. The latter are better off under tbe law than they were without it The benefit to Interstate common carriers and business concerns from the legislation I advocate would be equally marked. Pure Food Law. Incidentally in the passage of the pure food law the action of the various state food and dairy commissioners showed in striking fashion how much good for the whole people results from the hearty co-operation of the federal and state officials In securing a given reform. It is primarily to the action of these state commissioners that we owe the enactment of this law, for the.v aroused the people, first to demand the enactment and enforcement of state laws on the subject and then the enactment of the federal law, without which the state laws were largely Ineffective. There must be the closest co-operation between the national and state governments in administering these laws. Currency Legislation Needed. I again urge on the congress the need of Immediate attention to this matter. We need a greater elasticity in our currency, provided of course that we recognize tbe even greater need of a safe and secure currency. Provision should be made for an emergency currency. Tbe emergency Issue should of course be made with an effective guarantee and upon conditions carefully prescribed by the government. Such emergency issue must be based on adequate securities approved by tbe government and must be issued under a heavy tax. This would permit currency befpg Issued when the demand for it was urgent, while securing its retirement as the demand fell off. It Is worth investigating to determine whether officers and directors of national banks should ever be allowed to loan to themselves. Trust companies should W subject to the same supervision as banks. Legislation to this effect should be enacted for the District of Columbia and the territories. set we must also remember that’ even the wisest legislation on the subject can only accomplish a certain amount No legislation can by any possibility guarantee the business community against the results of speculative folly any more than It can guarantee an individual against the results of his extravagance. When an Individual mortgages his house to buy an automobile he invites disaster, and when wealthy men or men who pose as such or are unscrupulously or foolishly eager to become such Indulge in reckless speculation, especially if it is accompanied by dishonesty, they Jeopardize not only their own future, but the future of all their innocent fellow citizens. for thqf expose the whole business community to panic and distress. Can't Revise Tariff Now. This country is definitely committed to the protective system, and any effort to uproot It could not but cause widespread Industrial disaster. In other words, the principle of the present tariff law could not with wisdom be changed. But in a country of such phenomenal growth as ours it is probably well that every dozen years or so the tariff laws should be carefully scrutinized so as to see that no excessive or Improper benefits are conferred thereby, that proper revenue is provided and that our foreign trade is encouraged. There must always be as a minimum a tariff which will not only allow for the collection of an ample revenue, but which will at least make good the difference in cost of production here and abroad —that is, the difference in the labor cost here and abroad, for the well being of the wageworker must ever be a cardinal point of American policy. Tbe question should be approached purely from a business standpoint, both the time and the manner of the change being such as to arouse the minimum of agitation and disturbance in the business world and to give tbe least play for selfish and factional motives. The sole consideration should be to see that the sum total of changes represents the public good. This means that the subject cannot with wisdom be dealt with In the year preceding a presidential election, because as a matter of fact experience has conclusively shown that at such a it Is impossible to get men to treat if from the standpoint of the public good. In my judgment the wise time to deal with the matter is Immediately after such election. Income Tax and Inheritance Tax. When our tax laws are revised the question of an Income tax and an in-

nerttance tax should receive the care- | ful attention of our legislators. In my judgment, both of these taxes should be part of our system of federal taxation. I speak diffidently about the Income tax because one scheme for an income tax was declared unconstitutional by the supreme court, while in addition It is a difficult tax to administer In its practical working, and great care would have to be exercised to see that it was not evaded by the very men whom it was most desirable to have taxed. Nevertheless a graduated Income tax of the proper type would be a desirable feature of federal taxation. and It is to be hoped that one may be devised which the supreme court will declare constitutional. The Inheritance tax, however, is a far better method of taxation. The government has the absolute right to decide as to the terms upon which a man shall receive a bequest from another. and this point in the devolution of property Is especially appropriate for the Imposition of a tax. Laws imposing such taxes have repeatedly been placed upon the national statute books and as repeatedly declared constitutional by the courts, and these laws contained the progressive principle—that Is. after a certain amount Is reached the bequest or gift tn life or death is increasingly burdened and the rate of taxation Is increased in proportion l to the remoteness of blood of the man receiving the bequest These principles are recognized already In the leading civilized nations of the world. Germany’s Inheritance Tax. The German law is especially interesting to us because it makes the Inheritance tax an Imperial measure I while alloting to the Individual states I of the empire a portion of the proceeds and permitting them to impose taxes in addition to those imposed by the Imperial government. Small inheritances are exempt but the tax is so sharply progressive that when the inheritance Is still not very large, provided it is not an agricultural or a forest land, it is taxed at the rate of 25 per cent if it goes to distant relatives. There is no reason why in the United States the national government should not impose Inheritance taxes in addition to those Imposed by the states, and when we last had an Inheritance tax about one-half of the states levied such taxes concurrently with the national government, making a combined maximum rate in some cases as high as 25 per cent. To Tax Nonresidents Higher. The tax should if possible be made to bear more heavily upon those residing without the country than within it A heavy progressive tax upon a very large fortune is in no way such a tax upon thrift or Industry as a like tax would be on a small fortune. No advantage comes either to tbe country as a whole or to the individuals inheriting the money fy permitting the transmission in their entirety of the enormous fortunes which would be affected by such a tax, and as an incident to its function of revenue raising such a tax would help to preserve a measurable equality of opportunity for I the people of the generations growing to manhood. We have not the slightest sympathy with that socialistic Idea which would try to put laziness, thriftlessness and inefficiency on a par with Industry, thrift and efficiency, which would strive to break up not merely private property, but, what Is far more Important the home, the chief prop upon which our whole civilization stands. Such a theory if ever adopted would mean the ruin of the entire country, but proposals for legislation such as this herein advocated are directly opposed to this class of socialistic theories. Enforcement of the Law. A few years ago there was loud complaint that the law could not be invoked against wealthy offenders. There is no such complaint now. The course of the department of Justice during the last few years has been such as to make it evident that no man stands above the law, that no corporation is so wealthy that It cannot be held to account Everything that can be done under the existing law and with the existing state of public opinion, which so profoundly influences both the courts and juries, has been done, but the laws themselves need strengthening. They should be made more definite, so that no honest man can be led unwittingly to break them and so that the real wrongdoer can be readily punished. Moreover, there must be the public opinion back of the laws or the laws themselves will be of no avail. The two great evils in the execution of our criminal laws today are sentimentality and technicality. For the latter the remedy mpst come from the bands of the legislatures, the courts and the lawyers. The other must depend for its cure upon the gradual growth of a sound public opinion which shall insist that regard for tbe law and the demands of reason shall control all other Influences and emotions in tbe jury box. Both of these evils must be removed or public discontent with the criminal law will continue. Injunctions. Instances of abuse in the granting of injunctions in labor disputes continue to occur, and the resentment in the minds of those who feel that their rights are being invaded and their liberty of action and of speech unwarrantably restrained continues likewise to grow. Much of the attack on the use of the process of Injunction is wholly without warrant, but I am constrained to express the belief that for some of it there la warrant This question is becoming one of prime importance, and unless the courts will deal with it In effective manner it is certain ultimately to demand some form of legislative action. It would be most unfortunate for our social welfare if

we should permit many honest an law abiding citizens to feel that they had just cause for regarding our cou with hostility. I earnestly commend to the attention of the congress this matter, so that some way may be devised which win limit tbe abuse of injunctions and protect those rights which from time to time It unwarrantably invades. Moreover, discontent is often expressed with the use of the process of injunction by the courts, not only in labor disputes, but where state laws are concerned. I refrain from discussion of this question as I am informed that it will soon receive the consideration of the supreme court. The process of Injunction is an essential adjunct of the court’s doing its work well, and as preventive measures are always better than remedial the wise use of this process Is from every standpoint commendable. But where it is recklessly or unnecessarily used the abuse should be censured, above all by tbe very men who are properly anxious to prevent any effort to shear the courts of this necessary power. The court’s decision must be final. The protest is only against the conduct of individual judges In needlessly anticipating such final decision or In tbe tyrannical use of what is nominally a temporary Injunction to accomplish what is In fact a permanent decision. The president urges the passage of a model employers’ liability act for the District of Columbia and the territories to encourage corporations to treat injured wageworkers better. He emphatically Indorses the eight hour day. The president urges the states to fight the child and woman labor evil. He says: The national government has as an ultimate resort fbr control of child labor the use of the interstate commerce clause to prevent the products of child labor from entering into Interstate commerce. But before using this it ought certainly to enact model laws on the subject for the territories under Its own Immediate control. Presidential Campaign Expenses. Under our form of government votIng Is not merely a right, but a duty, j and, moreover, a fundamental and nec- j essary duty if a man is to be a good citizen. It is well to provide that corporations shall not contribute to presidential or national campaigns and, furthermore. to provide for the publication of both contributions and expenditures. There Is, however, always danger in laws of this kind, which from their very nature are difficult of enforcement, the danger being lest they be obeyed only by the honest and dis- [ obeyed by the unscrupulous, so as to I act only as a penalty upon honest men. Moreover, no such law would hamper an unscrupulous man of unlimited means from buying his own way into office. There Is a very radical measure which would, I believe, work a substantial Improvement In our system of conducting a campaign, although I am w’ell aware that It will take some time for people so to familiarize themselves with such a proposal as to be willing to consider its adoption. The need for collecting large campaign funds would vanish if congress provided an appropriation for the proper and legitimate expenses of each of the great national parties, an appropriation ample enough to meet the necessity for thorough organization and machinery, which requires a large expenditure of money. Ttfen the stipulation should be made that no party receiving campaign funds from the treasury should accept more than a fixed amount from any Individual subscriber or donor, and the necessary publicity for receipts and expenditures could without difficulty be provided. The Army. The president recommends legislation to increase the number of officers in the army, especially in the medical corps. The rate of pay of officers should be greatly Increased, he declares. There should be a relatively even greater increase in the rate of pay of enlisted men if we are to keep the army in shape to be effective in time of need. The president recommends severe examination of officers for promotion up to the rank of major. From that point promotion should be purely by selection. He speaks of the recent physical test of army officers with emphatic approbation and recommends a bill equalizing the pay of officers and men of the army, navy, marine corps and revenue cutter service. The Navy. Concerning the navy the president says: In my judgment, we should this year provide for four battleships. But it is idle to build battleships unless, in addition to providing the men and the means for thorough training, we provide the auxiliaries for them—unless we provide docks, the coaling stations, the colliers and supply ships that they need. We are extremely deficient in coaling stations and docks on the Pacific, and this deficiency should not longer be permitted to exist Plenty of torpedo boats and destroyers should be built Both on the Atlantic and Pacific coasts fortifications of the best type should be provided for all our greatest harbors. Until our battle fleet is much larger than at present it should never be split into detachments so far apart that they could not in event of emergency be speedily united. Our coast line is on the Pacific just as much as on the Atlantic. Tbe battle fleet should now and then be moved to the Pacific, just as at other times it should be kept in the Atlantic. When the isthmian canal is built the transit of the battle fleet from one ocean to the other will be comparatively easy. Until It is built I earnestly hope that the battle fleet will be thus shifted between the two oceans every year or two. The battle fleet is about starting by the strait of I (Continued on Page 8.)

IffllMH PLAT One Time When Wild Bill Hickok Was Too Rapid. HE KILLED HIS BEST FRIEND. The Plucky Marshal Had Settled the Leader sf the Desperadoes Who Had Started to Shoot Up the Town When He Made the Fatal Mistake. In September, 1874. the good people of Dickinson county. Kan., had reached the definite conclusion that It was a farming country and proceeded to emphasize this opinion by giving an old fashioned county fair at Abilene. Six hundred thousand longhorns cams up from Texas that year, but their owners took tbe bint and understood that there would be no room for their stock on the prairies of that country the following season. They had sold their cattle and were ready to depart Abilene was to be their stamping ground no more. It was In order to celebrate the occasion in the old time way. and It was generally understood that the ceremonies of the evening were to conclude by killing tbe town marshal. Wild Bill Hickok, and metaphorically taking his scalp back to Texas A few of them drew lots as to which should have that dangerous honor, and Phillip Coe got the short straw. It was a beautiful autumn day. and the county fair was a great success. As the sun went down Pat McGonlgal and his brother tied their bronchos In front of the drovers’ cottage, strolled down Texas street met their cowboy friends, and the fun began A dozen cowmen picked up Jake Karatosky, the merchant, carried him down to the Applejack and had him set up the drinks. A score of more or less prominent citizens and cattlemen were used In tbe same manner and in quick succession. The crowd increased, and the liquor and excitement spread Tbe cowboys were giving Abilene her last Roman holiday. Wild BUI was dining at Mrs. Smith's restaurant and tbe roisterers went to drag him to the bar. BUI said they might go to the Novelty bar and get a drink on him, but pointedly declined to accompany them and called particular attention to the ordinance against shooting in tbe city limits By 10 o'clock at night tbe mob surged from one end of Texas street to the other in reckless abandon Everybody who claimed to be civilized bunted cover. Marshal Hickok and Policeman Williams were watching at the Novelty. where generally the most friction occurred. It was about this time that big Phil Coe, keeping faith with his comrades, but with no eager avidity, leisurely walked up In front of tbe Alamo, then packed with excited men. and tired bls gun at a dog. as be claimed Wild Bill told Williams to stay at tbe Novelty. ran swiftly across to tbe rear door and sprang Into the crowded Alamo, roughly Inquiring as te who was doing the shooting. Coe stood at tbe well curb outside and said that be bad fired tbe shot Immediately be fired another, which grazed Wild Bill's side as be stood at the bar With that wonderful swiftness which stood him in goixi stead so many times. Bill threw two guns on Coe and shot him twice in tbe abdomen. exclaiming. '‘l've shot too low!” At the same instant be turned and fired twice at another man who came running down the dark sidewalk and burst on the scene, shoving two guns in front of him Coe tired one more shot and fell across tbe well curb A hundred guns clicked as Wild BUI fired his first shot, but before the fourth tbe place was cleared and not one bad man was left to stand by Coe. The stranger, with two bullets within an Inch of his heart, threw both hands in the air, dropped bis guns to the floor and pitched forward stone dead. It was Mike Williams, the deputy, a brave fellow, who, despite bis chief’s instructions to remain at tbe Novelty, could not keep awiay from the fight Wild BUI cried out that be bad kUled his best friend, gathered tbe little man in his arms, and, with eyes full of tears, laid him across a poker table. Tbe fury that burned to bis veins when he whipped tbe MeKandlas gang sprang to life again at this accident, and he proceeded to bold tbe Texas meg responsible. That night the desperate heroes of border strife bid In cellars and sunflower patches or on swift ponies found their way to their cattle camps, for they had made a fizzle by trying to shoot up tbe wrong town.— Denver Field and Farm. First Aid In Accidents. A country boy knows that tbe floe dust of brown fungi he calls puffballs will stop bleeding. When he cuts him self he hunts for one of these if the ent is not serious. If the cut ts deep it is wise to bathe It tn warm water with carbolic In it or a tablet of chloride of mercury dissolved in the water. Carefully remove all foreign matter is the washing and then, pinching tbs Ups of the cut together, put on strips of adhesive plaster. Bo sure to leave Uttle spaces for pus to run out This running of pus is a natural process and is not alarming nnlees persistent and the pus comes in mmasonabls quantities. Sometimes tbe blood flow* •o rapidly that you cannot close the wound with plaster, if so tie a bandage tightly above tbe wound before you attend to tbe wound Itself. This ytU stop tbe flow of Wood. and. nature having formed her dot you can de your part with plaster.—Harper’s.