Crawfordsville Weekly Journal, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 4 September 1896 — Page 12

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FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 4, 1896.

IT keeps Democrats busy these days reading each other out of the party.The Argus News yesterday printed the excommunication of the Delphi Times by the Central Committee of Carroll county, and in turn reads the Star and the Review out, and calls upon the Democratic Central Committee of this county to isssue its edict to this effect. It sayB if the committee had the backbone of the Carroll Democrats this nonsense would be ended. What a' happy family!

NOTWITHSTANDING the Argus News has pitched its tent in the camp of the Bryan ites, who scarcely ever fail to

vhiss

President Cleveland when his name is mentioned in one of their conventions or meetings, that paper haviug not quite entirely shaken all its old love, yesterday returns to a defense of his administration. It has been so long since we have seen a kind word for Grover in a Democratic paper that it was quite refreshing. Is the Argus News preparing to flop back into the sound money ranks? As it is political heresy in the eyes of the liryanites to speak kindly of Grover it is now in order for the Review and the Star to read the Argus News out of the party. The Democratic committee should stop this nonsense.

A COMPARISON".

"When Mr. Cleveland turned over the office to Mr. Harrison he left him a treasury full of money," says the Argus-News. Yes, that is true but the Argus-Neivs forgets that during the whole of Mr. Cleveland's first term he was operating under a Republican tariff law which produced the surplus and as the Argus-News well says, ''among the first acts of Harrison was to dissipate this surplus in paying off bonds before they were even due." thereby saving interest to the amount of S55,352,403. Yes, "the McKinley bill cut off the tariff on sugar" as the A.-N. says, but Reed's billion dollar Congress did not "run the expenses of the government above its receipts," as the total receipts of the Harrison administration from March 1, 1889, to March 1, 1893, were 81,792,227.89, while the expenditures for the same period were $1,670,378,247.13, leaving a surplus in the treasury when Mr, Cleveland entered upon his 66Cond term of $132,. 345,430.76. Now in regard to the plates ihat Secretary Foster had prepared. He had recommended in his report that Congress pass a bill authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to sell a 3 per cent,

bond to take

the place of the present law which authorizes a 5 per cent, bond whenever necessary. Such a bill was reported to Congress, and Secretary Foster, feeling sure that the bill would pass, ordered the bureau of engraving and printing to prepare plates for bonds, such as were specified in the bill. But Congress did not see the matter in the same light, and refused to pass the bill. The plates had been begun, but they were not completed. Work was stopped on them, and they were destroyed. And all this did not occur until after the election of 1892 when the Democrats won. Every intelligent business man took in sail, not only because of the tariff which the Democrats threatened and afterward carried into execution, but because of the fears of the enactment of a free silver law. Secretary Foster thought if this alaim continued men would draw gold from the treasury to hoard. He wanted to be prepared for the contengency that might arise, if there was to be a rush on the gold reserve. Events have justified Secretary Foster's fears. Since the enactment of the Wilson law instead of one-third of the duties being paid in gold as they had been up to the time of its enactment they are nearly all paid in paper. Had Congress seen it in the same light that Secretary

Foster saw it the bonds issued by President Cleveland would have been 3 per cent, short time bonds instead of 5 per cent. 30 fyear bonds, and thus would have been the saving of a vast sum in interest. So bear in mind that Harrison paid §250,000,000 of the public debt, thus saving in interest over 955,000,000, while Cleveland increased the debt 8262,000,000, thus adding a burden upon the people until it is paid of over 8600,000,000,and this is the cost of a Democratic administration.

HARRISON'S NEW YORK I ADDRESS.

Issues of the Present Campaign Eloquently Discussed by the exPresident From Indiana.

STRONG ARGUMENT FOR MONEY OF STABLE QUALITIES.

Free Coinage Means Sorry Conditions For All of the People.

FULL REPORT OF HIS ADDRESS.

Questions of Greatest Import Set l'ortli In a Manner That Caunot But l'rovo Interesting and Profitable to All True

Americans—Harrison's ITirst Speech of the Campaign.

NEW YORK, Aug. 2S.—Ex-President Harrison addressed an enthusiastic assemblage in Carnegie Hall last night. It was his first political utterance during the present campaign, and interest in every sentence was most Intense. Ho spoke as follows:

Ladies and Gentlemen—I am on the Republican retired list, not by reason of any age limit, nor by the plea of any convention, but that the younger men might have a ohance and that I might have a rest (laughter), but I am not a soured or disappointed or bed-ridden citizen. My Interest in my country did not cease when my last salary check was cashed. (Laughter and applause.)

I hoped to add to the relief from official duties retirement from the arena of political debate. But the gentleman having in charge this campaign seemed to think that I might in some way advance the interests of those principles which are not less dear to me than they are to you, by making here, in this great city, a publio address. (Applause.) I thought they greatly magnified the importance of anything I could Bay, but I could not quite content myself to subordinate what others thought to be a public duty to my private convenience. (Applause.)

I am here tonight not to make a keynote speech, but only to express my personal views, for which no one else will be in admeasure responsible (applause), for this speech has not been submitted to the judgment of any one until now. (Applause.) I shall speak, my fellow citizens, as a Republican (cries of "Good!"), but with perfect respect to those who hold differing opinions. Indeed, I have never had so much respect for Democrats as I have now (applause), or, perhaps, I should say I never had so much respect for so many Democrats as I have now. (Applause.) That party has once more exhibited its capacity to be ruptured, and a party that cannot be split Is a public menace. When the leaders of a party assembled In convention depart from its traditional principle and doctrines that threaten the integrity of the government, the social order of our communities and the security and soundness of our finance, It ought to split, and it dignifies itself when it does split. A bolt from any party is now and then a most reassuring incident, and was never more reassuring and never had better causa than now. (Applause and cries 61 "You're right r) But these Democratic friends who are disposed moreTc?? less directly to help the cause of sound finance in this campaign ought not to expect that the Republican party will disorganize Itself because the Democratic party has disorganized itself. (Lauglitor and applause. "That was a beaut!"")

The Republican party, the Republican voter, if sound money triumphs, as I believe it will, must in the nature of things constitute the body of the successful army. We ought not therefore to he asked to do anything that will affect the solidity, the loyalty, the discipline or the enthusiasm of the Republican party. (Applause. A voice—"Nobody going out!" This reference to the Bryan meeting in Madison Square garden was greeted with prolonged applause and laughter.) The Republican party fronts the destructlonist and trumpets its defiance to the enemies of sound money. It will fight, however, without covering any of the glorious mottoes and inscriptions that are upon its banner. (Applause.) When the house is on fire—and many of our Democratic friends believe that to be the present domestic situation—the tenant of the top lloor ought not to ask the tenant in the basement to bury his opinions before he Joins the fire brigade, and of our Democratic friends, who realize, as we realize, the gravity, the far-reaching consequences of this campaign, ought not to ask the Republican party to reorganize itself, to put aside any of the great principles that it has advocated in order to win a vote. If their opinion is sincerely held, as they insist, it ought to determine their action for themselves, without reference to what anybody else should do. And I submit to these gentlemen, for whose opinions 1 have the highest respect, whether, if it is true, as they say, that the success of the Chicago nominee would plunge this country into commercial distress and drag the nation's honor in the dust, there can be any question for such gentlemen but this: "How can we most surely defeat the Chicago nominees?" (Applause.)

DEFENSE OF OUR COURTS, Neither conventions nor committees can create issues, nor assign them to their placec as to their importance. That is the leading issue of a campaign which most agitates and most interest the people. In my opinion, there is no issuu presented by the Chicago convention more Important and vital than the question they have raised of protecting the power and duty of the national courts and national executive. The defense of the constitution and of the integrity of the supreme court of tlio United States, and of

Me president's power and duty to enforce all of the laws of the United States, without awaiting the call or consent of Vhe governor of any state, is an important ant and living issue in this campaign. (Applause.) Tarlft and coinage will be of little moment if our constitutional government is overthrown. When we have a president who believes that it is neither l,is right nor his duty to see that the mail trains are not obstructed and that interstate commerce has its free way, irrespective of state lines, and courts who fear to use our ancient and familiar power to restrain s,nd punish lawbreakers, free trade and free silver will be appropriate accompaniments of such an administration and cannot add auDreciably to tbo national distress or the national dishonor. (Applause.) There is only one rule by which we can live usefully as a nation or peacefully ns citizens. It is the rule Oil tho laws constitutionally cnncted and finally Interpreted by the judicial tribunal appointed by tho constitution. Wh»n it becomes the rule that violence carries its end, we have anarchy—a condition as destructive to honest labor and its rewards as death is to the tissues of the human borly. (Applause.)

The atmosphere o£ the Chicago convention was surcharged with the spirit of revolution. This platform was carried and its nominations made with accompanying incidents of frenzy that startled the onlookers and amazed the country. The courts of the president were arraigned for enforcing the laws, and government by the mob was given preference over government by the law enforced by the court decrees and by executive orders. The spirit that exhibited itself in this convention was so wild and strangely enthused that Mr. Bryan himself likened it to the zeal'that possessed the crusaders when they responded to the impassioned appeals of Peter the Hermjty: to rescue the sepulcher of our Lord from'Xhe hands of the infidels. His historical illustration was more potent and more forcible than he knew. For the zeal of the crusaders was a blind and ignorant zeal they sought to rescue the transient and ineffectual sepulcher that had held the body of the son of God while they trampled upon the precepts of love and mercy which he had left for their guidance in life. (Applause.) FRENZY OF CHICAGO CONVENTION

He told us that the silver crusade had arrayed father against son and brother against brother, and had sundered the tenderest ties of love. Senator Hill, watching the strange proceeding, had to extend that brief political code from which he has gained so much renown. He felt compelled to say: "I am a Democrat, but I am not revolutionist." (Applause.) Senator Vest, realizing that they were inaugurating a revolution, reminded the convention that revolutions did not begin with the rich and prosperous, Mr. Tillman felt that the change in the management of public affairs was to bo so radical that he proposed sulphur fumigation for the ship before the new crow took possession of it. (Laughter.) Now. my friends, all these tlilmrs indicate the

temper in which that platform was adopted and the spirit that prompted the nominations that were made. There was no calm deliberation. There was frenzy. There was no thoughtful searching for the man who from experience was most able to dircct public affairs. There was an impulsive response to an impassioned speech that selected the nominee. Not amid such surroundings as that, not under such influences, are those calm, discreet things done that will commend themselves to the judgment of the American people. (Applause.)

They denounce in their platform interference by federal authorities in the local affairs as a violation of the constitution of the United States and a crime against free institutions. Mr. Tillman, in his speech, approved this declaration. It was intended to be in words a direct condemnation of_Mr. Cleveland, as president of the Unit-, ed States, for using the power of the executive to brush out of the way every obstacle to the free passage of the mail trains of the United States and the interstate commerce. And, my friends, whenever our people approve the choice of a president who believes he must ask Governor Altgeld, or any other governor of any other state, permission to enforce the laws of the United States, we have surrendered the_ victory the boys won in 1S61. (Great applause.)

A CONSTITUTIONAL QUESTION. Once we were told, and a grave question was raised whether the United States could pass its troops through Kentucky to meet a rebel army in Tennessee. My friends,, this constitutional question, this division between the general a'nd local authorities, is a plain and ep,sy one. A disturbance which isjuurely local in a state 'is a state affair. 'The president cannot send troops or lend any aid unless the legislature calls upon him for help, or the governor, if the legislature is not in session. But when a ltfw of the United States is invaded and broken. It is the sworn duty of the president to execute it, and this convention arraigns the president for doing what his oath compelled him to do. (Applause.)

Comrades of the great war for the union, sons of those who went out to battle that the flag might not lose Its luster, will we consent after these years (Cries of "No!") that that doctrine that was Shot to death in the great war shall be revised and made victorious in a civil campaign? (Cries of "No!")

REVOLUTIONARY STEPS. But this assault does not end there. Th3 supreme court of the United States and the federal lower courts restrain men from breaking the law, and that platform plainly means—1 will show you that it was understood in the convention and in the committee on resolutions—that the Democratic policy was that when the supremo court, exercising its constitutional power and duty, gave an interpretation to a law of the United States that was not pleasing to congress they would increase the number of judges and pack the court to get a decision to please them. (Applause.) My friends, our fathers who framed this government, divided its great powers between three great departments —tho legislative, the executive and the ludicial. It sought to make these independent, the one of the other, so that neither might overshadow or destroy the other. The supreme court, the most dignified judicial body in the world (applause), was appointed to interpret the laws and the constitution, and when that court pronounce* a decree as to the powers of congress or as to any other con­

stitutional question, there Is but one right method if we disagree, and that Is the method pointed out by the constitution, to amend it to conform to our views. That Is the position today. Mr. Hill said in hl3 speech of this assault upon the courts, "that the provision means anything— means that tt is the duty of congress to reconstruct the supreme court of the country." It means—and now note his words—"and it was openly avowed that it means tho adding of additional members to it or the turning out of office iwid reconstructing the whole court. I will not follow any such revolutionary stop as that."

You are to answer then, my fellow citizens, in all the gravity of a great crisis, whether you will sustain a party that proposes to destroy the court which our fathers instituted in our system of governernment and whenever a tumultuous congress disagrees with the supreme court, and a subservient president is in the white house, that the judgment of the court shall be reconsidered and reversed by increasing the number of judges and packing the court with men who will decide as congress wants thenr to. I cannot exaggerate the gravity, and the importance, and the danger of this assault upon our constitution -.! form of government. One of the kindest and most discriminating critics whoever wrote with a foreign pen about American affairs, Mr. Bryce, in his American Commonwealth pointed out this

al

danger, that the constitution did not ia the number of the supreme court judges and it was possible for a reckless congress and a reckless executor to subordinate and practically destroy the supreme court by the process I have just described and the Englishman, after speaking of this, says: "What prevents such assaults on the fundamental law? Nothing but the fear of the people, whose broad good sense and attachment to the principles of the constitution may be generally relied on to condemn such a perversion of its powers." (Applause.) Our English friend did not misiudce. I think the sound cctorl sense of the American people when an issue like this is to be presented.

The question is whether Mr. Bryan's view of the constitutional question shall prevail or that of the august tribunal appointed by the constitution to settle it. The courts are the defense of the weak the rich and powerful have other resources, but the poor have not. The hig'ntninded, independent judiciary that will hold to the line in questions between wealth and labor, between the rich and *he poor, is the defense and security of the defenseless. (Applause.)

TARIFF DEBATE ALREADY WON. I do not intend to sp*nd any lime in the discussion of the tariff question. That debate lias been won (applause) and need not be protracted. It means that it might run on eternally upon theoretical lines. We had had some experiences, but they were historical, remote and not very instructive to this generation. We needed an experience of our own, and we have had it. (Laughter.) It has been a hard lesson, but a very convincing one, and everybody was in the schoolhouse when it was given. (Laughter.)

Mr. Dcpew (applause and laughter), whose absolute accuracy and verity when he tells a story you can all bear witness to, in telling that story of our talk on the white house steps, did an unintentional injury to my modesty. (Laughter.) I did not far a moment suppose that any of those influences that have elevated American prosperity, until the mark on the stones was higher than any other record that had been made, was at all significant or of consoquenue. As I have more than once said, it was a controversy not of men —it was not a question of what men controlled the government—it was wholly a controversy between Democratic followers and Republican followers, and, in this tariff debate, if it is to go on, we have history so fresh and recent, history so indelibly written on the hearts and minds of our people, that certain things must be admitted, and among those things is this historical fact—that in 1S92 we had the most prospurous times, the most general diffusion o£ prosperity, the most universal participation of prosperity and the highest mark of prosperity we have ever attained as a nation. (Applause.)

BUSINESS FEAR.

Now, what has happened i.ir. e? Then our business prosperity was like the strong current of tho mighty river now it is like a fading spring in an August drought. A panic in 1850 of most extraordinary character has been succeeded by a gradual drying up, less and less and less, until universal business distraction and anxiety, prevails all over our country. I do not believe that there has ever been a time, except perhaps in the very heat of some active panic, when universal business fear, and anxiety, and watchfulness, even to tho point of desperation, has characterized this great metropolis as it

EX-PRESIDENT BENJAMIN HARRISON.

floes today. (Applause.) Men have been afraid to go away for a vacation. They have felt that they must every day in this burning heat come into the city and watch their business. That is the situation. What has brought it about? Gentlemen, who is there to defend the Wilson tariff bill?' Who says it is a good tariff measure? (A voice—"Nobody.") I don't bellevq a Democrat can be found to say that it is. Mr. Cleveland repudiated it. It was so bad that he would not attach his official signa ture to it, and it became a law without it. He said it was full of incongruities and inequalities and it was a better one than lie wanted to give us. (Laughter and applause.) What has been the result of that measure? When a few years ago, during the Morton campaign in New York (applause) I discussed this question, 1 said that the old Democratic doctrine uaeil to be that the burden of our public expenses should be laid upon importations, that the tariff should provide for the cost of running our government, and I pointed out then how our Democratic friends had left that platform and were now endeavoring to obtain revenue by internal taxation rather than to allow the support of the government of the United States to be maintained upon the importation of foreign goods. INCOME TAN AND COLD RESERVE.

What has been the result? One of these experiments in internal taxation, the income tax. was held t.n be unconstitution­

al by the supreme court. So eager were our Democratic friends to relieve their embarrassment and to put directly upon our people, according to the English system, a tax to support our government, that' they passed an unconstitutional act in order to levy internal taxes and help out a tariff bill which had reduced the duties on imports. Now. what has been the effect of that? It has failed to produce revenues enough, supplemented by our internal taxes, to maintain the government. There has been tin unusual deficit, approaching $50,000,000 every year, and the national treasury has been continually in a state of embarrassment. Our manufacturers, left without adequate protection, have been successively and gradually closing up and putting out their fires. But not only has this produced such an effect, but it has practically contributed to the financial depression that we are in.

The maintenance of the gold reserve up to $100,000,000 by the government for the redemption cf our notes was essential to confidence in the stability of our finances. When the government reserve runs down, people begin at once to say: "We may come to the silver basis gold is going out: the reserve is going down," a.id this fear is greatly increased. But ho can you keep a gold reserve of $100,000,000 when you have not got J100,000,000 in the treasury ail told? How can you maintain this gold reserve for the redemption of notes when you have an annual and continual deficit in your income not equalling your expenses? So that, my friends, this tariff bill has not only contributed by increasing Importation, by taking away the needful support for our own manufactures, but it has contributed in the way of increasing the silver scare to bring us into the present condition of distrust and dismay which now prevails. (Applause.) The bond sales which have been made necessary by reason of this deficit—because, I think, everyone will agree that a financial problem is one thing when you have $300,000,000 surplus in the treasury to keep one dollar in there in gold, and quite another when you have only $125,000,000 in the treasury all told. (Applause.)

ELECTION'S IMPORTANCE. But I did not intend to follow this question further. I am quite as much, however, opposed to cheapening the American workingmon and' worlcingwomen as I am to cheapening our dollars. (Applause.) If It could be known to-night that the gallant soldier, that typical young American, that distinguished and useful statesman, William McKinley of Ohio (applause and cheers) would certainly be elected president, how the bears would take to cover on the stock exchange to-morrow. My friends, as a Republican, I am proud of many things, but I can sum up as the highest satisfaction I have had in the party ajnd its career that the prospect ot Republican success never did disturb business. (Applause.) In connection with this financial matter, do we all realize how important the choice of a president is? Do you know that as the law is now, without the passage of any free coinage of silver law at all, it is in the power of the president of the United States to bring the business of the country to a silver basis? All he has to do is to let the gold reserve go, to pay out silver when men ask for gold, and wo are there already. It is only because the presidents of the United States that wo have had, and the one wo have now, have regarded It under the law as his public duty to maintain the gold basts, maintaining that parity between our silver and gold coins.

which the law declares Is the policy of th« government, and because ho has had tha courage to exeoute the powers given to him by the resumption act to carry out that declaration of publlo law. I undertake, therefore, to say that If Mr. Bryan, or a man holding his view, were In the presidential chair, without any legislation by congress we should bo on a silver basis in a week's time. (Applause.)

CLEVELAND'S WILD HORSES. Three or four years ago, when I was In New York, some one of these reporters, who sometimes hear things that are not Intended for th&m, got hold of a remark of mine about the wild horses that Mr. Cleveland had to handle, and I simply meant by that what has been since demonstrated—that he did not have a compact or solidified party behind him, that the Democratic party in congress represented every shade of every ism that had ever been propounded in the country, and that ho would not manage It. My prophecy has become a verity. They have left him. They abandoned him. And now, as that caution was meant to Indicate that we needed to look out after our congress as well as our president, this caution is Intended to show you at this time that we need to look after our president if we would avoid the calamity of having this country put upon tho Mexican basis of money. The silver question—what is It? Do wo want silver because we want more money, a larger circulating medium? I haven't heard anybody say so. Mr. Bryan is not urging it upon that basis. If anybody were to seek to give that as a reason for wanting free silver he would be very soon confounded by the statement that free silver would put more gold out of circulation than the mints of the United States could possibly put in in years of silver, and that instead of having more money we would have less. (Applause.) With six hundred and odd millions of gold driven out of circulation, we will reduce tho per capita money of this country between eight and nine dollars. So it is not for more money. We have an abundant supply of circulating medium—gold, silver, national bank paper, greenbacks, treasury notes, fractional silver. We have something like $23 per capita of our poulation. What is it then that creates this demand for silver? ARE CHEAPER DOLLARS WANTED'

It is openly avowed: It is not more dollars. but cheaper dollars that are wanted. It Is a lower standard of value that they are demanding. They say gold has gone up until It has ceased to be a proper standard of values, and they want silver. But how do they want it? Now, my friends, there is a great deal of talk about bimetallism, of the double standard, and a great deal of confusion In the use of those tern,o. Bimetallism is the use of the two metals of money where thoy are both used. B- a double standard they mean that we shall have a gold dollar and a silver dollar, which Ehall be units of value by which a'l property and all wages and everything is to bo measured. Now. our fathers thought that when they used these two metals in coinage tliev must determine the intrinsic relative valvs of the two, so that a comparison of the markets of the world would show just what relation one ounce of silver bore to one ounce of gold. How many ounces of silver it took to be equal to an ounce of gold in the markets of the world, where gold and silver were used, and they carefully went about ascertaining that. Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton gave their great powers to the determination of that question, and they collected the market reports, and they studied with all theirpower that question, and when they had found •what appeared to be the general and average relative value of these two metals they fixed upon a ratio between them. Now, what was the object of all that? Why did they lump all? Because they fully understrod, unless these dollars were of the same inherent, intrinsic value, that both of them could not be standards of value and b»t«h could not circulate. (Applause.)

Why, every boy knows that it is essential that the length of his stilts below the tread shall be the same. (Laughter.) What is the law that governs here? It is just this simple law of human selfishness and self-protection—that if you have two things, either one of which will pay a debt, and one Is not as valuable as tho other, you are sure to give the least valuable one. (Laughter.) It is just upon the principle that a man who can pay a debt with one dollar won't give two—precisely that. So that unless these two things maintain approximately the relative value, and that 16 ounces of silver is worth one ounce of gold, you cannot make such dollars circulate together. The one that is more valuable the man will keep in his pocket or sell it to a bullion broker, and every one will use the other. It is an old law, proclaimed in England by Gresham, that the cheaper dollar drives the better one out. (Applause.) It has been ilustrated in our history repeatedly. It has been illustrated in the history of every commercial nation in the world, and anybody of half sense could see why it is so. (Laughter.) You might just as well say that if we had two kinds of bushels, if the law should declare that 60 pounds of wheat was a bushel and 30 pounds of wheat was a bushel—well, what farmer would deliver wheat by the GO pound measure if he had sold it.by the bushel? (Applause.)

NICETY OF RATIOS.

Now, so nice were our people In trying to adjust this that they went into decimal fractions. Why say 16 to 1? In fact, that is not the ratio. It is 1S.9S8 plus. Now, that is the actual ratio. It is so near 16 that we call it 16, but the men who made our silver dollar and our gold dollar wero so nice in their calculation that they went into decimal fractions in thousandths to adjust it accurately. Now, what do these people propose to do? To take any account of thousandths? No. When tho markets of the world fix the relative value of silver or gold at 31 ounces of silver to one ounce of gold, they propose to say 16. (Laughter.) Well, my friends, that thero has been notlJng more amusing, and yot I fear that with the thoughtless it may havo been in some measure misleading.

Then tho repeated declaration of Mr. Bryan that everybody admitted that bimetallism was a good thing—there is no debate on that subject and that debate of the campaign has come down to this fine petal t: The Republicans say that we cannot have this good thing without the consent of England, and we say we can have it ourselves, and he has endeavored to pivot this great campaign, with its tremendous issues, upon that pinholo.