Crawfordsville Weekly Journal, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 19 April 1866 — Page 1

oremia-li Keeney, I

EDITOR AND PUBLISHER.

VOL XVIII.--NO.32.}

THE

JOURNAL

E KM: S

TIIE "JOURNAL" is published every Thursday, at $1,50, in advance $2 within tho year ami $2,50 aftor the expiration of tho year. No subcription discontinued until all arrearages are pi'.id, HJOBS at the option of the publisher. .in «KIMbIMWHH I li

FOR

A E I S I N

Yearly Advertising:

Quarter column 3 weeks, 2 months,

4 6 1 1 2 :$ •i 6

II al

Ono

6 1

year,

Card,

1 year, 6 months,

meets every Saturday evening, at o'clock.

HKTIIESDA ENCAMPMENT meets the ltd 3d Tuesday of each month.

5 5,00 7,00 9,00 10,00 11,00

year, 15,00 month, 8,00 months, 10,00 12,00 n,00 15,00 foe year, 25,00 month, 14,00 months, 16,00

IS,00 20,00

10,00

0,00

All tho above advertisements subject to aemi-iui-nual change, at the same rates.

Transient Advertising: All Public Sales, Transient Advertisements, &c., $J per square, for first inserticn and 50 oU. lor each additional insertion.

Crawfordsville Lodjc?j. fto. 223 I. O. O. F. 6i

P. S. KENNEDY,

attorney

OFFICE—Al residence

Law,

OFFICE NO. 4, OVKII NATIONAL BANK.

HAVINGwill

removed to CRAWFORDSVILLE, Ixi., devote Lis time exclusively to hi? profession. [apr 27 '65-.

S. V. & M. H. GALEY, DENTISTS.

OFFICE-—North side, Main street, over Brown's Drug Store,

august 3, 1S65. 17n47!y.

E N O

X^LXJCS-C3-3:^

0 S

AT Tin-: OLD STA.vn OF HENUY OTT,

WEST SIDE TIIE COURT HOUSE SQUARE,

Crawf'ordsvilie, Snd.

M. DM

S. W. PURVIANCE

STi. v.J

south-east cor-

ner Washington &• Jefferson Sts., Crawfordsville, Indiana.

mar 22 '06. m3.

ELTZR0TH HALL! TOE

ELTZROTil or "TKJIPHRASCE HAI.L," Commercial Block, Crawfordsville, having been thoroughly re-fitted and seated, is now open to tho public. For neatness and convenience, it is excelled by few Halls in the country, and will comfortably seat an audience of five hundred.— Terms reasonable. Apply to

C. W. ELTZROTIL

Jan. 25, 1806. m6.

A. D. STREIGHT,

ruilLISIIF.n

First-Class Subscription Books,

North-East cor. of Washington and Meridian sts., INDIANAPOLIS, INDIANA.

Stevenson's Popular Work,

Indiana's Eoll of Honor, WHICHbrave

graphically describes the actions of our soldiers in suppressing the great Rebellion, and vividly portrays the noble deeds of .Indiana's Patriotic Dead, is

ROW READY FOR AGEXTS.

WE desire to employ a fow good men to Canvass the State for "INDIANA'S ROLL OF HONOR." To those wishing to engnge in tho Book business this is a splendid opportunity, as there is no work now published which meets with such ready sale. The Publither desires to complete the canvass of the State soon as possible, and is prepared to offer liberal terms to competent Agents. ^5SP*WE would call the especial attention of disabled Officers and Soldiers, who have betn honorably discharged the service, to tho above.

Address, a-s above. [May 4, 1865.]

N E W I

MOFFETT & BOOE,

SUCCESSORS TO

BAIRD, MOFFETT & BOOE,

NO. 4 EMPIRE BLOCK,

Crawfordsville, Indiana,

DEALERS

in pure Drugs and Medicines, Oils,

Paints, Dye Stuffs, Perfumery & Fancy Articles, pure Wine and Brandies for medicinal purposes, Patent Medicincs also, Lamps, £j lass ware, Letter, Cap and Note Paper, Pencils, Pens, Ink, Ac., &c. •^S*We will attend to Physicians' prescriptions with promptness arid care. /73?*'VVo respectfu/lj' «o!i"it patronage from tho

Ii In a 2 1

N E W

ll'l ITU !1*

BILL OF PRICES,

"HI

-OF-

IB IF rates

-IN-

IMMENSE QUANTITIES

D. IIA.RTEI1, of tho firm of

BELL, ALEY &

CAMP

ARTER, having just

returned from making extensive purchases of Foreign AND JDomeslic ESardivtire, Cutlers/, &c., all of which being selected with greatest care and at greatly reduced prices, we confident we can OFFER INDUCEMENTS to purchasers rarely found elsewhere. Our stock is FULL and

COM-

PLETE in every department, compris25,00 45,00

Saws Table and docket Cif^!

lertj, at less prices than any other

plar-e in the town also, Spoons and

Rogers'9 PI a led WAR]? ANTED

ISreakitig- Plows, in great variety, from Sl-i to $20 a few first-rate I£oe*fl Plows for Supervisors and others also, exclusive agents for the sale of Slump Pullers and Jews SSarps, Prag' Saws and Pish Mooks, Heapcrs & Corn Poppers also, now on hand, for the spring trade, the famous Illinois twoHorse Corn Planter, and Rid" lag- PlotPS, double Shovels, i£c., &C. Having paid CASH for every dollars worth bouglit, wo propose to sell on tho SAME TERMS as LOW or LESS than .La fay cite or Indianapolis or any other western seaport. Call and see us. Xo trouble to SHOW or SELL goods.

Campbell, €la5ey &. Siartcr. No. 7 Commercial Block, Crawfordsville, Ind.

mar 23 '66. tf.

TO THEJPUBLIC!

fWe beg leave to call your attention to our stock of mens' boys' and chiidrens' Boots & Shoes, manufactured for us on the PIUMMER Patent Last. Boots & Shoes made on these Lasts, we claim, to be superior to all others, being perfectly EASY to the feet when first put on, requring no 'breaking in' process, & they are particularly adapted to the male population of the West.

We have on hand a good assortment of Ladies', Misses' and Chiidrens' BOOTS, Shoes, and Slippers, of various patterns.

We also manufacture to order, pegged and sewed Boots, Shoes, Slippers, &c.

Call, see and satisfy yourself. Yours, THO'S S. KELLEY.

February 22, 1S66.

4 Acres.

A desirable four acre lot, just outside the corporate limits of tho city of Crawfordsville, for salo at fair figures. A beautiful sito for a suburban n\'idp)iet\ Enquire at Journal office1/ [nuv2.

Works, Rakes and MSoes, oi every variety tifSattOCks, ITraees and by a calm and dispassionate review Siames Iron, J) ails, Glass,

to give

cause it is calculated to alienate him from those who elevated him to power, and who gladly have rallied around his administration to sustain him in tho principles upon which ho was elected. But, above all, sir, I regret it for liberty's sake, to secure which to ourselves and our posterity, this Government was founded. Put if the bill is unconstitutional, is unjust to the whole people, I would not have had the President to sign it. That its provisions are not unjust to the whole or any portion of the people, ami not unconstitutional, I shall endeavor to show

a n(1

Sash, Putty, Oils and Paints,\ .nou.s

of best quality, and always at lowest

taxed, are declared to be citizens of

Ulc

UniL

Tlie XJnion, in any event.

CI^Iffj WIGHTS BSBJIJ---SPEECH of April 30, 1800,

of Senator Trumbull—-IJepJy to tlie President's Veto.

[Special Dispatch to the Chicago Tribune.]

Mr. PRESIDENT:

fully share with

the President of tho United States in tho regret expressod that ho is unable to sign the bill to protect all persons in the United States in their civil rights, and secure tho means for their vindi-

cation. I regret on my own account,

because of the disappointment of the!

just expectation raised when this bill

examination of tho President's va-

oljj°^t!0ns-

figures: 'Wools, all kinds BSoriHg in the United States, not subject to •Wachines/ also. f2il Cloths for an}* foreign power, except Indians not Table and Floor SSasul and €?ilt

ho bil1

provision It was

Uu many

cc 8

vvas presented to the President, before °f

its introduction to tho Seriate. I I «J- *1:0 SIIHO, grot it on tho President's account, bo-

^°£'n9

der a

tll0S®

lections with the very first linos of the

bm whieh dccjan) aJ1 pei s(jns bonj

afJ.

:nally introduced did not contain this

believed bv myself

others, that all native born

ire, always persons, since the abolition of slavery, satisfaction

W(?

ro citizens of the United States.— This was the opinion, tho official opinion of Mr. Bates, thoAttornev General of Mr. Lincoln's administration the opinion adopted by his Administration, and acted upon since by all tho Departments of tho Executive Government, including the Secretary of State,

Secretary of State, that all persons born in tho United States were citizens of the United States, not referring, of course, to slaves slavery at that time existing in tho country.— The President does not object to the

and at prices declaration in the bill as unconstitu- I tional he does, however, say that it does not purport to declaro or confer an}- other right of citizenship than

Federal citizenship. It does not purport, he says, to give those classes of persons any status as citizens of States except that which may result from their status as citizens of the United States. The power, he adds, to "confer the right of Stato citizenship is just as exclusively with tho several Sates, as the power to declare the right to Federal citizenship is with Congress.

Now, sir, wo all know that no Stato has the authority to make a citizen of the United States. Tho Constitution of the United States vests with Congress the sole power of naturalization, and it may make a citizen of a foreigner, but no State can make a citizen of the United States of a foreigner but it is not true, sir, that when a person becomes a citizen of the United States, that he is not also a citizen of the State wherein he may be residing. On this point I will refer to a decision pronounced by tho Supromo Court of tho United Statos, delivered by Chief Justice Marshall, tho most eminent jurist whe ever sat upon the American bench. The Court says: "Tho defendant in error alleged in tho proceedings to be a citizen of the United States, naturalized in Louisiana, and residing there. This is equivalent to an averment that ho is a citizen of that Stato. A citizen of tho United States, residing in any State of tho Union, is a citizen of that State." This was the only point in tho caso. This is tho opinion of the highest tribunal in tho country, pronounced by the most eminent man who over sat upon the bench in America, but, sir, unless that authority is to be disregarded, tho President of the United States is mistaken in his law. It is not true that when a man is made a citizen of the United States ho is not a citizen of every State.

The President next alleges that the right of Federal citizenship thus to be conferred in the several excoptcd races before mentioned, is now, for the first time, proposed to bo given by law. Now, sir, this is a mistake, not of the law, but a misapprehension of fact and it will appear by the reference to which I shall call tho attention of the Senate in a moment, that the President's facts are as bad as his law.— There have been in tho United States several cases of collective naturalization by tho annexation of territories. B}- the third article of tho Convention

who has issued passports to persons of pending bill can not bo necossary color, recognizing them as citizens.— to make them such. Well, now, that It was tbo opinion of Mr. Marcy, when

tni

CRAWFORDSVILLE, IND, APRIL 19, 1866 WHOLE NO. 925

Willi

to bo found in tho sixth article

t-he treaty with Spain for the pur-

,aso

Florida, and by tho eighth ar-

treaty of 1848, with Mexi-

resolution of Congress of

March, 1845, in its admission into the Union on an equal footing with the other Slates. Collective naturalization, says the authority from whieh I quote, may also take the placo of a class of persons—natives of tho country or otherwise—who, without any act on the part of the individuals, mav

competent act of the General Government, by treaty or otherwise. .By these various treaties, resolutions and acts of Congress, it will be observed that Frenchmen. Spaniards, Mexicans and Indians liavo all been made citizens of the United States—3omo of the very classes of persons spoken of in this bill—and 3 et the President tells us that this right of Federal citizenship—as if there was such a thing as Federal citizenship as contra-distin-guished from State citizenship he tells us that it is now for the first time proposed to be given by law. If, says the President, as is claimed by many, all persons who are nativo born are, by virtuo of tho Constitution, citizens of the United States, the passage of

but- ir: tho President to learn.

i^AJKAaacia|BeaBLii 'fijfnmnrr'TinrTTTHitiCTTrcg

France, in the

ccssion of Louisiana, it is provided that tho inhabitants of tho codod territories. to bo incorporated into the United States, should be admitted as soon as possible, according to tho principle of the Federal Constitution, to tho enjoyment of tho rights, privileges and immunities of the citizens of tho United States. A provision to tho same

be mado citizens in the United States, Government, that carried on a four It is incorrect to suppose that aliens, years' war, as the result of which this as opposed to citizens, implies for- nation has had to spend more than eigners as respects tho country, in-j four hundred thousand millions of dollians arc the subjects of the United lars and as a consequence of which States but they arc not, therefore, citizens, nor can they become citizens

under the existing naturalization laws their iives upon tho battle-field and in but they may be made citizens b}' some the army hospitals—are these men to

now lor tho first time, that principle, to be found in tho very horn books of the law, that an act declaring what a law is, is one of the most common acts passed by legislativo bodies when there is no mention as to what tho law is, for their greater certainty? It is the most common thing in the world to pass a statute declaring its object My opinion is—and such was the opin- I sititn that no bill ion of the Attorney General and the

present Secretary of Stato such was tiie opinion of Mr. Lincoln's administration in all its departments, and such I believe to be the prevailing opinion in tho United States—that all native born persons not subject to foreign powers, are, by virtuo of their birth, citizens of tho United States but some disputed this hence, for greater certainty, it is proposed to pass this law.

It is aow made an objection to the passage of the law, and a reason given by tho President, which we can not approve, bccauso it is a declaratory act. But if such is not the law, says the President, a grave question presents itself—whether, when eleven of the thirty-six States are unrepresented in Congress at the present time, it is sound policy to make our entire colored population, and all other excepted classes, citizens of the United States, This is a standing objection, not urged, it seems, against all bills for the President tells us in this message, that' ho has signed some forty bills that have been presented to him. Why is it made an objection to this bill The President states no objection as applicable to this particular bill itisageneral objection that ho makes applicable alike to all bills: but if there is anything in it, no bill can pass tho Congress of tho United States until these States are represented. Well, sir, whose lault is it that eleven States arc not represented Whoso fault is it that twenty-five loyal States, which havo stood by the Union and the Constitution, are to bo deprived of their right to legislate? Sir, it is not the fault of the twonty-fivo. If the fact of some States having rebelled against the Government, is to take from the Government tho right to legislate— why, sir, then the criminal is to take advantage of his crime, and the innocent are to be punished for the guilty. Within a few days, the President has issued a proclamation, out of place, as the Senator from Novada (Stewart) seems to suppose, not that the rebellion is over, but that in certain Statos it is over.

The President docs not tell us that Texas, ono of tho States that wcro in rebellion, is in a condition to bo represented hero. Sir, if wo had to wait for

tho clevon States, must wo wait fori Tcxa.": and she has not vet been reor-

ganized has not yet been rocognized as having a republican form of government entitling her to representation. They have sent from most of those States that have undertaken to reorganize persons fresh from tho rebel Congress and from tho rebel armies— men who could not bo admitted hero, and could not take the required oath to bo entitled to their seats—and are we to wait and abstain from all legislation of a general character, as tho loyal people of thifi country would have to wait, for all necessary logisla-

by the annexation of Texas! tion, till these States shall bo admitted

to representation hero, when they refuse to send men here except those whoso hands uro dripping with the blood of loyal men. Is tho Vico President of tho rebel Confederacy and his colleague, ono of tho Senators in the rebel Congress, to come here to legislate for tho loyal people of this country? Arc the men who organized the

more than a quarter of a million of men patriotic heroes—have laid down

come hero and legislate for the loyal people of this country?

Sir, those States can only bo represented through State organizations.— All members of this body can only be elected by State Legislatures. Members of the other House can only be elected in pursuance of Stato laws.— Hence, as preliminary to any representation in either House of Congress, it must bo determined whether there is a State Government whether there is a State Legislature having authority to elect Senators, and having authority to provido laws under which representatives may bo elected. There was a time, certainly, when there wcro no such legislatures in any of these States. Thero was a timo when tho kind of Government in any of them was hostile to the Un'ted States when every member in it had abjured his allegiance to the United States, and sworn allegiance to a Government hostile to this. Will anybody pretend that when a State Government was in tho hands of the eremy, it was entitled to representation in our House of Congress?— If not, shall we not inquire whether it has got out of these hands into the hands of loyal men Sir. this propo-

is to bo passed, be

cause certain States are unrepresented —it is their own fault that they arc unrepresented—would be utterly destructive of the Government.

But the President tells us that the bill, in effect, proposes to discriminate against large numbers of intelligent, worth}- and patriotic foreigners, and in favor of the negro. Now, sir, is that true? "WliaL is the bill? Why, it declares that there shall be no distinction in civil rights between any raco or color. It declares that there shall bo no different punishment inflicted on a colored man in consequence of his color, than that which is inflicted on a white man for tho same offence. Is that a discrimination in favor of the negro and against the foreigners, in a bill the only object of wl% is to proserve equality in rights? But, perhaps it would be. said in reply to this, that the bill proposes to make a citizen of every person born in the United States, and therefore it discriminates in that respect against the foreigners. But, Mr. President, is not a white child who is born in tho United States, a citizen Is it not to be presumed that there is a discrimination hero in favor of the white infant, who is a citizen from tho moment of its birth, anu against the worthy, intelligent and patriotic foreigners who emigrate to this country? And this is suggestod by a Senator behind me. Even the child of a foreigner—the infant child of a foreigner—born in this land, is a citizen long before his father.

The President also has an objection to making citizens of Chineso and Gypsies. I am told that but fow Chineso aro born in this country, and whero the Gypsies aro born I can't tell. Like Topscy, it is questionable whether they were born at all, but "just couie." [Laughter.]

But, Mr. President, perhaps the best answer to this objection thai the bill proposes to make citizens of Chinese and Gypsies, and this referenco to foreigners—is to be found in a speech delivered in this city by a Senator occupying, I think, the seat now occupied across tho chamber by my friend from Oregon, (Williams) loss than six years ago, in reply to a veto mossage sont to this body by Mr. Buchanan, then President of the United States, returning with known as

his the

j«l SO PE

Terms:

2 00 w,

WI13',

objections what Homestead bill.

was On

PER YEAR IN ADVANCE ITIIIN THE YEAR.

that occasion the Senator to whom I have alluded said: "This idea about poor foreigners, some how or other, appears to haunt the imagination of a great many. I am constrained to say,'* said tho Senator alluded to, "that I look upon this objection to the bill as a mere quibble on tho part of the President, and as if ho was hard pressed for some excuse for withholding his approval of the measure. His allusion to foreigners in this connection, laaks to me more like ad coptoadum of tho mere politician or demagogue, than a grave and sound measure to be offered by tho President of tho United States" in a veto message upon so important a measure as the Homestead bill.

Mr. Sumner—Who was the Senator? Mr. Trumbull—That is the language of Senator Andrew Johnson. [Great laughter.] It is perhaps the best answer though I should hardly have ventured to have used such harsh language in referenco to the President of the United States, as to accuse him of quibbling and demagoguing, and playing tho mere politician in sending a veto message to tho Congress of the United States.

The President also makes some other allusions in this bill, of the same character. Ho speaks of the impropriety of marriages between whites and blacks, and theu goes on to say: "1 don't Kay that this bill repeals the State laws on the subject of marriage." Well, then, for what purpose is it introduced in this bill? Not surely ae an ad captaindum argument to excite prejudices, or as the argument of a demagogue and politician. The Prosident further says "If it bo granted:' that Congress can repeal all State laws discriminating between whites and' blacks on the subject convened by thie bill, why, it may bo asked, may'not Congress repeal, in tho same way, all State laws discriminating between tho two racos on tho subject of suffrage and office. If Congress can declare by law who shall hold lands, who shall testify, who shall havo capacity to make a contract in a State, then Congress can also, by law, declare who, without regard to race or color, shall have the right to sit as juror or as judge, to hold any office, and finally to vote in every Stato and Territory in the United States." Tho "best answer, Mr. President, I could give to this would be the answer of Andrew Johnson himseif. He undertook to reorganize. When he did so, to whom did he extend the right of suffrage?— To the negroes? No. sir but he extended the sufirago to those authorized to vote under the h*wa of those States before the rebellion. When urged to allow loyal blacks to vote, what was his answer? That he had no power that it was unconstitutional but that he had power to protect them in their civil rights. Then, if it bo true, that tho protection of civil rights carries with it tho right of suffragc, what becomes of the position ho assumed when he extended civil rights to the negro al! through tho South, a3 I shall presently show, by orders issued by his authority, and yot refused W: to give them the right of suffrage on tho ground that he had no constitu- I tional power to do it that it was a right vested in the States, with which ho could not interfere. But, sir, tho grant of civil rights does not, and it never did in this country, carry with it political rights, or moro properly political privileges. The right to vote and hold office in tho States, dopends upon tho Legislatures of the various States. The right to hold office under the Federal Government depends upon tho Constitution of tho United Scates. The President must be a natural born citizen. A Senator or Kepresentative must havo been a citizen'of the United States for a certain number of years before eligible as a member of either this or the other House of Congress, so that tho fact of being a citizen does not qualify a person for holding office necessarily nor does it necessarily authorize them to vote. Women are citizens, children are citizens, but they do not exercise tho elective franchise by virtuo of their citizenship. To bo a citizen of tho Unitod States extends the same rights. What are they?—

sir, they are those inherited and fundamental rights which belong to every citizen and freeman in every country such as tho rights contained in this bill, and they belong to citizens in all the States of tho Union. The right of American citizenship means something. It does not mean, in case of a foreigner, that when be is naturalized, he is to be left to tho mercy of Stato legislation. He has a right when duly naturalized, to go in any State of the United Statos, and submitting to its laws, reside there and tho Government of tho United States would protect him in this right it