Crawfordsville Weekly Journal, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 6 December 1901 — Page 9

$

VOL. 54—NO. 49

FOR

Is rapidly approaching and it i8 time to remind you that

American

Is headquarters for many useful presents —articles which cannot fail to be appreciated.

Initial Silk Handkerchiefs, Silk and. Worsted Mufflers, Gloves of All Kinds,

Umbrellas and Neckwear

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Tie American

IKE L. RONSHEIM, Manager.

Satisfactory Stoves

WE

GOULD, OLIVER & MARTIN

120-122 South Washington Street.

The Season Never Ends

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The Journal Co., for Fine Job Printing.

Cnifoforb

I I I

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guarantee every stove we sell to give satisfaction.

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Ranges^that*|please the housewife make acceptable Christmas gifts—better see us about one.

No trouble to show goods.

CRAWFORDSVILLE. INDIANA. FRIDAY DECEMBER 6 1901-SIXTEEN PAGES

His Recommendations to the Congress on Many Subjects

PROBLEM OF RECIPROCITY

While Favoring the Principle, Ds Opposes Any General Tariff Change.-

THE TREATMENT OF TRUSTS.

He Deems Publicity the Only Sure Remedy That Can Now Be Evoked.

Redaction of Tariff Duties on Cuban Importa Into Thia Country Especially Advocated Conatruction of

Irrigation Worka by the National Government Urged—Importance of Building tbe Iatbmian Canal and the Pacific Cable—Monroe Doctrine Should Be Cardinal Feature of AH America—Tbe Philippine Problem. Re-enactment of Chlneae Exclusion Act Advised—Remedial Action Urged For Our Merchant Marino—Preservation of Forcata.

To the Senate and HouBe of Representatives The congress assembles this year under the shadow ot a great calamity. On the 6th of September President MeKinley was shot by an anarchist while attending the Fan-American exposition at Buffalo and died In that city on the 14th of that month.'

Of the last seven elected presidents he, is the third who has been murdered, and tlie bare recital of this fact is sufficient to justify grave alarm among all loyal American citizens. Moreover, the circumstances of this, the third assassination of an American president, have a peculiarly" sinister significance. Both President Lincoln and President Garfleld were killed by assassins of fypes unfortunately not uncommon In history, President Lincoln falling a victim to the terrible passion's aroused by four years of civil war and President G'.rt,, 'evengeful vanity of a c* i—,a'd o..iceseeker. President Mel. .:iley was killed by an utterly depraved criminal belonging to that body of criminals who object to all governments, good and bad alike, who are against any form of popular liberty if It la guaranteed by even tlie most just and liberal laws and who are as hostile to the upright exponent of a free people's sober •will as to the tyrannical and Irresponsible despot.

It is not too much to say that at the time of President McKlnley's death ha was the most widely loved man In all the United States, while we have never had any public man of his position who has been so wholly free from the bitter animosities incident to public life. His political opponents wore the first to bear the heartiest and most generous tribute to the broad kindliness of nature, the sweetness and gentleness of character which so endeared him to his close associates. To a standard of lofty integrity In public life he united the tender affections and home virtues which are all Important In the makeup of national character. A gallant soldier In the great war for the Union, he also shone as an example to all our people because of his conduct in the most sacred and Intimate of home relations. There could be no personal hatred of him, for ho never actcd with augUt but consideration for the welfare of others. No one could fall to respect him who knew him in public or private life. The defenders of those murderous criminals who seek to excuse their criminality by asserting that It Is exercised, for political ends Inveigh against wealth and Irresponsible power. But for this assassination even this base apology cannot bo urged.

The Objcct of the Blotv

President MeKinley was a man of moderate means, a man whoso stock sprang from the sturdy tillers of the soil, who had himself belonged among the wageworkers, who had entered the army as a private soldier. Wealth was not struck at when the president was assassinated, but the honest toil which Is content with moderate gains after a lifetime of unremitting labor largely in the service of the public. Still less was power struck at in the sense that po-^r is irresponsible or centered in the hanud of any one individual. The blow was not aimed at tyranny or wealth. It was aimed at one of the strongest champions the wageworker has ever had, at one of the most faithful representatives of the system of public rights and representative government who has ever risen to public office. President MeKinley filled that political office for which the entire people vote, and no president, not even Lincoln himself, was ever more earnestly anxious to represent the well thought out wishes of tho people. His one anxiety In every crisis was to keep in closest touch with the people, to And out what they thought and to endeavor to give expression to their thought after having endeavored to guide that thought aright. He had Just been re-elected to the presidency because the majority of our citizens, the majority of our farmers and wageworkers, believed that he had faithfully upheld their interests for four years. They felt themselves In close and Intimate touch with Kim. They felt that he represented so well and so honorably all their ideals and aspirations that they wished him to continue for another four years to' represent them.

And- this- wa» tho man at wnom tho n-

eassln struck! That there might be nothing lacking to complete the .ludas-like infamy of his act he took advantage of an occasion when tho president was meeting the people generally, and. advancing ns if to take the hand outstretched to him ill kindly and brotherly fellowship, he turned the noble and generous confidence of the victim into an opportunity to strike tlie fatal blow. There is no baser deed in all the annals of crime.

A Cllorion* Death.

The shock, the grief of the country, are bitter in the minds of nil who saw tho dark days while the president yet hoveredv between life and death. At last the light wnst stilled in tlie kindlv eyes, und the breath went from the Hps that even ti» mortal agony uttered no words sai'e of forgiveness to his murderer, of lovo for his friends and of unfaltering trust in tho will of the Most High. Such a death crowning tho glory of such a life leaves us with infinite sorrow, but with such pride In what ho had accomplished and In his own personal character that we feel the blow not as struck at him, but as Struck at the nation. We mourn a good and great president who is dead, lut while we mourn wo are lifted up by the splendid achievements of his life and the grand heroism with which he met hla death.

When we turn from the man to the nation, the harm done is so great ns to excite our gravest apprehensions and to demand our wisest and most resolute action. This criminal was a professed anarchist, inflamed by the teachings of professed anarchists and probably also by the recklcss utterances of those who on the stump ntid In the public press appeal to the dark and evil spirits of malice and greed, envy and sullen hatred. The wind is sowed by tho men who preach such doctrines, and they cannot escape their share of responsibility for the whirlwind that is reaped. This applies iT'.ke to the deliberate demagogue, to the exploiter of sensationalism and to the crude and foolish vlsiwnary who for whatever reason apologizes for crime or excites aimless discontent.

The blow was aimed not at this president, but at all presidents, at every symbol cf government. President MeKinley was as emphatically the embodiment of the popular will of the nation expressed through the forms of law as a New England town meeting is in similar fashion the embodiment of the law abiding purpose and practice of the people of the town. On no conceivable theory could the murder of the president be accepted aa due to protest against "Inequalities In the social order" save as the murder of all the freemen engaged In a town meeting could be accepted as a protest against that social inequality which puts a malefactor In Jail. Anarchy Is no more an expression of "social: discontent" than picking pockets or wife beating.

Anarchy and Anarchiata. The anarchist, and especially the anarchist in the United States, is merely one type of criminal, more dangerous than any other because he represents the same depravity ln,a greater degree. The man who advocates 'anarchy directly or Indirectly in *vt)y shape or faahlon or the man who apologizes for anarchists and their deeds magna himself morally accessory to mur-der-before the fact. The anarchist is a criminal whose perverted instincts lead him tfotprefer confusion and chaos to the most 'beneficent form of social order. I-IIs protest of concern' for workingmen Is outrageous in its impudent falsity, for if the political institutions of this country do not afford opportunity to every honest and Intelligent son of toil then the door of hope is forever closed against him. The anarchist is everywhere not merely the enemy of system and of progress, but the deadly foe of liberty. If ever anarchy Is triumphant, its triumph will last for but one red moment^.' to bo succeeded for ages by the gloomy night of despotism.

For the anarchist himself, whether he preaches or practices his doctrines, we need nbt have one particle more concern than for any ordinary murderer. Ho Is not the victim of social or political injustice. There are

110

wrongs to remedy in

his case. The cause of his criminality is to bo found in his own evil passions and in the evil conduct of those who urge him on. not in any failure by others or by the state to do justice to him or his. He is a malefactor and nothing else. He is in lie sense, in no shape or way, a "product of social conditions" save as a highwayman is "produced" by the fact that an unarmed man happens to have a purse. It is a travesty upon tho great and holy names of liberty and freedom to permit them to be invoked in such a cause. No man or body of men preaching anarchistic doctrines should be allowed at large any more than if preaching the murder of soma specified private individual. Anarchistic speeches, writings ancl moot lags are essentially seditious and treasonable.'.'

Should Keep Anarchists Out. I earnestly recommend to the congress that in the exercise of its wiso discretion it should take into consideration the coming to this country of anarchists or persons professing principles hostile to all government and justifying the murder of those placed in authority. Such, Individuals as those who not long ago gathered in open meeting to glorify the murder of King Humbert of Italy perpetrate a crime, and the law should insure their rigorous punishment. They and those like them should be kept out of this country, and if found here they should be promptly deported to the country whence they came, and farreaching provision should be made for the punishment of those who stay. No matter calls more urgently for tho wisest tho. ^ht of the con gr ess.

Tho federal courts should be given jurisdiction over any man who kills or attempts to kill the president or any man who by the constitution or by law is in line of succession for the presidency, while the punishment for an unsuccessful attempt should be proportioned to the enormity of the offense against our institutions.

Anarchy Is a crime against tho whole human race, and all mankind should band cgainst the anarchist. His crime should be made an offense against tho law of nations. like piracy and that l'orm of man stealing known as the slave trade, for it Is cf far blacker infamy than either. It should be so declared by treaties among all civilized powers. Such treaties would give to tiio federal government the power of dcsling with the crime.

A grim commentary upon tho folly of tho anarchist position was afforded by the attitude of the law toward this very criminal who had just taken the life of the president. The people would have torn him limb from limb lf.it had not been that the law ho defied was at once Invoked in his behalf. So far from his deed being committed on behalf of the people against tho government, the government was obliged at once to exert its full police power to save lilrn from Instant death at the hands of the people. Moreover, his deed worked not the slightest dislocation in our governmental system, and the danger of a recurrcnce cf such deed3, no matter how great it might grow, would work only in the direction of strengthening and giving harshness to the forces of order. No man will ever bo restrained from be­

coming presiaeiu by any tear h» tna personal safety. If tho risk to the president's life became ereat, it would mean that the office would more and more come to bo filled by men of a spirit which would make them resolute and merciless in dealing with every friend of disorder. This great country will not fall Into nnarchy, and if anarchists should ever become

er, the farmer, the small

well off as in this country

ent time. There have been

a

serious menace to its institutions they would not merely bo stamped out, but would involve in their own ruin every active or passive sympathizer with their doctrines. The American people nre slow to wrath, but when their wrnth Is once kindled it burns like a consuming (lame.

Dnnlncnii Conditions.

During the last five years business confidence has been restored, and the nation Is to be congratulated because of its present abounding prosperity. Such prosperity can never ba c.reaLed by low alone, although it Is easy enough to destroy it by mischievous laws. If tho hand of the Lord Is heavy upon any country, If tlood or drought comes, human wisoom is powerless to avert the calamity. Moreover, no law can guard us Against the consequences of onr own folly. Tho men who are idle or credulous, Ilia men who seek gains not by genuine work with head or hand, but by gambling In any form, aro always a source of menace not only to themselves. but to others. If tho business world loses Its

head,

It loses

what legisla­

tion cannot supply. Fundamentally the welfare of each citizen and thcreforo the welfare of the aggregate of cltizons which makes the nation must rest upon Individual thrift and energy, resolution and Intelligence. Nothing can take tho place of this individual capacity, but wise legislation and honest and Intelligent administration can give it the fullest scope, tho largest opportunity to work to good cftect.

Tho tremendous and highly complex industrial development which wont on vlth ever accelerated rapidity during the latter half of tho nineteenth century brings us face to face at the beginning of tho twentieth with very serious social problems. The old laws and tho old customs which had almost the binding force of law were once quite sufficient to regulate the accumulation and distribution of wealth. Since the industrial changes which have so enormously Increased the productive power of mankind they are no longer sufficient.

Tho growth of cities has gone on beyond comparison faster than the growth of the country, and the upbuilding of the great industrial centers has meant a startling Increase not merely In the aggregate of wealth, but In the number of very large Individual and especially of very large corporate fortunes. The creation of these great corporato fortunes has not been due to the tariff nor to any other governmental action, but to natural causes In the business world, operating in other countries as they operate In our own.

The process has aroused much antagonism, a great part

of

wjilch

is

wholly

without warrant. It is not true that

as

the rich havo grown richer the poor have grown poorer. On the contrary, never before has the average man,

WMfeworlc-

trader, been so

and at

l)|t

pres-'

abuses con­

nected with the accumulation of wealth, yet it remains true that a fortune accumulated in legitimate business can be accumulated by the person specially benefited only on condition of conferring immense incidental benefits upon others. Successful enterprise of the type which benefits all mankind can only exist If tho conditions are such as to offer great prizes ao the rewards of success.

Rcaaona For Caution.

The captains of Industry who have driven the railway systems across this continent, who have built up our commorce, who have doveloped our manufactures, have on the whole done great good to our people. Without them the material development of which we are BO Justly proud could never havo taken place. Moreover, we should recognize the immense importance to this material development of leaving as unhampered as is compatible with the public good the strong and forceful men upon whom the success of business operations inevitably rests. Tile slightest study of business conditions will satisfy any ono capable of forming a judgment that he personal equation Is tho most Important factor in a business operation that tho business ability of the man at the head of any business concern, big or little, la usually tlie factor which ii::es the gulf between striking success and hopelcus failure.

An additional reason for caution in dealing with corporations is to be found in the international commercial conditions of today. The same business conditions which have produced tho great aggregations of corporato and individual weaith have made them very potent factors in international commercial competition. Burlneas concerns which havo tho largest means at their disposal and are managed by tho ablest men are naturally those which take the lead In the strife for commercial supremacy among the nations of tho world. America lia3 only just begun to assume that commanding position in the international business world which bc-llcve will more and more bo hers. It is of the utmost importance that this position be not jeoparded, especially at a time wh'jn the overflowing abundance of our own natural resources and the skill, business energy and mechanical aptitude of our people make foreign markets essential. Under sucli conditions it would be most unwise to cramp or to fetter the youthful strength of our nation.

Interests of All Endangered. Moreover, it cannot too often be pointed out that to strike ivUli ignorant violence at tho Interests of one sot of men almost inevitably endangers the interests of all. The fundamental rule In our national life, the rv.v! which underlies all others, is that on the whole and In tho long run wo shall go up or down together. There are exceptions. and In times of prosperity come will prosper far more and in times of adversity some will suffer far more than others but, speaking generally, a period of good limes means that nM aliaro more or less in them, and in a period of hard times all feel the stress to a greater or less degree. It surely ought not to be necessary to enter into any proof of this statement. The memory of the lean years which began in 1SD3 is still vivid, and wo can contrast them with the conditions in this very year which is now closing. Disaster to great business enterprises can never have its effects limited to the men at the top. It spreads throughout, and whilo it is bad for everybody it is worst for those farthest down. Tho capitalist may bo shorn of his luxuries, but tho wageworker may be deprived of even baro necessities.

The mechanism of modern business is so delicate that extreme caro must bo taken not to interfere with it in a spirit of rashness or ignorance. Many of those wlic havo made it their vocation to denounce the great Industrial combinations which are popularly, although with technical Inaccuracy, known as "trusts" appeal especially to hatred and fear. These are precisely the two emotions, particularly when combined with Ignorance, which unlit men for the ezerciso of cool and steady judg­

PART SECOND

ment. In facing new Industrial conditions the whole history of tho world shows that legislation will generally be both unwN and Ineffective unless undertaken after calm Inquiry and with sober self restraint. Much of the legislation directed at the trusts would have been exceedingly mischievous had it not also been entirely ineffective. In accordance with a well known sociological law the ignorant or reckless agitator has been the really effective friend of the evils which he has been nominally opposing. In dealing with business Interests for the government to undertake by. crude.and 111 considered leg islatlon to do wlint niay turn out to "D« bad would bo to Incur the riBk of such farreaching national dlsastor that it would be preferable to undertake nothing at all. The men who demand the Impossible or the undestrabio serve as the allies of the forces with which they are nominally at war, for they hamper those who would endeavor to find out In rational fashion what the wrongs really are and to what extent and in what manner It la practicable to apply remedies.

Evils of Orvi'ciiiiitnllmtlon. All this Is true. And yet It Is also true that there are real and grave evils, ono of the chief being overcapitalization becauss of its many baleful consequences, and a resolute and practical effort must be inad« to correct these evils.

There is a widespread conviction in the minds of the American people that th* great corporations known as trustn are in certain of their features and tendencies hurtful to tlio general welfare. This springs from no spirit of envy or uncharitableness nor lack of pride in the grtat in dustrial achievements that have placed this country at the head of the nations struggling for commercial supremney. It Uoes not rest upon a lack of Intelligent appreciation of the necessity of meeting changing and changed conditions of trade with new methods nor upon ignorance of the fact that combination of capital in the effort to accomplish great things is necessary when the world's progress demands that great things bo done. It Is based upon sincere conviction that combination and concentration should be not prohibited. but supervised and within reasonable limits controlled, and in iny judgment this conviction is light.

It is no limitation upon property rights or freedom of contract to require that when men receive from government tho privilege of doing business under corporate form which frees them from Individual responsibility and enubles them to call Into their enterprises the capital of tha public they shall do so upon absolutely truthful representations as to the value of the property In which tho capital Is to he Invested. Corporations engaged in interstate comtnerco should bo regulated If they are found to exercise a license working to the public injury. It should be as much the aim of those who seek for social betterment to rid the business world of crimes of cunning as to rid the entire body politic of criihes of violence. Oreat corporations exist only because they are created and safeguarded by our Institutions, and it is therefore our right and Jl|»r duty to see that they work la harmony with these institutions.

Publicity Needed.

The first essential in determining how to 4eal with the great industrial combinations is knowledge of th'e'facts—publicity. In the Interest of the public the government should have the right to inspect and examine the workings of tho great corporations engaged in interstate business. Publicity is the only sure remedy which we can now Invoke. What further remedies are needed in the way of governmental regulation or taxation can only be determined after publicity has been obtained by process of law and In the course of administration. The first requisite is knowledge, full and complete—knowledge which may be made public to the world.

Artificial bodies, such as corporations and joint stock or other associations depending upon any statutory law for their existence or privileges, should bo subject to proper governmental supervision, and full and accurate Information as to their operations should lie made public regularly at reasonable Intervals.

Tho largo corporations, commonly called trusts, though organized in one state, always do business in many states, often doing very little business in the state where they aro Incorporated. There is utter lack of uniformity In tho slate laws about them, and as no state has any exclusive interest in or power over th'sir acts it has In practico proved impossible to got adequate regulation through state action. Therefore In tho interest of tho whole people tho nation should, without interfering with (he power of tho states in the matter itself, also assume power of supervision and regulation over all corporations doing an interstate business. Thin is especially true where the corporation derives a portion of its wealth from ttie existence of somo monopolistic element or tendency in it3 business. There would ba no hardship In such supervision. Banks are subject to it, and in their case it now accepted as a simple matter o£ course. Indeed It is probablo that supervision of corporations by the national government need not go so far as Is now the caEO witii tho supervision exercised over them by so conservative a state as Mas-, eachuselts in order to produce excellent results.

Would Frame a Federal Lavr. When the constitution was adopted, at tho end of the eighteenth century, no human wisdom could foretell the sweeping changca, alike in industrial and political conditions, which* were te take place by tho beginning of tho twentieth century. At that timo it was acccpted as a matter of course that tho several states were tho proper authorities to regulate so far as was then nccessary the comparatively insignificant and strictly localised corporate, bodies of the day. The conditions aro now wholly different, and wholly different action Is called for. I belicvo that a law can bo framed which will enable the national government to e:cercisa control along the lines abovo Indicated, profiting by tho experience gained through tho passage and administration of the interstate commerce act. If. howover, the judgment of the congress 13 that it lacks tha constitutional power to pas3 i'uch an act, then a constitutional amendment should ba submitted to eonfer the power.

There should bo created a cabinet officer, to bo known aa secretary of commorce anil indufetries, as provided in tho biil Introduced at tho last session of tho congress. It should be his province to deal with commerce In Its broadest sense. Including, among many other things, whatever concerns labor, and all matters affecting tho great business corporations and our merchant marine.

Tho course proposed is ono phase of what should be a comprehensive and farreaching scheme of constructive statesmanship for tho purpose of broadenVng our markets, -securing our business Interests on a safo basis and making firm our new position in tha international industrial world, whilo scrupulously safeguarding tho rights of wageworker and capitalist, of Investor and private citizen, so as to Bccure equity as between man and man in this republic.

[Continued on Tuxlllh Page.)