Crawfordsville Weekly Journal, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 9 September 1898 — Page 7

THE REPUBLICAN TICKET.

Secretary of State—UNION BANNER IIUNT, Winchester. Auditor of State—WILLIAM H. HART,

Frankfort. Treasurer of State—LEOPOLD LEVY, Huntington. Attorney General—WILLIAM L. TAY­

LOR, Indianapolis. Clerk of the Supreme Court—ROBERT A. BROWN, Franklin. Superintendent of Public Instruction—F.

L. JONES, Tipton. State Statistician—JOHN B. CONNER, Indianapolis.

Goshen.

THE CONVENTION.

The Republican convention, which met in Tomlinson Hall August 3, 1S98, was by all odds the largest, the most harmonious and the most enthusiastic that any party has ever held in Indiana. The Spanish war, conducted with such brilliant success by a Republican administration, was Just drawing to a close. The business reports from all lines for the year ending July 1 had been published during the preceding two or three weeks, and the people of Indiana realized that the remarkable prosperity they were enjoying was not a blessing local to their own State, but was uniform throughout the country. Under these conditions it was not surprising that every Republican who came to the convention brought the report that there were more Republican votes in his own precinct than had ever been known before. Everybody that attended the great convention felt that the American people as a nation were greater and stronger and more united than ever before in their history. They felt that as members of the Republican party they belonged to an organization that stands for the best there is in American patriotism, American politics and American civilization. Small wonder then that when the convention had finished its work by adopting a magnificent platform and nominating a remarkably strong and popular ticket, it indulged in a patriotic jubilee with every delegate and every spectator swinging his hat and joining in patriotic songs.

THE PLATFORM.

The Republicans of Indiana in State convention assembled congratulate the Nation at large on its return to Republican rule, which turnishes a sure guarantee of stability and prosperity to all our institutions, and a comparison that gives little hope of a return to power of the party of calamity and distress. While we sincerely deplore the necessity of war, we believe the President and Congress acted wisely in demanding the complete withdrawal of Spanish sovereignty over the Island of Cuba and in proceeding to enforce the demand with the military and naval power of the government. And now that our army and navy, through their splendid achievements, have blest our Nation with triumphs not excelled in the world's history, rendering many names illustrious and immortal, and adding prestige and glory, limited only by civilization, to our great Republic, the occasion is one of supreme gratitude to the great ruler of nations. We extend to the brave men on land and sea who have gone forth to battle for the glory of our flag and the cause of human liberty our deepest sympathy on account of the sacrifices they have made and the hardships they are called upon to endure, and our warmest praise for their unconquerable valor.

We honor, congratulate and applaud our country's heroes who have once more proved the matchless intelligence, devotion find courage of American manhood. They have proved to the world that the United States is a. nation, one and indivisible, without sections and without classes, whose purpose is "to deal justly, love mercy and walk humbly before God.

We felicitate the country on the fact, when in the exigencies of war it became necessary to issue $200,000,000 of government bonds to meet the extraordinary expenditures, a Republican administration had the good sense and wisdom to put the loan within the easy rellch of the people, •where It has been wholly absorbed, furnishing a splendid security for their savings, awakening anew interest in the permanency of our government and the •oundness of Its financial system.

McKINLEY.

We most cordially approve the administration of President AicIClnley. He has met the unusually grave and difficult questions which have arisen since his incumbency of the presidential office in a manner so wise and patriotic as to challenge the admiration of all parties at heme, and to win the approval of the best

FOLIC* OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

As Outlined at the Greatest Political Convention Ever Held in the State.

BRILLIANT SUCCESS OF THE WAR AND GREAT PROSPERITY OF THE COUNTRY VINDICATED THE PARTY'S CLAIMS.

PLATFORM THAT IS FULL OF PATRIOTISM

And Goes Well With a Remarkably Strong and Popular Ticket.

Senator Fairbanks Presents an Able Review of the Achievements of the v, Itepubliean Administration.

S. BLATCH-

State Geologist—WILLIS LEY, Terre Haute. Judges of the Supreme Court-

Second District ALE A N E DOWNING, New Albany. Third District-J. V. HADLEY, Danville. Fifth District—FRANCIS E. BAKER,

people throughout the civilized florid. We especially commend his conservative and patriotic course in earnestly hoping and negotiating tor peace while yet prudently preparing for war. And we further express our most earnest approval of his vigorous prosecution of the war, and our entire confidence in his ability to secure such terms of peace, now happily near at hand, as will advance human liberty and comport with the dingity and honor of the American people.

FINANCE.

The Republicans of Indiana are unreservedly for sound money, and are therefore opposed to the heresy to which the Democratic party is wedded, of the free and unlimited coinage of both* gold and silver at the ratio of 16 to I, wHch we regard as absolutely sure to debase our money and destroy our private and public credit, and cause general business disaster. We recognize the necessity of comprehensive and enlightened monetary legislation and believe the declaration in the St. Louis national Republican platform for the maintenance of the gold standard and the parity of all forms of money should be given the vitality of public law and the money of. the American peopleshould be made, like all its institutions, the best in the world.

TARIFF.

especially commend the President and Congress for the prompt passage of a wise revenue law in accordance with the sound Republican doctrine of reciprocity and protection to American industries and home labor, and express our unbounded confidence in the beneficial results predicted for this measure by our party leaders, evidences of which are daily accumulating in the way of renewed business prosperity and ample revenue for ordinary governmental expenditures. We, therefore, reaffirm our belief in the doctrine of reciprocity and protection to American labor and home industries, and condemn the Democratic doctrine of tariff for revenue only as unsound and unsuited to the best interests of the country, a doctrine whose falsity has been demon strated by our experience under the Wilson revenue bill that plunged the Nation Into commercial and financial distress, from which it is fast recovering since the change from that Democratic policy.

PENSIONS.

We hold in undying honor the soldiers and sailors whose valor saved the life o£ the Nation and those who were but recently called to arms in vindication of their country's honor and the cause of human liberty. Just and liberal pensions to all deserving soldiers are a sacred debt of the Nation, and the widows and orphans of those who are dead are entitled to the care of a generous and grateful people. HAWAII AND NICARAGUAN CANAL.

Having achieved its manhood, the Republic, under God, is entering upon its greatest period of power, happiness and responsibility. Realizing the mighty future of wealth, prosperity and duty which is even now upon us, we favor the extension of American trade, the reformation of our consular system accordingly, the encouragement by all legitimate means ot a navy as powerful as our commerce shall be extensive, and for the public defense and security, and the establishment of coaling stations and naval rendezvous wherever necessary.

We most heartily approve of the annexation of the Hawaiian islands as a wise measure. We recommend the early construction of the Nicaraguan canal under the immediate direction and exclusive control of the United States government —the importance and necessity of the canal having been emphasized by recent events connected with the present wax with Spain.

We favor the enactment and enforcement of laws restricting and preventing the importation of such undesirable foreign population as is prejudicial to free American labor.

We indorse the record of Senator Fairbanks, who has by his wise an1!!' patriotic counsel and courageous ability aided the President and served his country with marked distinction and great honor to our State.

We commend and congratulate the Republican congressional delegation upon the high standard of ability manifested by them and the conspicuous station they have taken in national legislation.

STATE MATTERS.

We commend the administration of Gov. Mount and the Republican State officials, under which, with a reduction of 25 per centum in the State tax rate within the last eighteen months, $920,000 of the State debt has been discharged an army of over seven thousand men has been equipped and placed in the field at an expense of over $200,000 the laws have been enforced and the name of Indiana honored throughout the land.

In 1S95-97, for the first time since 18S3, owing to the vicious system of enacting apportionment laws, whereby the minority might still control the majority, the Republican party found itselr in "condition to legislate for the State, and the laws that it wisely enacted and the other measures which It still more wisely refused to pass, constitute an epoch in leg islation that is an enduring monument to the faithfulness and intelligence ot the party which the Fifty-ninth and Sixtieth General Assemblies represented. Among the many wise and just measures of legislation that stand upon the statute books as the result of the labors of those two General Assemblies are the acts creating a labor commission, providing means for the settlement of disputes between employers and employes by arbitration abolishing the prison contract system, taking convict labor out of competition with ffee labor providing for factory inspection and the protection of the lives and health of operatives, and prohibiting the employment of child labor providing safeguards in the auditing of public expenditures complying with the constitutional mandate that the penal code should be founded on principles of reformation and not of vindictive justice provldlngfor the protection of the people against incompetent and Inefficient professional men making permanent in county and extending to State officials the provision that officers shall be paid according to their services, and not constitute a burden upon the people by reason of exces-

ive fees and salaries the taking of uie benevolent institutions out of the purview of partisan politics, whereby the poor and unfortunate wards of the"State are assured competent and humane treatment and, above all, tlu enactment of an honest, fair and constitutional apportionment law. These acts emphasize and illustrate the intelligence and integrity of the Fifty-ninth and Sixtieth General Assemblies, and we congratulate the Republican party and the people of the State upon their action.

Believing that there is need of reform In county and township government, and that a vast saving of the public money can be made by better methods, we favor early and thorough revision of the laws upon this subject, to the end that the people of Indiana may have the best and most economical management of local affairs.

We favor, as a supplement to our present law, the enactment by the next Legislature of such a primary election law as will secure to the people a full and free expression in the selection of their candidates for office.

SENATOR FAIRBANKS' SPEECH

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention—i wish to thank you for the very great honor of your invitation to preside over your deliberations. And 1 desire to congratulate you upon a united, aggressive and patriotic party in the State of Indiana. Inspired by the sacred memories of our great leaders, .uincoln. Grant, Hayes, Garfield and Arthur, dead and by the exalted leadership of our great leaders, Harrison and McKinley, living and conscious of the righteousness of our cause, we confidently face the future. In this patriotic hour we will not forget the name of Oliver P. Morton, whose great spirit is now watching over the Indiana boys at the front, who are upholding the honor of their country.

We miss the genial presence, the wise counsel and magnetic voice of our venerable leader, Richard W. Thompson. He has been a valiant soldier in the cause of Republicanism, and we cheerfully join to-day in the hop^that there may be added to his long ffld useful life many days of health and happiness.

My countrymen, the occasion demands that we should give to the great constituency which we represent some account of our administration of national and State affairs with which the people have intrusted us. In the nature of the case, we can do no more than touch upon tha more salient features of the great and numerous questions which have engaged our attention. We have been in power in State and Nation about one year and a half—a brief period, yet filled with more important events than any similar period of our country's history, except, perhaps, only one. It has been, indeed, a historymaking epoch—an epoch which will challenge the admiration and approval of those who shall follow us. Mighty events have* pressed quick upon each other, and more are soon to come.

When we were last assembled, two years ago, distress and commercial paralysis were on every hand our people were enervated and progress seemed dead. But with the restoration of the Republican party to power in 1897 an era of prosperity was ushered in. All avenues of industry were reopened countless thousands of idle workmen found remunerative fields of employment, and the returns of the farmers increased until plenty and happiness extend throughout the borders of the Republic. What caused this sudden transformation—this radical and universally recognized change? It was the natural and logical result of the restoration of the Republican party to power and the re-establishment of Republican principles in public administration.

THE REPUBLICAN PLEDGES. The Republican party has been characterized from the beginning of its history by faithful redemption of pledges. Its campaign promises are not mere idle' vote-catching pledges, but are made to be redeemed when the party is Intrusted with power. One of the first duties resting upon us at the beginning of the present administration was the repeal of tho Wilson law, which had so disturbed and disorganized business, and embarrassed the treasury, and the enactment of a protective tariff measure in its stead. Quick to realize and appreciate the necessities of the people, President McKinley convened Congress in extraordinary session on March 15, the earliest date practicable after .his inauguration, for the purpose of enacting a new revenue measure wnich should quicken our enterprises, restore confidence to the. the people, and supply the treasury with revenue adequate to meet its necessities. Congress addressed itself to the great task with commenuable devction and energy, and on July 24, 1897. the Wilson law was wiped from the statute books of the United States and the Dingley law enacted.

It is impossible to refer to more than a few of the details of the Dingley law. Like the McKinley law, the measure speaks for itself. Its justification is complete in the improvement of countless industries giving employment to a vast number of wageworkers throughout the country. No bill was ever framed with more regard for the interests of tli American farmer, or the American producer. It is through and through an American measure.

The wool industry, which was being rapidly destroyed under the Wilson law. was given adequate protection and was rapidly and greatly stimulated in the United States and yielded a large revenue to the treasury, which was literally thrc' away by the Wilson law: There is no sound reason why we should surrender sheep husbandry to the sheep raisers of Australia, the Cape of Good Hope and other countries. The Republican party does not propose to do it.

We sought to stimulate sugar production in this country by putting a duty on sugar. It is the policy of the Republican party to build up new industries where it can be done. In my judgment, sugar beet culture promises most substantial and gratifying results to American farmers. We are sending abroad nearly $100,000,000 per annum for foreign sugars—although we have the soil and climate necessary for growing all the beets needed to provide sugar for our domestic use. The Dingley law was framed to give encouragement and protection to this industry, which promises to become one of the greatest in the State of Indiana, and in many of the States of thfe country. If we succeed, as we shall, It will not be because of the Democratic party, but in spite of it. When we shall have successfully established the sugar beet industry, we shall be able to save to the people of the United States nearly $100,000,000 annually sent abroad.

DINGLEY BILL AND LUXURIES. The Dingley bill increased the duties on imported luxuries, or articles classed as such, beyond rates Imposed by the Wilson law, and thereby saved millions which tho latter law allowed to escape. Some of the items upon which duties were imposed or increased were the personal effects Of American tourists returning from Europe liquors. Havana cigars and wrapper tobacco, silk, linen and cotton laces and embroideries, silks and silk plushes and velvets, kid gloves and jewelry, ostrich feathers, downs, artificial flowers, etc.: trimmings of beads, glass, etc., braids and plaits of straw, etc., plate glass and chinaware and paintings and statuary. From these few articles the revenues derived by the government under the Dingley law exceed by millions annually the amount collected under the Wilson law. Revenue derived from such articles Is raised in the least objectionable manner, as it comes from those best able to bear the burden.

Tha overthrow of reciprocity, the fruit of the genius of Benjamin Harrison, James G. Blaine and AVilliam McKinley, was one of the unpardonable offenses of the authors of the Wilson law. The Republican party pledged Itself tp the restoration of reciprocity, and that pledge finds its fulfillment in the Dingley law. New commercial treaties have been and are being negotiated with foreign governments in the interest of our farmers and other producers. No one knows 'better how to use thisgreatpowerwith which

Journal, Crawfordsville, Ind

lie Is clothed in the interest of American commerce and the American people than our great President.

Tho Importers of this country, who havealways been and are essentially l'reoti aders hostile to tho protective principle, in anticipation ot' the increased duties to be imposed by the Dingley law, vastly increased their purchases of goods and commodities abroad and impressed into their service all of the available merchant vessels and filled the warehouses of the country with millions of dollars' worth of foreign made products and commodities, thereby displacing, to a large, extent, similar articles of domestic production and defrauding the revenues of the government to an amount estimated at about $40,000,000. The importations of wool and sugar were especially heavy and directly injured the farmers of the United States to a large amount— an amount difficult of accurate computation. After the Dingley law became operative importations largely dimint'or several months because of the large anticipatory importations made during the last few months of the life of the Wilson law.

As an illustration, the importations during the last three months of the Wilson law were: May, 3S37 $10,885,011.55 June, 1897 21,500,152.31! July, 1S97 1G,9GB,801.0a and during the lirst three months of the Dingley law: August, 1897 $0,987,702.S4 September, 1897 7.943.100.2S October, 1S97 9,713,494.02

Duties under the Dingley law were made specific wherever possible, while the ail valorem system was recognized in the Wilson law. It is well known tiiat specific duties cannot be avoided, while ad valorem duties permit the Importer, in a large measure, to defraud the government by undervaluing the articles imported. The Imposition of specific duties under tho Dingley law has already resulted in saving to the government a large amount of money which would have been lost to it under the lax provisions of tho Wilson law. DINGLEY LAW AND THE REVENUE.

It has been claimed by the authors and defenders of tho Wilson law that tho Dingley law did not and would not produce revenue sufficient to meet governmental necessities. This statement is untrue. It is perfectly obvious that the law, in a time of peace and normal conditions, for which it was enacted, would yield revenue sufficient to meet the current national obligations. Tb«» Secretary of the Treasury reports that during the first nine months of the Wilson law the deficiency under it was $57,413,081 that during a like period under the Dingley law the deficiency was $57,561,523, but It will be borne in mind that the loss to the revenue under the Dingley law because of the anticipatory importations was quite $40,000,000, and that $13,540,000 were expended in April last on account of war preparations. Taking into account the loss to tho revenue because of excessive anticipatory importations and the extraordinary increase of war expenditures, it is perfectly obvious that the revenue arising from the operation of the law at tho beginning of the. war was ample to meet the normal peace expenditures. Assistant Secretary of the Treasury Howell says, in a statement published by the Associated Press to-day, that, during the last five months of the fiscal year ending June 30, our receipts exceeded our expenditures on a peace basis over nine and a half millions or, to express it in another way, the tariff law of 1897 produced during the last five months of the fiscal year a revenue which exceeded our ordinary expenditures by over nine million dollars.

One of the direct and immediate effects of the repeal of the Wilson and the passage of the Dingley law was the confidence created and stimulus given to our commercial enterprises and undertakings. It opened the mills throughout the country and the marts of trade assumed old-time activity, and the army of idle workingmen was rapidly engaged at remunerative wages. Idleness yielded to industry and countless homes, which had known the pinch of want, soon felt the touch of plenty. McKinley had, indeed, opened the factories which we had proclaimed as the cure of our disorders, although our political opponents had seriously professed their belief that prosperity would only return by opening the mints.

CUBA AND THE WAR.

Great as was the tariff problem, there was a still greater one which-met us at the threshold of the administration. The Island of Cuba, which rests at our very doors, was harassed by war and drenched with blood. Her people, long oppressed by Spain, had gone to war to free themselves from her domination and cruelty. The cry of distress filled our land. The opposition early introduced into Congress a resolution recognizing the belligerent rights of the insurgents and forceu .t through the Senate, but it failed in the Republican House. The effort to impose upon the new administration a policy In this grave matter was urgent and persistent. The recognition of the rights of belligerency could afford the Cubans no substantial relief. The. act would have seriously embarrassed our commerce by subjecting our vessels to the rignt of search, and the war and suffering would have continued indefinitely and without abatement. It seemed to the administration that a grave duty devolved upon It. it was required by the St. Louis platform to attempt to restore peace and secure the independence of the island of Cuba and, furthermore, it was commanded by the law of humanity to take some positive affirmative steps to bring peace to the disordered island.

Acting in accordance wu.. well recognized international usage and in harmony with his own high sense of justice and humanity, the President tendered the good offices of the United States to the Spanish government to effect an enduring and honorable peace. He wished no Spanish territory. He did not desire war he wished to avoid it. No one knew better than he what war meant—what it meant in blood and treasure—for his first lessons In the people's service wc-ro learned upon the battlefields of the Republic. His sole aim was to induce Spain to relax her iron rule, and to give peace and opportunity to her oppressed subjects. All the powers of diplomacy and of moral suasion were invoked to end the strife. Much headway was made. The cruel Weyler was recalled by Spain, and Blanco, a more humane ruler, was substituted in his place. American prisoners were promptly released from prison. The reconcentrado orders of Weyler, the most cruel and severe which the genius of brutality could conceive or Invent, were modified or annulled by Blanco. Before their annullment hundreds of thousands of Cubans had" been driven from their farms and estates into human corrals, where death reaped Its mighty harvest. Helpless women and children and other noncombatants were literally starved to death. This, in the nineteenth century of our Christian civilization, and at the very doors of the great Republic whose cornerstone is liberty and whose people are always the most considerate and humane.

TRAGEDY OF THE MAINE. 'The administration was sharply pressing upon Spain its demands for further concessions in behalf of the Cubans, When, on the night of the loth of February, the civilized world was startled and shocked by a tragedy the like of which was Unknown to history. The annals of the past had no fellow to it. The Maine, the pride of our navy, strong and majestic, manned "by as gallant a crew as ever walked the deck of any ship of war, "was blown to destruction by a submarine mine and most of her brave crew werit down 'to death and chaos with her. They were not upon a mission of war. They had entered the harbor of Havana with no hostile intent. They had no bitterness or unklndness in their hearts. They desired and hoped to see peace and tranquillity triumph.

The great President who "had Bent them to the harbor of Havana to make a friendly call, as Is customary between nations, was actuated by no ungenerous impulses. All of the circumstances attending the tragedy, the traditional character of tho Spanish people, the nature and character o'f (he explosion and the 'conduct of Spain thereafter, pointed strong­

ly toward the Spanish authorities as the authors of the crime. The Spanish ferocity ^which spared not the Cuban seemed unwilling to spare the American. Our countrymen were stunned by the blow. The President immediately appointed an able board of naval experts to- ascertain the truth with respect to tho explosion, and for weeks the facts were sought—patiently, earnestly—the desire upon ail hands being to ascertain the truth and nothing but the truth. There was a universal hope that something might be discovered which would exonerate the Spanish authorities, for all knew that the judgment which was to come if there was doubt of Spanish innocence would be mighty and severe. The report of the board established the fact indisputably that tho explosion was of external origin. The President promptly brought it to the attention of Spain, but the latter received It with a cold, formal denial of guilt, and with such lack of sympathetic interest as to intensify the belief of tho people In liar actual guilt or In her culpable neglect. It was manifest that no settlement with Spain was possible except upon condition of the immediate withdrawal of her flag from tho western hemisphere. To her offense against the Cubans was now added the far graver wrong against our own country.

On April 11 last the President submitted to the Congress a message covering the facts and circumstances with respect, to the course of Spain In Cuba, and with reference to her conduct toward us, and Congress, in which rests the war-ma.ung power, promptly declared war against Spain. INDEPENDENCE OF CUBAN REPUB­

LIC.

The opposition attempted to force recognition of the independence of the socalled Cuban republic, but were defeated after one of the sharpest contests witnessed in Congress in recent years. The Democratic State platform, lately adopted, demands recognition of the Cuban republic as a war measure. This lias been the consistent Democratic policy to which we are unalterably opposed. What is the Cuban republic? Who are its statesmen? Where is Its capital? Where its legislative halls and chambers of justice? We know but little about it too little to justify haste. We have been so much embarrassed and harassed in the island for a third of a century that we should make no mistake now. The Cuban question, which has so sorely voiced our people and led to so much loss of blood and treasure, must be rightly settled and settfld forever. The President, upon whom rests the mighty responsibility of conducting the war, pointed out with felicity the serious objections to recognition. "Nor from the standpoint of expediency," said he In his message to Congress, "do I think it would be wise or prudent for this government to recognize at the present time the independence ot the so-called Cuban republic. Such recognition is not necessary in order to enable the United States to intervene and pacify the Island. To commit this country now to the recognition of any particular government in Cuba might subject us to embarrassing conditions of International obligation toward the organization so recognized. In case of intervention, our conduct would be subject to tho approval or disapproval of such government. We would be required to submit to Its direction and to assume to it the mere relation of a friendly ally. "When it shall appear hereafter," said he further, "that there is within the island a government capable of performing the duties and discharging the functions of a separate nation, and having, as a matter of fact, the proper powers and attributes of nationality, such government can be promptly and readIIv recognized, and the relations and interests of the United States with such nation adjusted."

But for the Republican House of Representatives this sound advice and wise policy of the President would have been ignored, and our army to-day would be taking its orders from some Cuban comman-der-in-chief instead of from the President of the United States.

Wo were repeatedly told by tho opposition that the mere recognition of the rights of belligerents would enable them to quickly assert and maintain their supremacy. The utter futility of such recognition must be apparent. For more than two months our fleets and armies have been waging war against Spanish authority, and there has been no considerable manifestation of power by the socalled Cuban republic. Tills demonstrates that the policy of the President was right and that recognition of the republic would have been a stupendous blunder, a colossal mistake. Yet the Democratic platform seriously favors "the prompt recognition by the United States of such Independence as a war measure, and as an act of justice to a brave people struggling for freedom." Recognition as a war measure! it would seem that President McKinley Is quite competent to adopt all necessary war measures in the pending contest without the direction of our friends who composed the late Democratic convention. It may be assumed that so long as his policy prevails our armies will take their orders from our own commanders and not from Cuban generals, of whom we know little or nothing. Who says the present Cuban republic is competent to discharge its domestic and International duties? Clara Barton, that sweet'ininister of mercy, does not believe it is competent. I am informed that General Lee and other consuls of the United States in Cuba are of the opinion that the present republic is not entitled to recognition. Wiio should know better than they?

LIABILITY FOR SPANISH BONDS. It was urgently insisted by some In opposition that we should recognize the independence of the so-called Cuban republic in order that we might avoid liability for Spanish bonds amounting to several hundred millions of dollars, it was claimed by them that Spain had Issued some bonds which were In some manner not clearly disclosed, a charge upon the revenue of the island, and that we would be liable to pay them if we expelled her sovereignty by force of arms. I observe that my distinguished colleague, Senator Turpie, for whom I entertain sentiments of great personal esteem, held and expressed this view as chairman of the late Democratic State convention. Congress, fortunately, did not take this view of the question it did not believe that when we wrested the Cubans from the grasp of Spanish misrule, that when we sent our armies and fleets to succor and free the oppressed we should Incur a large pecuniary liability to any Spanish bondholders. The law of nations and of humanity forbid It. Our command to free Cuba was divinely Issued, and no alleged claims of the holders of Spanish bonds could deter us from executing It directly and with nil the force and power at our command. Whoever holds Spanish bonds against Cuban revenues holds them, as I said on another occasion, subject to the observance and practice of the rules of humanity and of Christian civilization. Spanish cruelty and mediaeval barbarity could not arrest the avenging hand of the United States. I think I am entirely safe In saying that those who believe that our failure to recognize the Cuban republic—that somewhat shadowy and evanescent political fabric—will entail upon us a large debt of sever tl hundred millions of Spanish bonds, need have no fear so long as as the Republican party is in power. iet it be understood now and henceforth that not one solitary dollar will be paid to any holder of Spanish bonds because of our refusing to recognize the Cuban republic, now or hereafter. In the name of the Union and her heroic dead, we repudiate the suggestion of liability, and by the valor of our arms will maintain it against all corners.

There was much intemperate criticism of what the opposition termed the President's delay. There were many who challenged his humanity, his patriotism. They little knew how heavily the burden weighed upon him and the earnest preparation being made by him to meet possible hostilities. While hoping and negotiating for peace, he was quietly and energetically preparing for war. The country had rested so long in a sense of security and peace that It had made no provision for conflict with any foreign power. Our coasts were unprotected, our Tleets were Inadequate, and we were without tbe -munitions n-eeessAry for one soli­

tary engagement. When we had strengthened our coast defenses, Increased our navy and added to our munitions of war, tho President was quick to Invite the attention of Congress to our grievances against tho Spanish government. Upon the declaration of war he moved with such vigor and precision as to challenga the admiration of all parties and of till countries. In less than ninety days a well equipped, well disciplined army of nearly one-quarter of a million of men was in the field and Manila and Santiago were made immortal by the valor of our arms, and the Spanish Cabinet, heretofore arrogant and defiant, is now suing for peace.

THE TERMS OF PEACE.

What will be the terms of peace? Our arms have been crowned with unparalleled victories Spain cannot hope longer to resist the terms of peace are not to be dictated by her, but by us. What shall they be? They will be such as a Just and magnanimous nation deems proper.

WJiilo the terms of peace are under consideration by the two nations we will not undertake to embarrass the negotiations or in any manner to forestall our government by venturing to outline or determine what they shall be. The President has so thoroughly vindicated the confidence of the American people in him, he so fully comprehends till the questions, interests an.\ rights involved, that we may safely leave to him the consideration and settlement of this great matter. We feel perfectly confident that tho terms which he will impose will be such as an honorable, righteous people will favor, and such as will satisfy all the dictates of humanity and the national honor.

We have determined to free Cuba and to establish peace in the island, it Is Incumbent upon us, in the discharge of the arduous task we have assumed, to see that such a government is established as shall be able to maintain enduring peace and fully discharge its domestic and international obligations. To turn the people of the island over to anarchy and misrule, turbulence and disorder, would be in violation of the mandate which Christian civilization has placed upon us. It would be In contravention of the purpose and spirit of our undertaking. When stable government, is established and the tranquility of the island is absolutely assured, our obligation towards It and its people is at an end and they must be left to work out their destiny as an Independent nation. Whether they will deslro to become a part of our sovereignty, or whether we should accept them, are questions not for present, consideration! but for the best Judgment of tho wisest statesmen cf the rwo countries when they shall arise in the near future. The proximity of the two countries and the intricate and vast commercial relations between them are such us to suggest a very strong and natural sympathy.

The territory which we may acquire will have come to us not as the objeot, but lis an Incident to the war. vVe made no war for territorial aggrandizement we did not seek to extend our sovereignty. If Spain had not stood on the order of going, and had withdrawn from the Island of Cuba, her sovereignty In Porto Rico, the Philippines and the Ladrones would be undisturbed to-day. When war came, when the conflict opened, it became the duty of the President to strike the enemy at every avallaole point. The key to his purpose and duty was expressed In his command to Dewey, "Find and destroy the Spanish fleet."' No order was ever more literally interpreted or more faithfully executed. If any portion of the Spanish domain shall pass to our sovereignty in the settlement of the terms of peace, it is due solely to the fortunes of war and to no original purpose or desire to obtain it. Our tra*dttional policy has been one of peace toward our neighbors we have been inspired with no lust for their territory what wo have acquired has come freely and peacefully, and not forcibly and by the sword.

WAR REVENUE BILL.

It became necessary in order to meet the extraordinary requirements which war imposed to provide the treasury with a vast sum of money In excess of that which would be derived from the Dingley law. A new revenue bill wai passed after much partisan debate, and after an attempt by the free-Bllver forces to dilute and vitiate the currency. The bill was not constructed upon the theory that the entire burden of the war should be borne by us during its progress. We demanded that an equitable proportion of the debt should be met by the people during the progress of the war, and that the residue should be postponed and paid at a reasonable period in the future after peace has been restored and the prosperity of the country is such as to enable the people to meet the postponed obligation without in fact feeling It.

The tax was as widely distributed as possible. It was pretty generally imposed upon all Interests, individual and corporate, and so equitably and evenly as to be easily borne. Inheritances over $10,000,the sugar and petroleum trustsand sleeping-car companies were fairly taxed. The taxes upon beer and tobacco were increased, and reasonable stamp taxes were Imposed upon almost every Individual and corporate Interest. And It Is to be said In honor of the American people that they have assumed the additional burden without complaint and a degree of approval which strongly attests their patriotic purpose to support in tho amplest manner their government in the hour of Its necessity. Authority was given the secretary of the treasury to supplement the revenues derived from the Dingley law and tho new revenue law by Issuing from time to time, as the necessities might require, not exceeding $100,000,000, temporary bonds at 3 per cent payable between ten and twenty years from the date of Issue.

It was desired by the administration that the people should be given an opportunity to support the war by subscribing for the bonds. It was believed mat they had the ability, patriotism and desire to furnish all the money needed to support our army and navy, and It was, therefore, carefully provided that the: bonds should be offered by the secretary of the treasury for popular subscription. It had been claimed by the opposition, without a shadow of foundation, that tho bonds were desired by some great bondholding class, and that they were to be Issued at their behest and for their benefit. Such assertions were recklessly made, and but for one purpose, and that was to create a prejudice against the bonds and against the party In power which iidvocated their Issue. Nothing could have been more unpatriotic, nothing more 111-advlsed. The bonds were desired to meet a grave necessity which the whole world saw, and they were intended for the people. Although the secretary of the treasury, who has administered his high and important trust with conspicuous fidelity and ability, was charged with some predisposition to favor special Interests at the expense of the people, nevertheless he made provision for offering tho bonds at some 60,000 public places throughout the United States in order to insure the humblest citizen desiring to do so the privilege of subscribing for them. Individuals subscribing for the lowest amounts were to have preference above all" others, and It Is a source of pride and wonder that subscriptions poured into the secretary of the treasury from the patriotic people of the United States until the aggregate at the date tho subscription closed was over $1,200,000,000. There never was, perhaps, a case where a popular loan was more successfully floated and where the people were more effectually safeguarded in their right and privilege of subscribing for bonds. This is Indeed tt splendid tribute to the confidence of our people in their government, In the administration, in the integrity of our financial system and in the justice of our cause. This is an object lesson to the nations of the earth and beneficial to us in the fullest degree. It demonstrates beyond peradventure the ability, willingness anil eagerness of our people to uphold and protect their government in time of war,

REPUBLICANS AND BOND ISSUES. It has been suggested by our Dem» cratlc friends that the Republican part^ has had a partiality for issuing bonda. In this they are mistaken. We have