Crawfordsville Weekly Journal, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 6 September 1866 — Page 2

I

ISC6.

SEPT.

THURSDAY,

UNION STATE TICKET.

For Attorney Genera.!,

DlSLANA E. WILLIAMSON.

Tor Secretory of State, NELSON TIIUSLEE.

For Auditor tf State,-'

THOMAS B. McCAKTY.

For State treasurer,'

GEN. NATIIAN KIMBALL.

Fur Superintendent of Public Instruction, GEOBGE W. If OSS.

For Congress 8(h !Isf., GODLOYE S. OETII.

Uii ion County Ticket.

For Representative,

Cai-T. E. P. McCL.ASKEV. For Treasurer, ROBT. K. MYRICK.

F.~r Sheriff",

J. N. McC O.N NELL.

For Commissioner, JOHN GAINE6.

For Coroner,

u. m. sco rr. For Surveyor,

ALBERT JENN KSON.

For Assessor—Union Township, JAMES'OWEN'S.

Equal Representation.

Mr Purdue, in his platform, says lie is in faror of a system of equal representation. Last week wo asked him if he thought it a system of equal representation for South Carolina to havo seven members in Congress on the samo voting population that gives tho Stii and 9th Districts in Indiana only (too. His answer is as follow*: "Mr. Purkcf. thinks if negroes arc counted in the apportionment forreprcsentation in Congress, and in tho electoral collegc, in- Indiana, the apportionment to bo 'unifonu and equal,' should apply as we 11 to South Carolina as Indiana."

Then if tho stump3 in Illinois wero counted as & basis of representation, they ought to bo counted in Indiana, to niako the apportionment "uniform and equal." But, wo apprehend, Illinois being a prairie Stale, with comparatively few stumps, would think this a very curious system of "equal representation." And, by tho way, can Johnny Punni'K tell why there is any more sfcnso in counting negroes, who constituteno more part of the body politic than stumps, than there ^rould be in counting the stumps a3 a basis of representation? If ho can, we wish ho would.— If one Stats was all prairie and another very full of stumps, like Indiana, would a system of representation based on stumps bo a system of "fair and equal representation?" If not, how can he make it appoar that a system based on negroes who aro excluded from all participation in the affairs of government, is a system of "fair and equal .representation Wenpprchciid he cannot at all. If he can we wish ho would.

Mr. Pcbdur says our demand for a system of fair and equal representation, together with some other things, is what is exasperating the South, «xciting mobs," &c. What a pity. Thou wo suppose wo bad betu-r eeuso onr demand. It excited a very big mob and caused a considerable amount of exasperation when wo exercised our right to rote as we pleased in I860 and elect Mr. Lincoln President. Is Mr. Purdue sorry he holpcd to do it? Has he determined ho will never "exasperato" the Southern rebels ng&in by voting contrarv to their dictation? Wo believe ho has.

Mr. Purdue's Visit.

Mr.

Vup.duk,

the no-party candidate for Con­

gress in this District, was in the pity-last Friday in consultation with the copperheads. Somebody got a fine carriage and four fino horses to haul Uncle Johnny to the depot—it is hinted that he furnished tho money himself lor this aristocratic display—a crowd of eight or ten rnpporbcads and some forty or fifty Republicans followed this eplendid showdown the street, hut

Not a drum was heard, not a choering note, As his form to tho depot they hurried Not a man give vent to a farewell shout,

At the place where Johnny was carried. Arriving at tho depot, Mr. Purdue made fpeecb, in response to a tune from the Band, as follows: "Friends, I am proud of this demonstration. Aheinl The approaching election! —ahera .'—is the most important ever held in the

Wabash Yallov. Ahem I Having said thus much—ahem 1—I will put ou inv hat." And scon after, tho train moved off with all the mortal and immortal parts of Unclo Jonx.vr.

Tlie Rally at Attica.

The grand Soldiers' Raliy, at Attica, came off en Wednesday, and is reported to have been one of the largest and most enthusiastic meetings e\ or held in tho State. The crowd numbered at least ten thousand, and many estimated it much higher. It was so large, it was hard to estimate it. Gan. John A. Logan spoke for sorae three hours. He •was surrounded on all sides by a dense mass, as far as ho could ho heard at all, and Thousands •wero unable to.get near enough to heara-word.— During the wholo time ho spoke-, scarcely an ej in ihc' vast nudionco vras cvor turned from him.— -Flo'held-them firm last.

:"«m- GEN. MANSOX.' A correspondent writing from Leav-1 till tho timp of .Gen. Jackson, •onworth,

Indiana, says:

At night Gen. Manson orated at the ?court houso. Ho commenced with a goodly audience, which grew small by degrees and beautifully less as ho proceeded. The only visible effect that ,:wo know of Gen. M's visit having made in this county is a very porceptible diminution of an articlo known inthis section as "Old Bourbon

appearances they are likely to

conscientiously stand and. battle right, justice and humanit}v.\-fo",i'

fiSgrGen. Grant and Admiral Farragut, we notice, loft A. Johnson & Co.. at Cleveland. Thev aro^ Detroit.

fi@"Tho proceedings of -the South-1 party. The committee, however, incrn Unionists' Convention, now in ses- I stead o^ preparing an address for adopsion at Philadelphia, have, so far, been by tho convention, reported the following: very harmonious and from present

present

a platform upon which every loyal

SPEECH of P, S. KENNEDY, Esq., before UievtJatioii Chih, at tp&e Court House iu.Crawrordsvillc, on the evening of Seypt. 1, '66.

Fellow-Citizens: I am not hero tonight t:Q indulge in mere invective and vituperation against any man or political party. 1 shall try to bear in mind, a? pass along, and govern my,solf as far as possible by the beautiful sentiment.of the good old hyran:ofDr. Watts

•"Let love through all your actions run. And all v.our words be mild."

I adopt the language of the Apostle, and oay to our opponents, '-Come let us- reason together/' The i.su^ bofore the peoipio ai?e too momentous—r too full of weal Or woe-'to ihe present and futu.ro"'4generations, foV trifling sppech. They demand calmness, deliberation, dignity, and above all, firmness on t!io part of the Union men of the conn I r\.

Gentlemen When a person applies to any of you fur situation as clerlq^alesman. superintendent, agent, or even a common farm hand or jour-

noyraan medianie, y.on. a ,.oniro institute a rigid'inquiry into hisjeharaelcryou want to know all about'his antecedent acts. You want to know whether ho has been an honest, fair-dealing, candid, just and law abiding citizen.— Tf you find ho has hot, you refuse him :a situation. Your interest demands that you should. Why should the peopie not pursuo tho same course when a political organization applies to them for a situation at the head of the Government, whero they aro to have unlimited authority over all our interjests? Our welfare as a people demands that we should and now that the Democratic party is again importuning tho peoplo for their votes— clamoring for power and authority over the public affairs of tho country,

I propose to-night, to mako a slight examination of history. It is only by knowing what it has done in tho past that wo can with anj certainty determine what it will do in tho future.— In making this oxatnination, I will state no fact that any well-informed Democrat will deny. The public must bo tho judges as to whether tho inferences I shall draw, are justified by tho facts. '. V-:

Mr. Jefferson, tho alleged father of the Democratic party, came into the Presidential chair in 1801, upon the principle of a strict construction of the Constitution. It was said by tho Jefferson party that the Federal party, at tho head of which had stood General "Washington, had done acts in violation of. the Constitution, under the claim of a right to exercise implied powers as well'as those specifically granted. The right to exercise any authority by virtue of a merely implied power, was wholly denied by Mr. Jefferson and 'his supporters. Thoy said the officers of the government were to look to the Constitution for their authority, and if no specific grant of power could be found in that instrument, thoy could not act. Upon this theory of the Constitution tho Democratic party first came into power. What was tho first great act of tho party after its accession to authority? The purchase of Louisiana.— Where was the specific, or even implied grant of power in tho Constitution It no whero existed. Mr. Jefferson acknowledged it. In a letter to Mr. Breckinridge ho said: ''The Constitution has made no provision for our holding foreign territory, still less for our.-incorporating foreign nations into' our Union. Tho executive, in seizing the fugitive occurrence which so much advances the good of their country, have done an act beyond the Constitution." I do not speak of this to complain of the purchase of Louisiana. Circumstances perhaps justified it. But I speak of it to show that tho Democratic party commenced its career, by making professions before the people whilo seeking their suffrages, upon which thoy very unceremoniously turned their backs after they had got. into power. After coming into power on tho principle of a strict construction of the Constitution—the denial of the right to exerciso implied powers—they step entirely outside of the Constitution—both its lotter and its spirit—and do an act that they themselves acknowledge to bo a "plain, palpable, violation" of that instrument, undgrythe assumption that necessity demanded it. All this was done, too, by the same school of politicians that denounced tho late martyred President so bitterly for doing acts alleged to bo "beyond the Constitution," notwithstanding those acts wero universally acknowledged to be '-necessary" to the preservation of the government.

What next do wo find in tracing the history of tho Democratic party?— i,There was no very great excitement no very well-defined lines between the I two parties from the time of tho close of Mr. Jefferson's last administration

There-

was no such--thing-as a party convention or party platform, and scarcely a paHy. Opposition to tho war of 1812 had destroyed all parties but the war party, just as opposition to the late war has destroyed all but tho party which supported the war. In 1832 the first Inational Conventioivwas held. Gen. Jackson was nominated. A committee was appointed to prepare an address to the people setting forth the objects and aims of the Donrocraiic

1

I Resolved. That it bo recommended to

tJl0 sevcl 0 de eg alions in lhj

tion aC0

man, bo ho Northern or Southern, can i£rom this body to the peoplo of the "'United States, to make such explanations by address, report, or otherwise, 'to their respective constituents, of the j&irGov. Morton and Senator II. S. object, proceeding* -find, result of the

for

Lane, were among the speakers-at tho meeting of the .Northern delegates in front of lhe Couit^ousc..in Philadelphia. on Tuesday.

Conven-

of a Gonoral Address

meeting, as they may deem expedient." -'iThis was the only resolution adopted by the Convention. What was the purposo of this extraordinary course? Simply that tho objects and aims of the party might be stated to bo one tho groat movement commenced in the thing in ono locality and different]Souii,) Ik quietly announced ihat ho things in others. In Pennsylvania t-iie hnd no power undet- mv Constitution

succeeded. And it is not the only instance in which they secured tho VQtos, of diveree parties by such miserable schemes of deception. They did the same thing in l.S-lt, when Polk find Clay were the opposing uarididatcs for' the Presidency. It was splendid stratagem, I admit, but hardly warranted think by the rules'of manly-candor, and fair dealing. I come.now to 1840, when the first Democratic platform was adopted. In that' platform 1 find the following resolution 2}e$ol.Md,

It has professed to bo tho peculiar and only trust worthy friends of the Constitution as mado by Washington, Madison and Hamilton, and 3-et, from the very origin of the party, it has been engaged in schemes and secret plottings for the utter destruction of tho wholo fabric of our Government, which finally resulted in an open, and most gigantic insurrection, whose avowed object was tho overthrow of the Constitution, and tho adoption of a new form of government, whoso corner-stone should be human slavery. When the Constitution had been made and submitted to the peoplo for their ratification, those who belonged to tho present Democratic schools most sternly and bitterly opposed its adoption.— They opposed it because it was a "consolidation of the Union" instead of a mere confederation of independent States and from that time to tho present, they have not ceased to prate about tho sovereignty of the States, and the great danger of a consolidated Union.

In 1798-9, they tried to undermine tho Constitution by the celebrated Virginia and Kentucky resolution, which taught the right of nullification and secession. In 1830 these resolutions were again brought beforo th6" country by the Democratic school, as a justification to South Carolina in her attempt to nullify the tariff. General Jackson, on account of a personal quarrel with Calhoun, took strong ground against the nullifiers, but a large majority of the Democratic party sympathized withCalhoun,aud stood firmly by him.

Mr.'-Young,' in his work on American politics, whose authority will not be disputed,• says "Was nullification a di-s(in6tive

rdoctrino

party could advocate a: tariff, as one of|to preserve the 'Government it|, principles, while in South Carolina overthrow. Mr. Jefforstm could step they jjVuicTopposo it, and thus get the outside of the Constitution to purchase vp^es"of'-both the advocates and oppo-1 slave territory, but Mr. Buchanan nehts of, :a protective policy. Theyfcoiild ljeUlvefr' frjid the,-authority ip the

That the liberal principles

embodied by Jefferson in the declaration ot Independence and sanctioned in the Constitution, which makes ours the land of liberty and tho. asylum of tho oppressed of every nation, have ever been cardinal principles, in the Democratic faith.'''

At tho very time this resolution was adopted the Democratic party was literally owned, managed, manipulated by, and dependent for its power, on the most gigantic and cruel despotism that then existed in the world. Every pulsation of its heart was in unison with that of tho great slave powor of tho country which crushed down a whole race, manacled human limb3 for no crimo but color, and publicly sold human" beings as chattels upon the auction block, and which, by public law and local custom denied every right of humanity to three millions of human beings created in the imago of God. While professing before tho people tho principles that all men aro entitled to '-life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness," they wero engagod in schemes for tho annexation of slave territory and the extension of slavery and the increase of tho slave power until it should hold undisputed sway over tho wholo country. With this public declaration in favor of the liberal principles embodied in tho Declaration of Independence, it has always been the subservient minion of the advocates. and upholders of human slavery. I assert without the least, fear of successful contradiction that thero never has been a contest in this country between the advocates of liberty and tho friends of slavery, in which tho Democratic party did not cast all its powerful influence into the scales against those who truly adhered to the principles embodied in tho declaration of Independence and sanctioned in the Constitution. And when the last great contest came in 1861, true to its an cient practices, but false to all its declared principles, it- took sides with slavery. Mr. Buchanan, a Democratic President and tho most pliant tool the slavo power of the country over got in its hands, sat asleep in his easy chair while our arsenals were plundered by Democratic officials and our forts seized by Democratic army officers all in the interest of slavery and despotism. After all this, who is willing to trust the Democratic party again

of the Jackson

party? /We are not aware that any Senator disclaimed the avowal of Mr. Rowan that these wero tho distinctive doctrines of tho Democratic party. This avowal, and the tacit consent which it received irrthe Senate, and tho prompt •response to it, of leading men and presses of the administration party, •who hailed tho views of State Eights expressed by Mr. Hay no, as 'the true Democratic doctrine,' for the dofenso of which the Democrats of tho Union owed him adebtof gratitude, indicate a recognition of them as party doctrines."

In 1852, the Democratic National Convention adopted these resolutions as "the main foundation of its political creedl" And everybody at all informed, now knows it was done to pave the W.ay to the secession of 1861.

If'the great Democratic party could be induced to openly commit itself in favor of the..-.right of secession and nullification, tho Southern politicians supposed they would have an easy time of it when they should take up arius to make secession good! Thewhole DcraflfiKSJiifi^jirty of the Korth, by the adoption ot this resolution, pledged tho South to stand by it if it sbGufd' attempt to secede. Mr. Bnchanan- understood, the jpleclg&'and whei

Constitution, nor go outside of it to intorferc with the plans and schemes of the secessionists^ and their open, armed assaults on tho Constitution Now, my fellow-citizens, this same party—thissamo school of politicians, whose history I have beon rehearsing to-night, are asking you for your suf-frages-^-asking you to place them at the head of the Government.again.— If you are wise, you will not do it.— [f 3'ou valuo tho free institutions under which we li.ve, you will spuru them from you as you would one affected witji th 0 leprosy.

There is another distinguishing featuro about tho Democratic school I do not like. It has always given encouragement to palpable violation of law. It has never rested easy under the salutary restraints of legitimate authority, if that authority happened to be exercised by others. It has been a party of expedients and shifts, with no ultimate object in view but the spoils of office and the perpetuation of its own authority and power. It was ono of the idiosyncrasies of Mr. Jefferson, that a peoplo cotHtl ijot maintain their liberties without frequent insurrections and revolutions. He said no nation should long bo without a rebellion. This singular position assumed by Mr. Jefferson debauched tho wholo Democratic party, and wo find it thro'out its history, inciting and.encouraging, if not openly engaging in riots, mobs, and rebellions. Mr. Jefferson and those of his school of politics opeVily apologized for Shays' rebellion in Massachusetts, and thought tho National Government did wrong in aiding to suppress it. Tho Democratic partv of Rhode Island, in 1840, under the lead of Mr. Dorr, a prominent Democrat, commenced a rebellion against the State Government 011 account of what they alleged to be an inequality in tho basis of representation, and a denial of tho right of suffrage to a certain class of citizens.— This revol S grew to such dimensions that the general government had to send the regular troops to suppress it. Dorr was arrested and convicted of treason. Thero was no doubt of his guilt, but the very moment the Democratic party of that State came into power hewas released from prison and the record of his conviction even expunged from the journals of the court which tried him, by a Democratic Legislature, as if determined to make fidelity to legal government stink in the nostrils of the people, and the word traitor outshine tho noon-day sun.

When that parly has had an object to accomplish, no constitutional forms or legal restraints that stoud b^u-veen it and its object, have been the lease regarded. They could burst the bonds of°tho Constitution, as Mr. Jefferson did in the purchase of Louisiana, with as much facility as a giant would snap tho web af a spider. The Democratic party was responsible for all the mobs, violence and blood shed in the early settlement of .Kansas. This is no longer denied. A determination had been formed in tho councils of that party to make Iian&as a slave State at all events and but for the defection of Mr. Douglas, tho Lecompton Constitution establishing slavery, would have been forced on the people of tho Territory, after four-fifths of tho legal voters had cast their, suffrages against it. These things are fre.sh in tho minds of ali, and I need not go over them in detail. They form Ono of tho darkest pages in our history, and the calm, public judgement of the world has already fastened the responsibility for it upon the Democratic party, where it rightfully belongs.

For the late terrible riots and horrible murders in Memphis and New Orleans, nobody will deny that the falsely so-called Democratic element in our country is wholly responsible. [Mr. K. here spoke in deatail of those riots, and showed how President John son had-deliberately committod a forgery b}-suypressing a portion of Gen. Sheridan's dispatches in reference to the New Orleans riot to deeoive and mislead the public in reference to that horrid transaction.]

To cover up and hido tho effect of Ins expressed sympathy-with the rioters, he resorts to a mean, contemptible forgery of an official dispatch from Gen..Sheridan, in which he had characterized the riot as a cold-blooded murdder, without excuso 01* apology. This part of the dispatch was deliberately stricken out by the hands of the President, and tho balanco handed ov6r to the correspondent of the New York Times to telegraph to his paper. After this, what honorable man can defend Andrew Johnson? What true man in all the country is not utterly ashamed 'bf'such conduct? Conduct shat would bo a disgraco to tho lowest political trickster in all the land.

But, it is said, the Democratic party is no moro, that its long continued sympathy with slavery, its cringing to the arrogant aristocracy of the South, and its now undonied complicity with the rebellion, have so covered it with disgrace that all havo abandoned it that a convention has assembled and formally renounced its name and abjured its heresies. I' beseech gentlemen who talk thus, not to deceive themselves, nor suffer others to deceive them. Names may be changed, the body may be disguised to some extent by new and unusual apparel, but the town who assumes tho new name and -PrUts on the. .new apparel, is, nevertheless, the same man ho was before—his nature, his feelings, his opinions and principles are not eh an god by the change pf name and -garb,The men -who composed the "Philadelphia Convention were Democrats, raised and "tftttght in tho Democratic school of "•pft£ruoi:,"-and. they cannot, if they .frould,' throw aside the,opinions, principles and prejudices of a life:timo.— It is, after all, essentially the same

Democratic party it always has boon-and-the papers all over tho South while they support the Convention in

A'.

ts secret purposes and objects, openly denounce its public utterances' While the Convention denounces

Wrong,

Mr. Kennedy next spoke of tho con­

stitutional amendment: ,?-i

Tho provision in the Constitution as it now stands which fixes the basis of representation was a' compromise between tho slave-holding and non-slave-holding States." It was a question in tho Convention whether slaves should be regarded as persons and made a basis of representation,

Union ticket, appeasing his conscience on the ground that he being a citizen, and perhaps having beepva soldier too, had a right to vote, he would be arrested by the very men who profess to believe in this argument, taken into court, and Joseph E. McDonald and the other Democratic stumpers who make the argument, would there contend that he had violated the law by voting beforo I10 was "of age—that the fact of his citizenship did not confer the right to vote, and that he ought to bo convicted.

Mr. Kennedy here quoted authorities showing that citizenship did not Confer the right to vote, among which was'ri decision by Judge Gaston, of the Supreme Court-, of Norths Carolina, which reads as follows: "Slaves',- manumitte'd Uierei became freemen, and therefore, if bom within Nortlv.Carolina, aro citizens of North Carolina, and all free persons born with•in the State are born citizens of the State.

The Constitution extended the elective franchise to every freeman who bad arrived at the age of twenty-one, and imid a public tax: and it is a matter of universal notoriety-, that, under it-,'tree persons, without regard to l-v.-^r/jlaip-

1 gfe§:-

•KkBHHi

stho

doc­

trine of State sovereignty, the life-long hQ.bby of the Democratic party, and plants itsolf on the old Whig and Hepublican principle of National sovereignty and State subordination, there were not a dozen men in tho Convention who, to-day, do-not believe in the heresies that led to tho rebellion but, if the}' are sincere in their repudiation of the former doctrines of tho Democratic, party, it amounts to an admission that the Democratic party has always been

and the Whig and

Republican parties right, and is it not" the part of wisdom to trust those first who have always been right, rather than the party that has been wrong according to its own acknowledgement, and now attempts to gain the popular fa vor by assuming tho principles of its opponents.1' If the Democratic party of 1860 had adopted the principles of the Philadelphia Convention we should havo had no rebellion and no war. Well may it renounce its principles after they have led to such fearful consequences, but the people will demand some evidence of its sincerity beforo trusting it with authority again,

01*

whether they should be treated as property and made a basis of taxation. It had already boon agreed that taxation arid representation should be fixed upon the same basis. To mako them a basis of representation alone, would be vei\y unfair towards the non-slave-hoiding States. To count them as property alone, and make them a

basis of taxation, it was argued, would

burden the South with an undue proportion of taxes. After much discussion, it was determined that as a basis of both taxation and representation, they would "count the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, (apprentices,) exclude Indians who wore not taxed, and add three fifths of all other persons"—that is three fifths of the slaves. Now, there never having been any direct taxes levied, the North, of course, never received any of its anticipated benefit from this compromise, while the South, from the beginning, has held an undue power in Congress by virtue of this basis of representation and tho hardship upon the North has been growing worse and worse as slavery was extended and the slave population increased—a thing that was not. anticipated when the compromise was made. The result of the rebellion—the emancipation of all the slaves—has made it still worse,, for now, instead of counting three-fifths only of the slaves, they will all be counted, for they are now all "froo persons." Thero are now some four millions of persons in the South who, before tho war, wero slaves. Twofifths of these will be ono million, six hundred thusand. This, added to the present basis of representation, wili give the Southern States about thirteen additional representatives in Congress, when she already has two-fifths more members in proportion to her voting population than the freo States. Nobody can say this is right. Nobody dotj,s say it is right. But it is urged by our opponents, as a reason for opposing the constitutional amend.ment, that its adoption will confer the right of suffrage upon the negro in Indiana. It was first assumed that the amend merit would simply be a bribe to the States to confer the right to vote on the negroes, because, whoever wili take the trouble to read the amendment proposed, will find out from its own language that the right to confer or deny suffrage is left with the States. The amendment sa}'s: "If the States deny the right of suffrage, to negroes, they shall not be counted as a basis of rep.iesentation." This is all. Does not this make it as clear as words can mako it, that the States are to regulate the matter?. To confer suffrage on, or deny the elective franchise to whom they may choose? Most certainly it does. TI10 argument our opponents makes, is that the first section of the amendment makes negroes citizens of the United States, and that this, of its own force,, confers the right of suffrage. They contend that citizen and voter are synonymous terrh^N^Every lawyer. in the Slate of Indiana'knows that this is an erroneous assumption- it is not denied that young-men of.Eighteen or twenty are citizens of this •State, and citizens of tho United States, if born.here. If ono of these young men should go to the polls at the on--suing election and cast a vote for the

ed and exercised the franchise, until it was taken from free men of color a few years since by our amended Constitution."

Under this decision, free negroes were, citizens of North Carolina in every sense of tho word, and voted as other persons and the correctness of Judge Gaston's opinion has never been questioned by any authority save that of the Dred Scott decision which has been kicked among tho rubbish of the law, and become as infamous as any decision of tho tyrrannical and inhuman Jeffries, or the Star Chamber court of England. The Constitution speaks of natural born citizens,.and provides that none others shall be eligible to the office of President. Thus to be eligible to that high office, the applicant must havo been a citizen the first hour of his existence. According to the Democratic theory, every ono who is eligible to the'office of President had alright to vote tho minute after he was born. If ho was not a citizen when born, he would not be elibible to tho Presidency. If a citizen ho would have the right to vote if his mamma would carry him to tho polls. Such is the ridiculous, but legitimate result of this great Democratic argument that conferring citizenship on a person makes him a voter. Tho whole argument is base trifling with a grave subject that, merits a candid and dignified 'consideration at the hando of a free people.

But President Johnson says now is not a proper time to amend tho Constitution. I take retrospective appeal from Andrew Johnson drunk, to Andrew Johnson sober. What did he say in his speech accepting the nomination for Yico President: "I conclude that Governments can and ought to be changed and amended to conform to the wants, &c. of the people, and tii0 enlightened spirit of the ago.— Now, if any of your secessionists have lost- faith in man's capability for self government, and feel unfit for the exercise of this great right, (the right

,i a. m. i_ x.

t0

amend tho Constitution), go straig

to rebeldom, take Jeff. Davis, Beauregard, and Bragg for your masters, and put their collars on your necks. And let me say, NOW IS THE TIME to secure these fundamental principles, whilo the land is rent with anarchv, and upheaves with the throes of a mighty revolution, ivhile society is in tim disordered state, and we are seeking security, let us fix the foundations of the Government on principles of eternal justice iChich icill endure for all time."

Yes, I appeal from the decision of Andrew Johnson the copperhead, to Andrew Johnson the LTnion candidate for Vice President—I appeal from Judas to "Moses."

TAXATION OF NATIONAL BONDS. FT A question is made by the Democratic party in reference to tho taxation of National Bonds. The bonds heretofore issued aro not subject-to State or municipal taxation and it is claimed, that this is a great hardship on the people who own none of these bonds—that it is exompting the rich from taxation and imposing additional burdens upon the poor. Let us see how tho taxing of these bonds will mend tho matter. I tako it that the question as to the taxation of the bonds already issued, is "settled. The Supreme Court of tho United States has decided they cannot bo taxed, as the law now stands and that for Congress to permit their taxation by an amendment of tho law, would bo a gross and damaging violation of the Nation's pledge to its creditors and as the Philadelphia Convention adopted a resolution in favor of maintaining the national faith by a full payment of our public debt, tho issue as to the taxation of these bonds seems to bo abandoned b}" our opponents. Then the question is narrowed down matorially. and wo have only to inquire as to the effect of permitting the taxation of bonds to be issued in the future for tho purpose of funding our present debt. The great wealth of this country is in the New England States. The bonds now issued are mostly owned there.— When these bonds mature, that is, when our present debt becomes due, wo shall not be able to pay it Only by negotiating new loans. New bonds will havo to be issued and sold. Now, supposo that Congress, in authorizing the issue of these new bonds, should provide that the States may tax them to the amount of three per cent., what would bo tho effect? At the present rate of interest we are paying, they, of course, would not sell at par. Secretary McCulloch has already announced that to onablo him to sell bonds taxablo three per cent, by the SL.les, thoy would have to bear eight per cent, interest, and, in a]J probability, more. Who, then, would derive any benefit from tho taxation of these new bonds. While Indiana would bo taxed her full proportion to.pay tho additional interest on tho now bonds, the taxes from the bonds would mostly go into tho treasuries of the New England States, whero tho bonds would be mostly owned and thus, in effect, the people of Indiana would be taxed to pay the local debts of tho Eastern States, ff any one thinks we havo not taxes enough of our own to pay, and that we ought to be further taxed to aid in paying the public debt of Massachusetts, let him vote for tho taxation of future issues of National bonds, and if enough -voto with him, it will bo so ordered. It will matter not to the holder of the new bonds, whether thoy! are taxed or not. If thoy are not tax ed, ho will get five or six per cent. if they aro he will get eight or ton per cent.—it will, be all the S£imo to him, whether it is ono way or the other.— The only ones to be injuriously effected by the taxation, ar-e tho people of the States which will not' lrotd their full proportion of,"tho now bonds^and no western State'wW. They will be mainly owned by capitalists in ^the East and in Europe. This, -overy one ,|jnows. It is useless to attempt to disguise the fact that the question in reference Co the taxation of these bonds is raised to create a prejudice in

iilffirlj

Union party is dead. It is not dear. It is as full of life, and vigor, and manhood as it was when it crushcd the great rebellion against the Union aud the Constitution. Its mission is not yet fulfilled, and it cannot yet die.— Not until every yoke of oppression shall have been brokon and every tear of oppesscd humanity dried, will its great ^destiny bo fulfilled. When the flag of liberty inscribed with the words of tho Declaration of Independence that "all men aro endowed with the right to life, liberty, and the puc^ suit.of happiness,''shall wave over tho Emerald Isle, and every other people on earth in peace and security: then it may die, and die decently but it may will leave which tho will forever gaze with admiration.

a name and record upon whole liberty-loving world

fiou. John Ptsi'tlae.

This gentleman, who is runniug as a,r. independent candidate for Congress, wiil reeeivo the sunport of all good and trae National Union men iu the District.—Review.

Tho Reticle, of course, means only tho3» "good and true Jfational'tnion men," whose "financial circumstances" are different from wuht they were a few weeks ago.

The captain r.f the slavo-ship, V.'ftn-larnr, has recoivcd 'in appointment iii the Now York Cusiom House. Lufaycit: Joni-na'.

And Johnny Purdck supports tha rn^n &nd party that made the appointment.

"NEW ADVERTISEMENTS.

'USE PKATT &. BOTCHER'S

CELEBRATED MAGIC OILi

Warranted in ceases of Rheumatism, Neuralgia, Bruiie# or Fains.

The -Best and Cheapest Horse and Cattle Medicine In the World!

WALTER B* SLOAN'S

IMPROVED

CONDITION POWDE

THE GREAT STANDARD MEDICINE

For Horses and Cattle,

Used throughout the' United State* and Can* ados during tins Cast'23 year* For the cure of the various Diseases to which

Horses and Cattle are subject such aa Founder, Distemper, KideBound, Loss of Appetite, Inward Strains, Yellow. '"Water, Fistula, Poll Evil, Scratches or

Grease, Mange, Inflammation of the ^Eyes, and Fatigue from Hard Labor also, Rheumatism, (commonly called Stifl complaint), which proves fatal to so taany valuable horses In this country.

SLOAN'S CONDITION POWDER

Has the largest sale of any Ilorse and Cattle Medicine in this country. It is composed of horbs and roots, and for mildnoss, safety, .certainty and thoroughness, stands pre-eminently at the head of the list of Borte and Cattle Medicines.

It carries oiTall gross humors, prevents horses from becoming stifl or foundering, purifies the blood, loosens the skin, and gives it a smooth and glossy uppearanco cleanses the water and strengthens every part of the body. It is also a safe and certain remedy for coughs and colds,which generate so many fatul diseases.

Tho Cow requires to bo supplied with an abundance of food—not to make her fat—this is not desirable, but to keep up a regular secretion of milk, and all owners of cows will flud by giving them

SLOAN'S CONDITION POWDERS twice a week, a large, increase in quantity and quality of milk and cream. It carries off all fever and impurties of the blood. Tiro effect is seen -throughout the season by a rich and abundant flow of milk.

The farmer is beginning to be aware of the valuable properties of Sloan's Condition Powder, in promoting the condition of his sheep and preventing many of the diseases of all tlio domesticated animals.

49*A fifty cent packago of Sloan's Condition Powder put into a barrel of swill is better than bushel of corn to fetten a hog, and is a certain preventive of Hog Cholera, Blind Staggers, and other diseases common among hogs* CAUTION.—To protect ourselves and the publio from being imposed npon by worthless imitations, the genuine will bear the /ac»timile signature of the proprietors on the wrapper.

PRICE 25 4 60 CTS. PER PACKAG E. 'for sale by Druggists and Merchants everywhere.

P. 0. Drawer 5826.

Sole Proprietors, Chicago, II LI

AT RETAIL BY

E. J. r.ir.ford A* Dro., and K. K. Ivrout, Crawfordsvillo, lnd. [iug. i!d, 1S66—ly]

•Notice to Tax-Layers.

Notice

is iierr-by given, tiiat the

Duplicate List of Taxes for U10 City of Crawfordsvillo, for tho year 188C,, is now in my hands for collection, and fhnt if the -amounts theroon charged, aro not paid before tho third Monday in March, A. D. 1867-, a penalty of TEX per cent, will bo added.

Tho following i3 the rato of taxed for the ur 1866, for goncral purposes On each one hundred dollars worth ot property, personal and real, ?,f cts. On each poll, 75 ctdOn each dog, $1.00

Crawfordsvjllc, lnd.. Aug. 29, 1866. n51w3 VTM. BUKBRIDGE, Irons',-.

Sale of Meal Sustaie.

BY

virtue of a certain decree of tho Court of Common Pleas of Montgomery county, Indiana, tho undersigned Commissioner will soli ar. private sale on and after four weeks from tho daf hereof, all the interest of James Snafer, belnc the undivided one-tenth part of tho followiug described lands, in said county of Montgomorv, viz The southwest quarter of section ninotoo'n. township eighteen, north of range five we3t and also the west half of tho northeast quarter of tho taortlieast quarter of section thirty, in townshipeighteen, north of range five west. Said sale to. bo made subject to the life interest of Mary ijhafer. Terms of sale—cash in hand.

NOTICE

WILLIAM P. RAMEY, Commissioner.

August 30, 1866-w4. [pr feo $4 50.]

Jldministratrix'H Sale.

is hereby given that tho undersigned will sell at Public Auction, at the late residcnce of GEORGE P. TIFFANY, in Coal Crook township, Montgomery county, on

Saturday, September 8th, 1866, tho personal property of said dece'dent, consisting of Horses, Cattle, ono Wagoai anjJ 11 am».«. ono Buggy and Harness, Fanning Implements, Household and Kitchen Furniture, &c., Ac.

Terms of Salk:—A"credit of twelve months will bo giveti on all ^tubs over l'ivo Dollars, tho purchaser giving nolo with approved securityr without relief fram valuation laws: Fivo Do-i-lara-and-unSpr cash irr himd.-

Salo to^on'im&nce at 10 o'clock A. M. ELIZABETH ». TIFFANY. ADMR X. augl6w3. f?

60-i

Mariiagc ami Celibacy.

,, A's'I&bat W WXWi'jro

as®

tu© Young Men*. ALSO/Diseases,

minds ofiporant-'flwil against tho Un- prematurely.Prostr.ato tl\» VLtatPpifors, with ure

ion party, and Cor no other purpoaej whatever HOTrCHTdjr PbtUdolpt.ia, In conclusion Wo aro told that the J»n25'6Ti.

Iw&tbWtios

pHr-

and-AFRUSOS which