Crawfordsville Weekly Journal, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 9 September 1898 — Page 8
ever increased the bonds of the country ut once except for war purposes. Some 35,000,000 of bonds were issued preparaory to the resumption of specie payents. With this exception we have ever issued a bond during time of peace, 'e paid off and reduced the great bonddebt created during the civil war un1 there were outstanding at the close
Harrison's administration less than 00,000,000 of bonds, or less than $10 per capita, an amount so inconsiderable as "o scarcely be felt by the people. When the Democratic party came into power It reversed the tariff policy of the Re"ublican party, demoralized business, reduced the public revenues and issued $262,000,000 of bonds in time of peace to meet the current requirements of the "overnment. This is the Democratic bond record, and is in sharp contrast with the Republican policy, which, I repeat, has been to issue bonds in time of war and pay them in time of peace. Do not our Democratic brethren perceive any difference between issuing bonds in time of peace and in the midst of war?
The Democratic party opposed the Issuing of the low-interest-bearing longtime bonds, $150,000,000 of greenbacks, a torced loan without interest, and certificates against the $42,000,000 of so-called seigniorage in the treasury, which is the alleged profit arising from the purchase of silver, although the market value of the silver purchased is $38,000,000 less than its cost. The proposition to issue certificates against the seigniorage was defeated, and provision was made for co.nJng the silver in the treasury at the rate of $1,500,000 per month. This increased coinage does not have the effect of suddenly inflating the currency and imposing a heavy burden upon the gold reserve, as was contemplated by the original proposition to issue directly and immediately $42,000,000 of additional silver certificates against a like amount of socalled seigniorage.
The proposition to issue $150,000,000 of greenbacks came from the free-silver element. It was a direct attack upon the existing gold standard, but, thanks to the Republican party and to a few sound-money Democrats, the attempt failed.
The advocates of additional greenbacks at tho present time justify themselves by the issue of the greenbacks during the civil war, taking no note whatever of the entire dissimilarity in the conditions of the country during the war of the rebellion"and now. Some ot those advocating greenbacks in the present emergency were not so strong in their advocacy of them when they were deemed necessary by Abraham Lincoln and Secretary Chase in 1862. When the greenbacks were authorized during tne civil war there was great doubt as to the wisdom of their issue, and the necessity of redeeming them was ever kept in view. Provision was made for their conversion into the bonds of the government and ultimately for their redemption in coin. Their issue was justified only by the most imperious necessity. The country was without currency specie payment had been suspended the government had no credit in the markets of the world, and our national existence was in the balance. Under such circumstances $450,000,000 of greenbacks were jssued. But, as before observed, their final redemption was contemplated by those who favored them. Subsequently to the war they were reduced by redemption to $346,000,000, and under the policy of the Republican party of making them convertible into gold their parity with that metal is maintained.
WISDOM OP LINCOLN.
I would commend to the consideration of our fiat free-silver friends, the wisdom of Abraham Lincoln. In his message to Congress, Dec. 1, 1862, he dwelt upon the perils of a fluctuating currency and the necessity of avoiding them by providing for the convertibility of paper currency into coin. Said he: "The suspension of specie payment by the banks soon after the commencement of your last session made large issues of United States notes unavoidable. In no other way could the payment of tne troops and the satisfaction of other Just demands be so economically or so well provided for. The judicious legislation of Congress, securing the receivability of these notes for loans and internal duties and making them a legal tender for other debts has made them a universal currency and has satisfied, partially at least, and for the time the long-felt want of a uniform circulating medium, saving thereby to the people immense sums in discounts and exchanges. A return to specie payments, however, at the earliest period compatible with due regard to all
Interests concerned should ever be kept in view. Fluctuations in the value of currency are always Injurious, and to reduce these fluctuations to the lowest possible point will always be a leadiug purpose in wise legislation. "Convertibility, prompt and certain convertibility, into coin is generally acknowledged to be the best and surest safeguard against them and it is extremely doubtful whether a circulation of the United States, payable in coin, and sufficiently large for the wants of the people, can be permanently, usefully, and safely maintained. Is there then any other mode in which the necessary provision for the public wants can be made and the great advantages of a safe and uniform currency secured? 1 know of none which promises so certain results, and is at the same time so unobjectionable, as the organization of banking associations under a general act of Congress, well guarded in its provisions. To such associations the government might furnish circulating notes, the security of United States bonds deposited in the treasury. These notes, prepared under the supervision of proper officers, being uniform in appearance and security, and convertible always into coin, would at once protect labor against the evils of a vicious currency and facilitate commerce by cheap and safe exchanges."
The recent advocates of an additional issue of greenbacks did not make any provision for their convertibility into coin or for their ultimate redemption. The proposition was a plain, unadulterated attempt to issue fiat paper obligations and to force them upon the people in short, it was an effort to dilute and vitiate the currency of the country in the hour of its necessity, llad they been successful the tendency would have been to disturb the present gold standard, to affect values, and to diminish the value of the money with which we- are to pay our merchants, laborers and pensioners, -and worse than all, our soldiers and sailors now in the field and upon the sea. The Republican party has felt that it was
Its boundon duty not only to prosecute the war with vigor, and to maintain the national integrity, but that it should also preserve uncorrupted our finances and maintain absolutely unimpaired our monetary system. It is a source of pride that the people had such confidence in the financial policy of the Republican party that when the shock of war came It did not in the slightest degree disturb and has not since adversely affected our currency. It would not have uec-n so in my huanble judgment if the Jiat money theories of the free-silver party had prevailed hi the enactment of the new revenue measure, or if. unfortunately, the free-silver party had been dominant in the administration of our country's affairs.
INTERNATIONAL BIMETALLISM. We made a pledge at St. Louis to endeavor to promote International bimetallism, and. true to our pledge. President McKinley sent a bimetallic commission to Europe—a commission composed of Able and ardent advocates of free silver —to promote international bimetallism. The result of their effort is known. One thing is made absolutely clear and that la, an international agreement at sixteen to one under any present conceivable conditions is an utter and absolute impossibility. Senator Woleott, in his report to the Senate, wliile professing great faith in the ultimate triumph of international bimetallism, asserted it as his deliberate conviction that it could be secured, if at all, only by a concession in the ratio of say twenty to one. I assume that the senator was quite as well informed on the subject of free-silver coinage as the authors of the Inuiana Democratic platform who pronounce anew their faith in the soundness and Wisdom of free coinage at sixteen to one.
They aro willing to adopt a ratio which, in the opinion of Senator Woleott, other nations would be unwilling to adopt, even if they could be brought to some concurrent action. In other words, they cling to the fallacious belief that we could do independently what, in the opinion of the senator, European nations would not undertake to do even conjointly with us. The senator and the international bimetallists who sympathize with him, when they suggest a change In the ratio, do it in recognition of the absolute and utter impossibility of sustaining free coinage at sixteen to one when the commercial ratio is thirty-five to one.
But for the Democratic platform free silver would not have been seriously regarded as an issue in the coming campaign. As an issue it is lacking in real force, In vitality. In fact, as an issue it is as dead as one of the Rameses. Every prediction and prophecy of the advocates of free silver in the campaign of 1836 has been exploded and its fallacy thoroughly demonstrated by actual experience. No prosperity, said they, will come back to the country until silver is as freely admitted to the mints as gold at the arbitrary ratio of sixteen to one. This was the ratio of our fathers, and they clung to it as a political fetich. They took no note whatever of the changed conditions.
It is unnecessary to repeat the old arguments, or the old promises, or the old predictions. Suffice it to say that not a solitary one of them has been verified by our experience. The disasters so freely predicted have not visited us. Prosperity returned under the existing gold standard. With the election of McKinley factories were opened, new industries were established, laborers and capital found early, steady and remunerative employment. The products of the farm have risen in value, although free silver advocates solemnly declared that their value could only be increased and restored by a return to free coinage of sliver. The Republican party deemed the preservation of the existing gold standard in the face of war, as essential as the protection of our seaboard cities. It would, indeed, have been a twofold calamity if to the misfortune of war there had been added the destruction and overthrow of the gold standard and an era of currency demoralization ushered in, carrying destruction and disaster to our vast industrial interests and commercial enterprises. Sf'iS-
THE GOLD STANDARD.
While the^Democratic party is committed to tiro establishment of the single silver standard which will derange values and disturb business, the Republican party is committed to the maintenance of the gold standard and to the enactment of such safeguards as will always and beyond peradventure preserve all our silver and paper currency at a parity with gold. This is the one policy which will give stability to business, confidence to enterprise, and insure enduring prosperity to the country. The monetary principles enunciated in the St. Louis platform have our entire approval and we pledge anew our purpose to embody them into the permanent laws of the land.
The Republican party of Indiana, wheij many v/ere in doubt and wavering, took prompt issue with the free-silver heresy and planted itself on the solid rock of the gold standard. It is no less resolute and determined to-day to maintain a sound monetary system in this country. We are in good company. We stand with the leading nations of the world with England, France, Germany, Italy and others in the maintenance of the gold standard. It Is a pregnant fact which should never be forgotten, that there is not a respectable power on earth which to-day would adopt the freesilver plank of the Democratic platform.
The declaration of the Democratic platform in "favor of the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and silver at the existing ratio of 16 to 1, without the aid or consent of any other nation," shows that the party is still wedded to its idols that it is tenacious of error.
I shall enter upon no discussion of the silver question. I take it that there is not an observant voter in the State who has approached the consideration of this question with a predisposition to reach the truth who does not know that the free coinage of gold and silver at 16 to 1, when the commercial ratio is 35 to 1, is an utter impossibility. Our fathers knew that the coinage ratio must be the commercial ratio and when they adopted a ratio in 1792, and later in 1843, they ascertained the market ratio between the metals and made it substantially the coinage ratio. In each case, with all their care and honesty, they failed to measure accurately the relative values of the two metals and the undervalued metal avoided the mints. What they could not do we cannot do to-day, even if we have the moral support of a Democratic platform. Free coinage at 16 to 1. when the market ratio of gold and silver Is 35 to 1, means the establishment of the single silver standard and consequent demoralization of business general aerangement of values and a return of Democratic business paralysis.
16 TO 1 IMPOSSIBLE.
We should not forget, as before observed, that there is not a nation of good standing to-day which coins, or can be induced to coin, gold and silver freely at 16 to 1, or at any other ratio. This is not due to any favoritism to any predilection towards one metal or the other, to any unfriendliness towards silver, but is due to a stubborn, economic, commercial fact and that is that it can not be done without driving gold out of circulation and dropping to a depreciated, silver-standard basis. Under the gold standard we are able to use gold, snver and paper as currency, and in this country we have used—roundly speaking—an equal amount of each. But under the silver standard gold disappears and we havo but two' currencies, silver and paper, and each worth at the prseent market value of silver but 44 per cent, of their present money value.
All of the greatest commercial achievements in this country have been under the gold standard. Our foreign commerce last year, the first year of the present Republican administration, attained a magnitude never reached before. For the year ending June 30, IMS, imports were $616,052,844, and exports $1,231,311,868 total, $1,847,364,712. Our total foreign commerce and the balance of trade in our favor were the greatest in our history. All of this under the gold standard. Free coinage at 16 to 1 under present conditions can benefit no one but the silver trusts and combinations controlling large quantities of silver bullion, and it would not, 1 believe, permanently benefit them. A law which would enable a silver bullion owner to take 44 cents worth of silver to the mint and get it coined into a dollar and oblige others to take it for a dollar is obviously wrong a fraud upon the man who is forced to take it.
It should not be forgotten that the Democratic party in the United Stales Senate voted almost solidly against the great war revenue bill, without which war could not have been properly and successfully prosecuted. Their devotion to free silver and unsound finance wa* stronger than their devotion to the prompt and energetic prosecution of tne war. Be it said to the credit of Senator Turpie that l.e parted company with ills associates aod voted for the bill.
HAWAII.
We have extended our dominion, and the flag of the great Republic floats over Hawaii, there to remain the smybol of our authority and power so long as our national sovereignty endures. The annexation of the Hawaiian islands is a notable event, and one" which will receive the commendation of the American people. For nearly half a century their acquisition has been advocated by some of our wisest statesmen and ablest naval strategists for the benefit they win be to our present and future commerce and for the purpose of a naval establishment, and as the basis of naval operations. Few subjects have been more afc'.y and extensively discussed. The discussion has not been along strictly partisan lines, but the larger part of the opposition has been Democratic.
For many years it has been apparent that the islands would gravitate to the United States sooner or later by the force of the law of mutual self-interest.
American influence from an early date has been potent in the islands and has been increasing until it has become the ^dominating influence so generally has '•'this been recognized by foreign nations that they have been in nowise disposed to dispute the transfer of the islanas to the sovereignty of the United States.Tff'he
Hawaiian islands embrace an area ot about one-fourth of the area of the State of Indiana. Their population is about 100,000, or about half the present population of the city Oi Indianapolis, xneit climate is sulubrious they have a fertile soil, capable of sustaining a large and prosperous population they are 2,OSO miles from San Francisco, and about equally remote from any other islands of importance. They are on the track of a large commerce in and beyond the Pacific, a commerce which promises a large expansion under the inspiration and operation of republican principles and influences. Within the past few years our trade in the Ptudfic ocean' has rapidly increased from inconsiderable proportions. Although about one-third of the population of the globe lies beyond the Pacific, our exports to that quarter have been, until late years, scarcely worth the mentioning. Our attention has been mainly directed to the development and increase of our traffic beyond the Atlantic.
Our wisest statesmen early foresaw the opportunity' for extending our commerce beyond the Pacific. Mr. Seward, nearly half a century ago. expressed the conviction that "the Pacific ocean, its shores, its islands and the vast region beyond will become the chief theater of events of the world's great hereafter."
We have witnessed in the past few years the partial fulfillment of this prophecy. Japan has been touched by the spirit of progress, and China is gradually awakening from her slumber. Our commerce to those and other countries in and beyond the Pacific has been rapidly increasing with their development. American flour and other farm products and various articles of manufacture are exported from our Pacific ports to an extent never before equaled and to a degree which gives great promise. During the decade our exports to China have increased from $4,500,000 to $10,000,000, and to Japan from $4,000,000 to $21,000,000, anu to other transpacific and intrapacific countries in like ratio. It is our purpose to further cultivate and expand this trade. The opportunity is here and it is our national duty to utilize it.
NICARAGUA CANAL, TOO We must construct the Nicaraguan canal—we must cut that narrow barrier to a mighty commerce—a commerce great to-day, but who can measure us magnitude in the years to come? Lying in the pathway of trade from the western opening of the Nicaraguan canal to Japan, China, etc., are the Hawaiian islands. The advantage of their "possesion by us not only to-day. but in the years to come, is beyond estimate. The most ordinary wisdom and foresight would justify their acquisition. Their possession by some commercial rival, Asiatic or European, competing with us for trade of the Pacific, would be a constant men ace and injury to our commerce. By taking them to-day, not forcibly, but peaceably and honorably, we remove them forever from tne field of international contention. They are now and henceforth will be American.
The annexation of the islands has been advocated by some of our able statesmen and naval strategists from an early date. In 1853 Secretary or State Marcy, one of the ablest men who have occupied that great office and a Democrat, wrote to Minister Mason, in France, as follows: "I do not think the Hawaiian government can long remain in the hands of the present rulers or under the control of the native inhabitants of these islands, and both England and France are apprised of our determination not to aliow them to be owned by or to fall under tne protection of these powers or of any other European nation. It seems to be inevitable that they must come under the control of this government, and it would be but reasonable and fair mat these powers should acquiesce in such a disposition of them, provided the transference was effected by fair means."
On March 25, 1873, Secretary Fish wrote: "The position of the Sandwich islands, fronting and commanding the whole of our possessions on the Pacific ocean, gives to the future of those islands a peculiar interest to the government and the people of the United States. It is veryclear that this government cannot be expected to assent to their transfer from their present control to that of any powerful maritime
or
commercial nation.
Such transfer to a maritime power would threaten the military surveillance in the Pacific similar to that which Bermuda has afforded in the Atlantic. The latter has been submitted to from necessity, but we desire no additional similar outpost in the hands of those who may, at some future time, use them to our disadvantage."
President Harrison, in transmitting to the Senate a treaty of annexation, with his usual lucidity and force, presented the grounds upon which the annexation was justified: "The influence and interest of the United States in the island.-:," he said, "must be increased and not diminished. Only two courses are open—one the establishment of a protectorate of tin* United States and the other annexation full and complete. I think the latter course, which has been adopted in the treaty, will be highly promotive of tho best interests of the Hawaiian people, and Is the only one that will adequately secure the Interests of the people of the United States. These interests are not wholly selfish. It is essential that none of the great powers shall secure these islands. Such a possession would not consist with our safety and wu., the peace of the'world."
Democratic and Republican Presidents have long contemplated with favor the annexation of the islands to tne United States. Tyler, Taylor. Filmore. Pierce. Johnson, Grant, Harrison and McKinley favored annexation, as did also Webster. Calhoun, Buchanan. Clayton, Marcy. Seward, Fish, Blaine, Sherman and Day, secretaries of state. Our ablest military and naval commanders have strongly supported annexation as essential to our national defense. General Schofield said, "that the Hawaiian islands constituted the only natural outpost to the defense of the Pacific coast. In the possession of a foreign naval power they would afford the means of incalculable injury to the United States \\*e must secure forever the desired control over those islands or let it pass into other hands."
Captain Mahan, an international authority on naval strategy, says: "To anyone viewing a map that shows the full extent of the Pacific ocean- with its shores on either side, two circumstances will be strikingly and immediately apparent. He will see at a glance that the Sandwich islands stand by them selves in a state of comparative isolation amid a vast expanse of sea: and, again, that they form a center ol a large ci'rcle whose radius Is approximately, and very closely the distance from Honolulu to San Francisco. From San Francisco to Honolulu, 2.100 miles easy steaming distance, Is substantially the same as from Honolulu to the Gilbert. Marshall, Samoan, Society an.d Marquesas groups (the nearest inhabited islands), all under European control, except Samoa, in which we have a great influence. Too much stress cannot be laid upon the immense disadvantage to us of any maritime enemy having a coaling station well within 2,500 miles of every point of our coast line from Puget sound to Mexico. Were there many others ava'liible we might find it difficult to exclude from all. There is, however. but the one. Shut out from the Sandwich islands as a coal base, an enemy is thrown back for supplies of fuel to distances of 3,600 or 4,000 mfles—or between 7,000 and 8,000 going and coming—an impediment to sustained maritime operation well-nigh prohibitive. It is rarely that so important a factor in the attack or defense of a coast line—of a sea frontier—Is concentrated in a single position, and the circumstance renders It doubly imperative upon us to secure it. If we righteously can."
The opponents of annexation challenged not only the policy but the power to annex. They were pleased to regard
annexation as an entrance upon a perilous system of imperialism or colonial expansion and denied that there was constitutional power to annex such territory. These objections in form and substance have been urged whenever the United States has attempted to annex territory They were made against the annexation of Louisiana, Florida, Texas, California and Alaska.
I will not stop further* to consider the question of the policy of annexation, but shall only advert briefly to the question of power. The exercise of the power of annexation from Jefferson down to the present time would seem to set at rest the question forever. The power is an undoubted incident of sovereignty. It resided in the several original States prior to the formation of the Constitution. Upon the formation of the federal government the power to acquire territory which inhered in the several colonial States was surrendered and vested in the national government. There it remains and should always remain absolute and unabridged. It should be exercised cautiously and only when the national interests most clearly and positively requires it. I have no manner of doubt that It will always be so exercised.
Time will not permit me to touch further upon the work of Congress. The record made is an entirely creditable and honorable one, both as to quantity and character of work done.
THE WORK OF CONGRESS. Time will not permit me to treat upon much of the work of Congress. The record made is an entirely creditable and honorable one, both as to the quantity and character of work done. A bankrupt law was enacted—one generally admitted to be just and guarded in its provisions, so ample, direct and economical in its administrative features that the estates of unfortunate bankrupts will not be entirely wasted in the cost of administration (as was frequently t.ie case under former laws.) It will secure a fair and just distribution of the estate of the bankrupt among his creditors. Frauds and evasions are provided against in the most ample manner, and it is hoped and believed that the law is so wholesome in its provisions as to meet with the favor of the people.
Congress, believing in the merits of free rural delivery, appropriated $250,000 (the largest sum by far everMppropriated by any Congress) for increasing the experiments in the free delivery of mails among the farmers of the country. This increased appropriation has enabled the Postoffice Department to largely increase the experiments heretofore attempted in the State of Indiana and in other portions of the country. We believe in tne fullest efforts and most exhaustive attempt to bring to the largest number of homes the benefits of the prompt and free delivery of the mail.
Congress also provided for an industrial commission to be composed of men of eminent ability, charged with the duty of investigating and reporting in the most thorough and comprehensive manner with reference to our industrial system. This was created more particularly at the request of the laborers and labor organizations of the country, and to the end that labor and capital may be brought to the best possible understanding with each other.
MEMBERS OF CONGRESS. Our members of Congress, Hemenway, Farls, Johnson, Overstreet, Henry, Landis, Crumpaclcer, Steele and Royse. have taken high rank among their associates. They have devoted themselves with notable zeal and ability to the interests of the State and country. No State has more reason to be proud of the character and standing of her representatives. Those who have been renominated deserve, and, I believe will receive, the fullest indorsement of their constituents and those who return to private life will carry with them the good opinion and gratitude of their fellow-citizens.
It is of the utmost .importance that we should elect a Congress in harmony with the administration. Unless this is done, we shall be powerless to enact proper financial legislation, or to give full force and effect to Republican politics. Every Republican candidate for Congress should be elected because he stands tor Republican principles and will suport a Republican administration. It is of vital importance also that a Republican Legislature should be elected so as to send a Republican to the United States Senate. At the present moment the free silver forces control the Senate. They are a standing menace to the best interests of the country. They may be relied upon at all times to embarrass the currency if possible, and prevent the enactment of legislation necessary to strengthen and protect our monetary system. Indiana is essentially a sound-money, protective tariff State, and should have soundmoney and protective Senators and mem. bers of Congress.
STATE ISSUES.
We may confidently invite the approval of the people of our splendid administration of State affairs. The people of the State ewe-a debt of gratitude to Governor James A. Mount for the able and conscientious manner in which he has uncharged the duties of his office. Every pledge of the Republican party has been faithfully redeemed, a high sense ot duty and economy has characterized every department, and the result is shown in improved service and a saving of a. vast sum of money to the taxpayers of the State. The wisdom of carrying strict and economical business methods info public administration, too often neglected, has been abundantly justified since the Republican party assumed power.
We take pride In the fact that Indiana, always ready :to respond to the Nation's call, was the first to put her soldiers in the field. They came from her farms, her shops and her mines her factories, her schools and her counting rooms as splendid men .as ever bore the brunt oi battle. There they are to-day. ready to dare and -die in their country's cause. God bless them! All honor to them!
It is a part of the undisputed record that the public debt of the State was created by Democratic administrations ithough the last one was an exception to the rule), and that it has been paid and reduced by Republican administrations. The presmt .administration has in less than eighteen months paid otf tne bonded obligations created by the Democratic party to .the extent of $920,000, a recordi believe, without a parellel. It is nov. obvious that the debt which has been so grievous a burden upon the people of the State is practically certain oi extinction during Republican control. It is a good, sound, State policy to pay as you go, and this policy the Republican party intends to follow in its administration of the affairs of the State. Its laudable ambition and purpose is to pay the last dollar of State debt and relieve the people forever from the vast annual interest charges which they have been paying for so many years—for a period long anterior to the civil war.
The Republican party is eniitled to congratulation for its long and persistent war against the gerrymander and in favor of restoring to the people the elective franchise. No State has suffered more from the disgrace of legislative and congressional gerrymanders than the State of Indiana. After years of incessant appeal to the people, and after having invoked the jurisdiction of the courts, the Democratic gerrymanders have been uprooted and overthrown. The last General Assembly enacted an apportionment law in total disregard of any idea of partisan advantage, and solely with the purpose of giving to the people of the State a fair and equal opportunity to express their preference for members o, the Legislature. The apportionment was made with such scrupulous care that the party carrying the State by a majority of three or four thousand will at the same time control the Legislature. I believe it Is an Indisputable fact that no legislative apportionment was ever made by either party to the State which wak more fair and just to all political parties. The public conscience has been so aroused against the infamy of the gerrymander that no self-respecting party dare restore it to the statute books of the State.
The Republican party has been faithful to its ""pledge to introduce bipartisan methods in the admlnstiration of uie oenevolent institutions of the State. The
wisdom of its course has been most amply justified by the economy and improvement of the public service, its experience under the present administration has more than confirmed its predictions, and will meet with the most emphatic public approval.
THE LAST LEGISLATURE The last General Assembly, so sharply condemned by the Democratic party, was as conscientious and able as any the Slate has ever had. Its devotion to ...ie public interests was earnest and intelligent. and its work in the main entiileit to the most generous approval and commendation. Its enactment of a fee and salary law—in some cases not entirely fair in its operation, but in its larger effect just to State and officials—has already resulted in saving to the people of the State many thousands of dollars.
I shall not detain the convention by adverting to all of the beneficent measures enacted by the last Legislature, but 1 must direct attention to the acts providing for the creation of the office of factory inspector, for the better protection of the health and lives of operatiTes and prohibiting child labor. And also for the creation of a labor commission for the settlement of disputes between employers and employes through the medium of arbitration. The recognition of the principle of arbitration is justified by the best interests of the employer and employe, of labor and capital. It tends to bring them into more harmonious relation, and whatever will accomplish this purpose has our support and favor. There is an entire mutuality of interests between labor and capital, and whoever seeks to create animosity between them, or to drive them into open hostility, is the arch enemy of both. Commissioners have been appointed by the Governor pursuant to the provisions of the law. They are men possessing tho public confidence, and have through the wise administration of their office accomplished much in the adjustment of disputes and through their intercession have saved many thousands of dollars to the parties concerned.
I may be justified in one word with reference to the saving which the present administration has secured on account of a change of method in the letting of contracts for the State printing. It is estimated tha't some $40,000 was saved on the printing contract for the past year.
LOOKING TO THE FUTURE.
My countrymen, grave problems confront us, new duties await us. The war with Spain has awakened our people to a realization of their strength and power, and to the fact that the zone of their influence is widening. They are destined to take a more important part than ever in international affairs. This is the trend of events it is the inexorable logic of necessity. The commercial instinct of our people was never m'ore acute than to-day. Heretofore tho products of our fields have beer! the chief articles of export. In later years there has been a material and rapid increase in our exports of manufactured products until last vear they reached the unprecedented sum of about $300,000,000, or 29 per cent, of the total.
It is the Republican policy to increase our merchant marine and push our commercial conquests not only across the Atlantic, but to all South American republics. and into and beyond the Pacific. We are rapidly entering upon new conquests, but they shall be the conquests of peace.
The present war has taught us that our navy should be enlarged, and it requires no prophvrtic eye to see that in a few vears the American navy will be one of the chief naval powers of the world, not as a menace to other nations, but as a bond or guarantee of peace to ourselves. If Spain had not supposed that she overmatched us in naval strength at the beginning of our serious discussion with her, I believe diplomacy would have effected an honorable and peaceful settlement of the Cuban question. If our ultimate naval strength had been appreciated by her, war would have been avoided. We are proud of the American navy. The brilliant victories of Manila and Santiago will take their place with the destruction of the armada and Trafalgar, and forever by an inspiration to the youth of the land.
We have been touched by the sympathetic interest of the people of Gre :.t Britain. The prejudices which have so long divided the two great Anglo-Saxon peoples seem to have rapidly disappeared. Our countrymen will not soon forget the fraternal regard of English statesmen when the great drama was opening and before the fortunes of battle were so clearly defined as now.
We are proud of the administration of President William McKinley. He has borne the burdens of his great office with a patience and courage that have won the approving judgment of all parties and all peoples. He has met every duty with a broad and comprehensive statesmanship, and sought to lea- our country in the ways of peace, fraternity, prosperity and honor. When war became inevitable, when it became necessary to appeal to the sword, he struck with a swift and heavy hand. In less than sixty days he assembled an army or nearly a quarter of a million of men, calling to the ranks and places of leadership men of all parties and of all sections of the country. Those who had fought against him when he was defending the Ufiion were called to lead that they might vindicate their love for the Republic, their devotion to the flag which they had once in their mistaken zeal sought to destroy. He has well met the arduous demands of peace and the grave exigencies of war.
My countrymen, the Republican party has confidence in the future. It sees in present conditions the promise of enlarged opportunity and of greater prosperity and happiness for the American people. The bow of promise which bends above us was never more splendid than to-day. There was never an hour in all our proud history when it meant more to be an American.
Our flag is more loved at home and more people are willing to die for it than ever before. It is the flag of mercy and liberty it is profoundly respected wliereever the stories of sacrifice and heroic deeds are read it is more honored and respected than ever by the nations of the earth. It has been raised in the name of suffering humanity and placed upon the citadels of cruel power. It has blessed the famished and suffering it has brought succor to the distressed and redemption to the oppressed. It is the blessed symbol of honorable peace am? not of tyrannical rule. Patriotism is allpervading, sectional differences have disappeared and the hearts of our countrymen are at last welded into an indissoiuable union.
PRESS COMMENT.
What the Indiana Newspapers Think of the Convention.
The ticket will receive the hearty and united support of th^ party. It is a winner from start to finish.—Elwood Call-Leader.
The ticket is a strong one from top to bottom, and the men composing it may be expected to carry on an aggressive campaign.—Connersville News.
The people of Indiana have reason to feel proud of the Republican party ol their State for the platform it has announced and ticket It has put forth.— Richmond Item.
The Republicans of Indiana are pleased with their TState ticket. It is a strong one and will be elccted by a tremendous majority next November.—Vincennes Commercial.
The platform and ticket are exceptionally strong, and the determination to win was never more manifest. A great Republican victory in Indiana this fall is confidently expected.—Kokomo Tribune.
Indiana Republicans have opened the campaign by placing in nomination a splendid ticket worthy the hearty support of' voters and sure to be triumphant in November next.—Mlshawaka Republican.
It is the generally expressed opinion of the delegates and Republicans attending the convention that the party has never had a better ticket than that which
Mas put in nomination.—Wabash Plata Dealer. There never was a larger, more enthusiast!'.. or grander State conventin than that of the Republican party Ian week at Indianapolis. The issues, the men, tho spirit and confidence to insure a marvelous triumph in November were all there. —Madison Courier.
The action of our State Republican convention in coming out strongly for the golu standard was in marked contrast with the timid platform adopted at the Ohio convention, which ignored the money question altogether. Indiana Republicans will do their best for the cause of sound money.—Lafayette Call.
The platform has the proper American ring. It is clear cut, straight forward on all questions, and vacillating or ambiguous on nothing. The ticket nominated is clean in its personality, strong in ability and will command the united enthusiastic support of the party. No party at no time ever went before the people with a better cause or with brighter prospects of success.—Middletown News.
The platform is strong and clear In every plank, and, true to the mission of the party, it takes advanced ground upon the practical, pressing questions of the day. The ticket nominated is an admirable one and gives general satisfaction. Taken all in all we believe tne republicans of the State should feel happy over the work of the convention and over the bright promises of a glorious victory in November.—Noblesvllle Ledger.
That the Republican party is in good shape was evidenced by the harmony and and good feeling which permeated the convention. There was an unusual number of very strong men in the field tor nomination. Each man on the ticket which was chosen is worthy of election. The platform adopted is sound and patriotic. The party should make a united effort and roll up a splendid majority for a splendid ticket.—Decatur Journal.
It was a convention of which any party might well be proud. It was a noble, representation of the Republican party of Indiana. The work done by the convention speaks for itself. The ticket could not probably have been male stronger than it is, though every man defeated for nomination was worthy of the position he sought. The platform is a document on which the Republicans of Indiana can stand erect.—New Albany Tribune.
The nomination by the Republican State convention of Hon. Alexander Uowling, of Now Albany, for judge of the Supreme Court for the First judicial district, is gratifying to all the people of this city—Republicans, Democrats and Populists—for personal considerations and because he is an honored citizen of New Albany and a gentleman of high and pvre character and of masterly legal ability.—New Albany Ledger (Dem.)
The Republican State convention was one of the most enthusiastic and at tho same time most satisfactory of any ever held in Indiana. The candidates who have been named for office are all men of ability and unquestioned RepublicanIsm and furthermore they ai'e possessed of the confidence of their constituents. These facts, together with the fact that Democracy is as dead as the proverbial door nail, will insure their election in November.—Hammond Tribune.
The Republicans nominated one of the best tickets ever presented to the voters of the State. Every candidate is eminently qualified for the duties of tne office for which he is "nominated and every candidate is honest and clean in every respect. The platform is a clear cut enunciation of the views of the Republican party on all questions. The 1C to 1 issue is fairly met and there is no uncertainty as to where the Republicans of Indiana stand.—Plymouth News.
The convention will go down in history as one of the most harmonious and satisfactory as to results of any that has been held, at least for many a year. The platform is a clean, faithful, honest faith of the Republican party, promising emphatically for honest money. The ticket nominated is exceptionally good. We here in Wabash are sorry that our candidate for the judgship was not selected, but as a whole the ticket is excellent, and will win at the polls this fall.—Wabash Plain Dealer.
The convention will be remembered for the generally harmonious feeling whiclt existed. There was Individual strife, as there always is, for the nominations, but aside from this harmony prevailed arid the work of the. convention was transacted in an expeditious and intelligent manner, resulting in a ticket for which every Republican and many members ot other political parties can vote with a consciousness that they are laboring for the best interests of the great State of Indiana.—South Bend Tribune.
The platform formulated by the State convention of Republicans at IndianapoiTs is a sound and patriotic declaration of principles upon which every patriot can conscientiously stand. Tho renewed declaration for sound money and decided opposition to the 16 to 1 fallacy will command the admiration and support of e\ ery advocate of honest money. The demand for a primary election law is a long step in advancement, and the call for a revision of county and township laws will be approved by all good citizens.— Goshen News.
The State ticket is one of the best that has ever been named by a State convention and every candidate is a strongman. The convention was one of the most harmonious ever assembled, and the struggle for the nominations proceeded with the best of good nature. Altogether, the party in Indiana is in excellent condition, is standing upon a phu.oi that appeals to the conscience, of the great State, and has presented a list of candidates than which no better or stronger •has ever been named. It starts in for success, and that is what it will achieve. —Evansville Journal.
The second day of the Republican convention fully verified the promise of the first. The delegates were in their places in good season. The convention was -ready to approve the platform because it was an enunciation of Republican views on the issues before the people concerning which there is no difference of opinion. On the money question the platform meets the issue as made by the ucmocratic platform. Not only is the Republican party of Indiana ready to meet the Uryan parly on the issue of Pi to 1, but. with the experience of the past two years vindicating the Republican claims of IPflO. it can fight tho 16 to 1 delusion with better weapons. In an orderly manner the convention proceeded to the mak.ng of a ticket. The rivalry was never keener, because Republicans believe that a nomination is equivalent to an election. Union IJ. Hunt, of Winchester, because of his support in every section of the State, received the nomination for Secretary of State. He is a new mail in State affairs, but well known Republicans vouch for his fitness for the office. The large- vote by which William H. Hart was nominated indicates the onfidc-ncc of the party in his fitness for one of the most important offices in the State. Hefore he became Deputy Auditor of State he was an Auditor of the Treasury in Washington by the appointment of Gen. Harrison. No man In the State bettor understands the duties of the office. Leopold Levy, the candidate for Treasurer, has the reputation of being a careful ami successful business man. Rarely (Iocs so conspicuous a recognition of his professional ability come to a man as did to William L. Taylor in the nomination for Attorney General by acclamation. Robert A. Brown is as well known throughout the State as any of tho younger Republicans—a fact which makes his nomination over two strong competitors a vote of confidence. Mr. F. L. Jones, the nominee /or Superintendent of Public Instruction, is one of the most prominent of the younger education men in the State. Capt. John B. Conner is doing better work as State Statistician than has ever been done in the office. The renomination of W. S. Blatchley for State Geologist insures that the work of that office will be continued in competent hands. The three candidates for the Supreme Court, Messrs. Dowllng, Hartley and Baker, have the reputation of belr.gr admirably qualified for the exalted positions for which they have been nominated. As a whole, It is the generally expressed opinion of the delegates and Republicans attending the convention that the party has never had a better tickot than that which was put in nomination yesterday.—Indianapolis Journal.