Crawfordsville Weekly Journal, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 4 September 1896 — Page 2

WEEKLY JOURNAL.

ESTABLISHED IN 1848.

Successor to The Record, the first paper Orkwfordsvlllo, established In 1831, and The People'* Prcsx, established 1844.

PRIHTED EVERY FRIDAY MORNIKG.

THE JOURNAL COMPANY. T, H. B. McCAIN. President. J.A.OllEENE, Secretary.

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THE DAILY JOURNAL.

ESTABLISH Bt IN 1887.

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Entered at the Postofflce at Crawfordsville, Indiana, as second-class matter.

FRIDAY. SEPTEMBER 4,1896.

MAJOR MCKIXLEY'S remark to the farmers, "You don't get consumers through the mint, you. get them through the factories," is the statement of a profound truth which must come home to every man.

•We had a ratio of 15 to 1 from 1792 to 183-1—42 years. Then a ratio of 36 to 1 from 183-1 to 1873—39 years. Why not go back to 15 to 1 while we are at it? What is there so sacred about 16 to 1?

IT is not the scarcity of money that is worrying workingmen, but the scarcity of jobs to earn it. Men with hungry children walk from shop to shop and from street to street all day, and in vain, to iind work. Free silver won't start the furnace fires or ma chines.

MAJOR MCKIXLEY'S most surprising talent is his ability to compress into one brief, forcible statement what other men would spread over a long argument. For example, he said to the delegation of farmers from Knox county, Ohio:

Whatever the farmer is suffering today is because his competitors have increased in numbers and because his best customers are out of work. I do not know that we can decrease the number of your competitors, but with the adoption of a true American protective policy we can set your best customers to work.

IN his speech at Madison, Wis., Senator Thurston said: There is no country on the face of this earth, I care not where you go, there is no country that opens its mints to the free coinage of silver but what all other kinds of money than silver, and promises to pay in silver have lied the land. You cannot go into a country of this earth where its mints are open to the free coinage of silver and find a gold dollar circulating among the people. Not only that, but you cannot go to-day into any country on earth that opens its mints to the free coinage of silver but what your dollar, gold, silver, or greenback, will buy twice as much as the best dollar that is in the hands of the people of any of those countries.

If this is incorrect history, it. should be easy for the Democratic-Populist orators to show its falsity. The worid'6 book of history is open. But it is a simple fact and and tells the whole story in small space.

Tins PUESEXT STANDARD. The fact cannot be too often repeated that the declaration of the Republican party in favor of the gold standard simply means the maintenance of a thing that already exists. It is the free silver people who propose to make a change and establish a new standard. They are against the present currency system, and anxious to substitute for it one under which a different kind of money would be used for the payment of debts and wages and the transaction of the country's business. The Republicans believe in keeping things as they are in that respect. That is to say, they hold that we now have sound and satisfactory money, and that it woultj be foolish and disastrous to throw away this advantage. It is not proposed to eliminate silver from the currency and prevent its use for commercial purposes, hut only to 60 limit the amount of it that it can circulate freely at par with gold. Any intelligent voter can readily comprehend the distinction and the reason for making it. We have absorbed as much silver as we can carry with safety, and the Republicans are opposed to an increase of it that would inevitably unsett!e values, depreciate the currency, and force us all to an inferior standard. It is not true, as the free silver orators practically assert, that the Republican party is seeking to make gold the only form of money in the country. On the contrary it merely insists that other forms of money shall be kept as good as gold.

I-'OREIGN DICTATION.

Candidate liryan and his followers have a good deal to say about "foreign dictation." Suppose we adopt Bryan's "wise policy," would we be freed from "foreign dictation"? Will our farmers fix their own prices for wheat hogs, corn and cotton? In 1895 we exported 3545,81-1,375 worth of agricultural products. Who fixed the prices on these products? Did our farmers do it.J Could they, under free coinage, fix the European prices of canned goods and cotton? And do not European prices fix prices here.' There is, indeed, a kind of British lnlluence that

is spreading want and sore discontent in our country to-day. It is the prostitution of our industry to British ad vantage which was effected by the Democratic free trade law. Take one example out of many. Last year the export of woolen coatings from Brad ford, the center of the woolen indus try of England, to the United States jumped in volume from 81,200,000 to 87,500,000. During the same period the exports of "stuff goods" increased from 82,200,000 to 88,400,000. The value of the total exports from Bradford to this country in 1895 was S2S,000,000, against SS. 200,000 in 1894. There figures tell the story of the failure of the Democratic tariff law to encourage the woolen industry of the United States, and for which Mr. Bry an voted. Thus far the only people who have been benefited by Democratic tariff legislation are the foreign manufacturers of products to which the markets of America have been opened. This is a style of British influence that should be, and must be corrected, before we can have our old prosperity.

TWO GOLD BUGS.

Many a brain is still addled with the conspiracy" nonsense. N'o one will accuse Senators Jones and Stewart of having been in it. Any one who knows the composition of a mining constituency knows they have good reasons for changing their opinions. The following is not quoted to show inconsistency, which is a poor argument at best—but only to show that one may think the money of the world cjuite safe to tie to and that the richest of the nations can afford to have as good money as any of them without being the slave of Lombard street. In the Congressional Globe of 1S74, in the debate on the currency bill, page -1S01, we read the following from fom Senator Jones, of Nevada:

I am opposed to any proposition, come in whatever form it may, that attempts to override what God Himself has made for money that attempts to make money a commodity or makes commodities money. I believe there is a vast difference between the functions of the two, and that every departure from this plain truth will punish the country that so departs. I believe the sooner we come down to a purely gold standard the better it will be for the country. I believe that when we do so come down we shall have entered upon an era of prosperity which will be unbroken for a century.

Speaking further on the same bill, he says, page 170 of the appendix to the Congressional Globe for 1S74-

Does this Congress mean now to leave entirely out of view and discard forever a standard of value? Did any country ever accumulate wealth, achieve greatness or attain high civilization without such a standard? And what but gold can be that standard? What other thing on earth possesses the requisite qualities? Its value is represented by tUe average amount of labor required to produce it. Its scarcity gives a small quantity of it great value, so it is easily transported from place to place. Gold is the articulation of commerce. Itisthe most potent agent of civilization. It is gold that has lifted the nations from barbarism. It has done more to organize society, to promote industry and insure its rewards, to inspire progress, to encourage science and the arts than gunpowder, steam or electricity.

The use of gold had its origin in the necessities of mankind. The human heart is set upon it. It will command the proper services of everybody at all times and in all places. The necessities which compelled its use are as inexorable to-day as they were at the beginning, although improved systems of exchange have diminished the proportionate volume necessary to do the work.

So exact a measure is it of human effort that when it is exclusively used as money it teaches the very habit of honesty. It neither deals in nor tolerates false pretenses. It cannot lie. It keeps its promises to rich and poor alike.

It is the common denominator of values. It makes possible the classification of labor and the interchange of commodities. Gold has intervened bargains made between men since the dawn of civilization, and it has never failed to faithfully fulfill its part as the universal agent and servant of mankind. The value of gold is not affected by the stamp of the government. That is merely final and reliable evidence of its weight and fineness.

You must have something with the attribute of extension when you measure extension. To measure weight you must have something of specific gravity. To measure value you must have something of value, something that requires labor to produce it. Gold has this requisite. The stamp on a gold dollar says in effect: 'This government pledges its honor that this coin is nine-tenths fine and contains 28.8 (25.8?) grains in weight.' The government's stamp on every piece of coin is a certificate to mankind that the bearer has rendered service unto society which is measured by that piece of metal, and that he is entitled to an equivalent service from society in return. Such a draft has never been dishonored

On page 4907 of Congressional Globe, same debate, Senator Stewart says: Sir, the laboring man and the producer is entitled to have his product and his labor measured by the same standard of the world that measures your national debt Jive him such a standard, give him money as you require for him. You require it from the producer. You require from the laboring man gold to pay the interest on your national debt, which is right, which cannot be avoided if you mean to save national honor but then give him the same money with which to pay that debt.

On page 4909. same debate, he says: There have been many battles fought against gold, but gold has won every time. Gold never has coinpro

mised. Gold has made the world respect it all the time. The English people once thought they could get along without gold for a while, but they had to come back to it We did not depart from it on purpose to disgrace gold, but we attempted expedients at the time of the war because we thought we had not enough gold in the country to get along with, though probably we had.

On page 4S67: You may fix up all the propositions you please, but the real thing is when you come down to it finally, I don't care how much you discuss it or how many resolutions you pass, they don't make any difference you must come to the same conclusion that all other people have, that gold is recognized as the universal standard of value. It is the measure that must be used. It is the measure by which your wealth must be tested. Whether it be pennies or millions matters not. It is the measure that must test all wealth. The wealth of the United States is tested by the Same rule. It has been and always will be the touchstone of measurement, and \vhen you depart from that and try to figure out another measure which the world does not recognize, you getinto confusion. Attempting to reconcile them is idle to talk about."

In these speeches the money of the world is always referred to as the standard, and silver is not mentioned. It is plain that Senators then knew that silver was not a standard in the United States. They contain more sense about finance, admirably put, than Senators Jones and Stewart have vouchsafed to the country for twenty years. Their speeches would make a good school book. Some of the passages should become well-nigh immortal. As, for instance, Senator Jones, on page 180 of the appendix, same speech as above, says:

We are told that we can't get back to specie payments because the balance of trade is against us. The balance of trade is against us because we don't get back to specie payments. Give us the money that the world recognizes to regulate our trade, and the balance of trade will take care of itself.

TIIE TRUE AND TIIE FA LSK. An American silver dollar, the dollar the Republican platform will pcrpetunte, now practically buys two Mexican dollars, the kind the Democratic plat» form seeks to mint and circulate. The Republican dollar has thus double the purchasing power. The Mexican dollar, the Democratic idea of a silver standard, now pti-ys labor in its domain less than one-third the wages paid under the standard of the Republican dollar Change the conditions—Mexicauize our mints and silver—and you debase our dollar and at the same Kvte make a greater reduction in the parity and prices of labor. The free coinage dollars are commercial dollars, fluctuating with the shuttlecock values of

bullioif

while the Republican dollars are ever and always 100-eent dollars because maintained by the world's standard of gold. The l'rffo coinage countries that •Democracy would have us line up with are China, Japan and Mexico, where the workingnian is a serf and always a tenant. Labor is dependent upon capital for employment. Easiness fills its arteries from the coffers of capital. Enterprise gets its inspiration from the comradeship of capital. Capital is the oxygen of commercial and industrial life, but tlio mainspring of its energy is ronfidence. The success of Democracy and free coinage will produce such a paralysis of confidence that capital will not flow into the channels of industrial investment, and a condition of distress and business demoralization is as certain to follow as does death when the heart ceases to beat, and the sufferers will be those who depend upon daily employment for daily bread.

WIIEX M-KINVLEV IS ELECTED.

"With the election of McKinley and a Republican congress will come the reenactment of reciprocity and an increase of duties sufficient, at least, to meet the expenses cf the government. Reciprocity guarantees enlarged markets for the surplus products of every farm in Indiana. The revival of confidence consequent upon the ability of Uncle Sam to pay his way as he goes, without soiling bonds to make Saturday night reach over until Monday morning, will energize every industrial enterprise in the land, give back to labor its profitable payroll, and thus increase the consumption of the staples of life, now BO low because of the enforced idleness of unemployed workingmen. The home market is dependent upon the prosperity of home industries. Idle men means empty cupboards. Our foreign market or farmers depend largely on reciprocity. Under Harrison we were adding to our list of consumers by a reciprocity of commercial favors. Under Cleveland and his free trade lunacy, reciprocity was blacklisted and these new customers forced into other markets. The home markets and the foreign markets are what bring prosperity to the farmer, and this is the McKinley mission of Republicanism.

THK Louisville Times says the Populists have swapped 50,000 Democratic votes for 20,000 Populist votes, which there is more than a probability their never getting. •.

Kipe Fruit and Blossoms.

Judge Seller has in his orchard a peach tree of a most ambitious character. It is loaded with ripe fruit of a luscious quality and not content with that is putting forth a burst of beautiful blossoms.

The free coinage vagaries of the Dem-ocratio-Pouplist bridal party are the outgrowth. of a practical working of the financial system in China, Japan and Mexico. Four years ago Democracy introduced, from the pauper labor 'countries of Europe, tho froe trade ideas that converted an army of employed workmen in America to amass of idle mechanics and artisans. Tho sophistries and honied words of glib-tongued orators seduced a majority of our voters to decide for a change from the prosperity of Harrison to tho demoralization and disasters of Cleveland. Tho theory of free trade is alluring. Tho practical application is industrial death. Just so with free coinage. It tempts those who •would lift themselves over obstacles by tugging, ineffectually, away at their bootstraps. There is a hurrah end to the seductive shibboleth of "free and unlimited coinage of silver by America, independent of any other nation," but we cannot lino up with the commerical countries of the globe from tho standiioint of a financial standard that has defied the laws of business since barter and honor have been known among men. Free coinage is frecbooting. Ar-opt it in America, and labor seeks the level of Mexico, Japan and China, and the only beneficiaries will be the mine owners, whose product will bo doubled, and profits increased at the expense principally of the farmer and the laborer.

Just now the Indianapolis Sentinel is busy with search warrants hunting up the deserters from the Republican party, the camp changers who in. every national campaign give exhibitions of political gymnastics. In the list from Marion, for instance, Populists, Prohibitionists and assistant Democrats of years standing were paraded in Indian file as Republican old-timers fleeing in their wrath from the sound money platform of the g. o. p. to the Mexicani/ed financial heresies of the Siamesed Demo-cratic-Populist combination. In the collaboration of 20 or more names, not three of them were Republicans who heretofore have been such 365 days iu any one year. And so the other counties that the double leaded paragraplig have proclaimed as the commencement of the ground swell. The disappointments growing out of political conventions, and the unrewarded services of local statesmen whose politics are intimately connected with a desired pull, are the basis of more changes to the Bryan column than any convictions of the beneficenco of free silver. The beating of toms-toms and the hurrah tactics of claiming tho earth is calculated to catch those who are ever on tho mountaintops looking for green pastures and tho softness of a public snap. The every-day-in-the-year Republican is more than ever in business at tho old 6tand this campaign.

It is estimated there is as much silver in the hills of Colorado as there is anthracite coal in the mountains of Pennsylvania. There is certainly as much justice and commerical honor in opening the mints to the free coinage of coal as there is that of silver. Free coinage of silver will, on account of the bonauza profits to the mine owners, stimulate production so that the white metal will eventually decrease iu bullion value. It is possible to mine as much silver as coal. If the government proposes to make dollars out of all the silver mined, regardless of market values, the time is possible when silver and anthracite coal will be on a parity.

Lincoln's advocacy of the protective tariff was condensed into one unanswerable paragraph. Ho said: "If I buy 1,000 tons of steel rails in Euglaud. I get the rails and England gets my money. If by an industrial policy I can buy the steel rails in America, America has both the rails and the money." This is the Republican policy. With it we will not have to send our provisions to Europe to find employed labor to consume them.

Private Joe Cheadle in changing his politics could not erase some of his familiar sayings that linger in the memories of the old mossbacks of his now district. They propose to even up, for while he "spent four years of his young manhood in shooting at Democrats," they will be busy the next GO days using him for a target on election day. Let us all hope they may each hit the bull'seye and lay out the renegade for time and eternity.

As editor of the Omaha World-Herald Mr. Bryan seems to have devoted himself almost exclusively to firing at Democrats. In single leads and double leads, week days and Sundays, ho riddled them fore and aft. And now tho outlook is that that they will be so busy picking shot out of each other that they will not have time to go to the polls.

In one of his speeches in congress Mr. Bryan said that "A tariff of 10 per cent levied purposely for protection is, as far na the principle is concerned, just as indefensible as a tariff of a thousand per cent." Bryan will not deny that he is an absolute free trader, but he prefers to say nothing about it in this campaign.

There could be no more odious Mnd of class legislation than that which the Democratic party seeks to effect in tho form of a 60 per cent reduction of wages for the benefit of the owners of silver mines. -.i-.

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It maintains the Democracy of Jefferson. Jackson, and Tilden, believing it. to b» the salvation of the Republic. It is therefore opposed to Socialism, Free-Silverism and liepudlationism.

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Estate of Daniel Busenbark, deceased. OTICE OF APPOINTMENT-

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Notice is hereby given that the undersigned has been appointed and duly qualified as administrator of the estate of Daniel Busenbark, late of Montgomery county, Indiana, deceased. Said estate is supposed" to be solvent. WILLIAM \V. BL'SENBAKK,

Dated Aug. 29, '9ti. Administrator.

N°'

iTlCETO HEIRS, CREDITORS, ETC.

In the matter of the estate of William Corns, deceased. Iu the Montgomery Circuit Court. September term, 1896.

Notice is hereby given that Joseph Corns, as Administrator of the estate of William Corns, deceased, lias presented and filed hiB accounts and vouchers in final settlement of said estate, and that the same will come up for the examination and action of said Circuit court on the 12th day of September,1896 at which time all heirs.creditors or legatees of said estate are required to appear iu said Court and show cause if any there be. why said accounts and vouchers should not bo approved, and the heirs ordistrlbutees qf said estate are also notified to be in said Court at the time aforesaid and make proof of heirship.

Dated this 13th day of August, 1896. JOSEPH CORNS, 8-13-3t Administrator.

HE RIFF'S SALE.

By virtue of a certified copy of a decree to me directed from the Clerk of the Montgomery Circuit Court, in a cause wherein James Wright as administrator Marion P. Wolfe, deceased, is plaintiff, and John L. Goben et al. are defendants, requiring me to make the sum of one hundred and nine dollars and eight cents, with interest on said decree and costs, 1 will expose at public sale to tho highest bidder, on

SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, A. D.. 1806, between the hours of 10 o'clock a.m. and 4 o'clock p. ni. of said day, at the door of the Court House In Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, Indiana, the rents and profits-for a term not exceeding seven years, the following real estate, to-wit:

Lots numbered thirteen (13) and fourteen (14) as the same are numbered and designated on the recorded plat of M. P. Wolfe's addition to the city of Crawfordsville also part of tho northeast quarter of section five (5), township eighteen' (18) north, range four (4) west, bounded as follows, to-wit: Beginning at a point ten feet west of the nortinvest corner of lot number one (1) of paid M. P. Wolfe's addition to the city of Crawfordsville, running thence south seven hundred and seventy (770) feet, thence west ninety-five (93) feet, thence north seven hundred and seventy (770) leet, thence east ninety-five (95) feet to tiie place of beginning, situated In Montgomery county. Indiana.

If such rents and profits will not sell for a sufficient sum to satisfy said decree, interest and costs, I will, at the same time and place, expose to public sale the fee simple of said real estate, or so much thereof as may be sufficient to discharge said decree, interest and costs. Said sale will be made without any relief whatever from valuation or appaiscmont laws. CHARLES E. DAVIS,

Sheriff Montgomery County By JOHN ROHINSON, Deputy.

August 13, A. D., 1896-4trS13 00. Wright & Seller, Attorneys for plaintiff. 3