Crawfordsville Weekly Journal, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 5 July 1860 — Page 1
Jeremiah. Keeney, j.
EDITOR AND PUBLISHER.
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Miscellaneous,.
Jutlgc Baies' Lcilt-r In Support of iJncoln. """C
TIIK REPIBLSCAS STANDARD KI? tllER WARILY EI:LOfiISE».
ST. LOCIS, June 11, 1SOO.
O. IT. in E in If PEAR SIR:—When received your let for of May 22d 1 had no thought that, tlie answer would be
so
long delayed but, waiving ull excuses, I proceed to answer it now: Under the circumstances of (he ease it ought not to have been doubted that I would give Mr. Lincoln's nomination a cordial and hearty support.— But. in declaring my intention to do so, it is due to myself to state some of the facts and reasons which have a controlling influence over my mind, and which think ought to l.e pursuasivc arguments with some other men, whose political opinions and antecedents arc, in some important particulars, like my own.
There was no good ground for supposing that I felt any pique or di.-3ati.-f'su ?i'in because the Chicago Conveulif.n failed to nominate me. I had
As to the platform put forth by the Chicago Convention, I have little to say, because whether good or bad, that will not constitute the ground of my support of Mr. Lincoln. I have no great respect for pasty platforms in general. They arc commonly made in times of high excitement, undcra pressure of circumstances, and with the view to conciliate present support, rather than to establish a permanent system of principles and line of policy for the future good government of the country. The conventions which form them arc transient in their nature: their power and influence are consumed in the using, leaving no continuing obligation upon their respective parties. And hence wo need not •wonder that platforms so made, are hardly ever aetcd out in practice. I shall not discuss their relative merits, but content myself with saying that this Republican, platform, though in several particulars it does not conform to my views, it is still for bettor than any published creed, past or present, of the Democrats. And as to the new party, it has not chosen to promulgatoany platform at all, cxccpttwo or three broad generalities, which are common to tho professions of faith of all parties in tho cduntry. No party, indeed, dare ask the confidence of the nation, while openly denying tho obligation to support the Union and tho Constitution, and to enforce tho laws. That is a common duty, binding upon every citizen, and the failure to perform it is a crime. lo me it is plain that tho approaching contest must be between tho Democratic and Republican parties and, between thotn, I prefer tho latter.
The Domocraticparty, by tho long possession and abuse of power, has grown wanton and reckless has corrupted itself and perverted the principles of the Government, has set itself openly against the great home interests of tho people, by neglecting to protect their industry, and by refusing to improve and keep in order the highways and depots of commerce and even now is nrging a measure in Congress to abdicato the constitutional power and duty to regulate commcrco among tho States, and to grant to the States tho discretionary power to levy tonnage duties upon all our commerce, under the protonco of. improving harbors, rivers and lakes niis changed the status of the nogro slave by making him no longer more property, but a politician, {in antagonistic power tho State, a power to irhieh all other powers aro required to yiold, under penalty of a dissolution of the Union has directed
its
energies to the gratification of its lusts of foreign domain, as manifested in its persistent efforts to seize upon tropical regions, not because those countries and their incongruous people aro necossary, or evon desirable, to be incorporated into our nation, but for the mere purpose of making slave States, in order to advance the political power of the party in the Senate and in tho choice of
the President, so as effectually to transfer tho chief powers of the Government from the many to tho few lins in various instances endangored the equality of tho co-ordinate branches of the Government, by urgent efforts to enlarge the powers of tho Executive at the expense of the legislative department has attempted to discrodit and degrade tho Judiciary, by affecting to mako it, at first, tho arbiter of party quarrels, to become soon and inevitably tlie passive registrar of party decrees.
In most, if not all those particulars, I understand the Republican party (judging it by its acts and by tho known opinions of many of its leading men,) to be the exact opposite of the Democratic party and that is tho ground of my preference of the oae party over the other. And t!iat alono would be a sufficient reason, if I had not other good reasons, for supporting Mr. Linco'n against any man who may be put forward by the Democratic party, as tho exponent of its principles and tho agent to work out, in practice, its dangerous policies.
The third party, which, by its very formation, has destroyed the organizations of the Amorieau and Whig parties, has nominated two most excellent men. I know them well, as sound statesmen and true patriots. More than thirty years ago served with them both in Congress, and from that time to this I have always held them in rcspcct and honor. But what can the third party do towards the election of oven such worthy men as those against tho two great parties which aro now in actual contest for the power to rulo tho nation? It is made up entiroly of portions of the disintegrated elements of tho lato Whig and American parties—good materials, in the main, I admit, but quito too weak to elect any man or establish any principle. The most it can do is, here and there in particular localities, to make a diversion in favor of tho Democrats. In 1850 the Whig and American parties (not forming unew party, but united as allies,) with on tiro unanimity and some zeal, supported Mr. Fillmore for'the Presidency, and with what results? We made a miserable failure, carrying no State but gallant little Maryland. And surely, tlie united Whigs and Americans of that day had afar greater show of strength and far better prospects of success than any which belong to the Constitutional Union party now. In fact,Isee no possibility of success for the third party except in one contingency—the destruction of the Democratic party. That is a contingency not likely to happen this year, for, badly as I think of ranny of the acts and policies of that party, its cup is not yet full—the day is not yet come when it must dissolve in its own eorruqtions. But the day is coming, ami isnot far off. The party has made itself entirely sectional: it has concentrated its very being into one single idea negro slavery has control of all its faculties, and it can sccamlhcar nothing else—'"'one stern, tyrannic thought, that, makes all other thoughts its slave.-'!"
But the Democratic party still lives, and while it lives, it and the Republican party aro the only real antagonistic powers in the nation, and for the present, I must choose between them. I choose the latter, as wiser, purer, younger, and less corrupted bv time and self-indulgence.
The candidates nominated at Cliicngo are both men, who, as individuals and politicians, rank with the foremost of the country. I have heard no objection to Mr. Hamlin personally, but only to his geographical position which is thought by some to iie too far North and East to allow his personal good qualities to exercise their proper influence over the nation at large. But the nomination for the Presidency is the great controlling act. Mr. Lincoln, his character, talents, opinions and history will be criticized by thousands, while the candidate for the Vice Presidency will bo passed over in comparative silence.
Mr. Lincoln's nomination took thepublic by surprise. because, until just before the event, it was expected. But really it ought not to have excited any surprise, for such unforeseen nominations arc common in our political history. Polk and Pierce by the Democrats, and Harrison and Taylor by the Whigs, were all nominated in this extemporaneous manner—all of them were elected. I have known Mr. Lincoln for more than twenty years, and therefore, have aright to speak of him with some confidence. As an individual he has earned a high reputation for truth, courage, candor, morals and amiability, so that, as a. man, he is most trustworthy. And in this particular, he is more entitled to our esteem than
some
no
such feeling. On party grounds I had no right to expect the nomination. had no claims upon the Republicans as a party, for I have never been a member of any party, so as to be bound by its dogmas and subject to its discipline, cxeept only the AVhig party, which is now broken up and its materials, for the most part, absorbed into other organizations. And thus am left, alone and powerless indeed, but perfectly free to follow the dictates of my own judgement, and to take such part, in current polities as my own sense of duty and patriotism may require. Many Republicans, and among them 1 think, some of the most moderate and patriotic of the party, honored me with their confidence and desired to make me their candidate. For this favor I was indebted to the fact that between them and me there was a coincidence of opinion upon certain important questions of government. They and I JIgreed in believing that the national government has sovereign power over the Territories, and that it would be impolitic and unwise to use that power for the propagation of negro slavery by planting it in free Territory. Some of them believed also that tny nomination, while it would tend to soften the tone of the Republican party, without any abandonment of itspsinciplos, might tend also to generalize its character, and attract the friendship and support«Fmany, cspccially in the border .States, •who, like me, had never been members of theirparty, but concurred with them in opinion about the government of tho Territories. Theso arc the grounds, and I think the only grounds, upon which I was supported at all at Chicago.
other men, his equals, who
hail far better opportunities and aids in early life. His talents and the will to use them to tho best advantage, are unquestionable and tho proof is found in the fact that, in every position in life, from his huiublc beginning to his present well earned elevation, he has more than fulfilled the best hopes of his friends. And now, in the full vigor of his manhood and in the honest pride of having made himself what he is, he is tho peer of the first men of the nation, well able to sustain himself and advance his cause, against any adversary, and in any field where mind and knowledge are the weapons used.
In politics he has but. acted out the principles of his own moral and intellectual character. He has not concealed his thoughts or hidden his light under a bushel. With the boldness of conscious rectitude and the frankness of downright honesty, he has not failed to avow his opinions of public affairs upon all fitting occasions.
This I know may subjeet him to the carping censure of that class of politicians who mistake cunning for wisdom and falsehood for ingenuity: but such men as Lincoln must act in keeping with their own characters, and hope for success only bj* advancing the truth prudently and maintaining it bravely. All his old political antecedents are, in my judgment, exactly right, being square up to the old Whig standard. And to his views about "the pestilent negro question," I am not awn.ro that, be has gone one step beyond the doctrine publicly and habitually avowed ly the great, lights of the Whig party. C'hiy, Webster, and their fellows, and indeed sustained and carried out by the Democrats themselves, in their wiser and better days.
The following, suppose, are in brief his opinions upon that subjeet: 1. Slavery is a domestic institution within the States which choose to have it, and it exists within those States beyond the control of Congress. 2. Congress has supreme legislative power over all the Territories, and may, at its discretion, allow or forbid tho existence of slavery within them. 3. Congress, in wisdom and sound policy, ought not so to cxcrcisc its power, directly or indirectly, as to plant and establish slavery in any Territory theretofore free. 4. And that it is unwiso and impolitic in tho Govcrnmcntof the United States to acquire tropical regions for the merepurposo of converting them into slave States.
These, I believe, arc Mr. Lincoln's opinions upon the matter of slavery in the Territories, and I concur in them. They aro no new inventions, made to suit tho exigencies of the hour, but have come down to us, as the Declaration of Independence and tho Constitution have, sanctioned by tho venerable authority of tho wise and good men who established our institutions. They arc conformable to law, principle and wiso policy, and their utility is proven in practice by tho as yet unbroken current of our political history. They will prevail, not only becauso they are right in themselves, but also becauso a great and still growing majority of the people believe them to be right, and tho sooner they aro allowed to prevail in peace and harmony, the bettor for all concerned, as well those who aro against them as those who are for them.
I am aware that small partisans, in their little warfare against opposing leaders, do some times assail them by the trick of tearing from their contexts some particular, objectionable phrases, penned, perhaps, in the hurry of composition, or spoken in the best oral debate, and holding them up to the public as tho leading doctrines of tho person assailed, and drawing from their own uncharitable inferences. That lino of attack betrays a little mind conscious of its weakness, for the falsify of its logic is not more apparent than tho injustice of its design. No public man can stand that ordeal, and, however willing men may be to see it applied to their adversaries, all flinch from tho torture when applied to thcmsolvcs. In fact, tho man who never said a foolish thing, will hardly bo able to prove that ho over said many wiso ones.
I consider Mr. Lincoln a sound, safe, national man. He could not bo sectional if ho tried. His birth, his education, tho habits of his life, and his geographical position, compel him to be national. All his feelings and interests are identified with the groat valley of the Mississippi, near whose center he has spent his whole life. That Valley is not a scction, but, conspicuously, the body of tho nation, and, large as it is, it is not capable of being divided into sections, for the groat river cannot bo divided. It is one and indivisible, and tho North and the South aro alike nccoisary to it com
VOL. XII.-N0. 42.1 CRAWFOKDSYILLE, INDIANA, JULY 5,1860.
110
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JUNE 14, 1SG0.—Gw
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O.THOMMEHC
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I give my opinion freely in f:ivor of Mr. Lincoln, and I hope thnt, for the good of the whole couutry, he may bo elected. I!ut it is not my intention to take any active part in the canvass. For many years past I have hud little to do with public affairs, and have aspired to 110 political ofliec and now, in view of the mad excitement which convulses the country, and the general disruption and disorder of parties and the elements which compose .them, I am more than ever assured that for me, personally, there is no political future, and I accept the condition with cheerful satisfaction.— Still I cannot discharge myself from the life long duty to watch tho conduct of men in power, and to resist, so far as a mcro private man may, the fearful progress of official corruption, which for several years past has sadly marred and defilod tho fair fabric of our government.
If Mr. Lincoln should bo elected, coming in as a new man at tho head of a young party never before in power, ho may render a great service to his country, which no Democrat could render lie can march straight forward in the discargc of his high putics, guidod only by his own good judgment and honest purposes, without any necessity to temporize with established abusos, to wink at the delinquencies of old party friends, or to unlearn and discard tho bad official habits that have grown up under the misgovcrnments of hi3 Democratic predecessors. In short, ho can bo an honest and bold reformer on easier and chcapcr terms than any Democratic President can bo, for, in proceeding in the good work of cleansing and purifying'thc administrative departments, he will have no occasion to expose the vicos, assail the interosts or thwart the ambition of his political friends.
Begging your pardon for tho length of this letter, I remain, with groat respcct, Your l'ricnd and obedient servant,
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Affray at Ilarrodsfourg, Ky. LEXINGTON, Ky., June 2(3.—A fracas occurrod yesterday at the Protect House in Harrodsburg, in Avhich a young man named Miller Avas shot through the body by a clerk of the hotel, named Brown.."
Miller will probably die. Several shots were fired by other parties, but no further damage was done. _,
Tho Boston Post, the leading
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fort and prosperity. Its people, too, in all their interests and affections, arc as broad and general as the regions they inhabit. They are emigrants, a mixed multitude, corning from every State in the Union, and from most countries in Europe they are unwilling, therefore, to submit to any one petty local standard. They love the nation as a whole, and they love all its parts, for they are bonnd to them all, not only by a common interest and mutual dependence, but also by the recollections of childhood and youth, by blood and friendship, and by all those social and domestic charities which sweeten life, and make this world worth living in. The Valley is beginning to feel its power, and will soon be strong enough to dictate tho law of the land. Whenever that state of things shall come to pass, it will bo most fortunate for the nation to tind the powers of government lodgod in tho hands of men whose habits of thought, whose position and surrounding circumstances, constrain them to use those powers lor general and not sectional ends.
"EU.
[Prom the Chicago Press and Tribune.]
Honest Old Abe of Ovu West.
Air—"Star Spangled Banner."
0, hark! from the pine-crcstcd hills of old Maine, Whore the splendor first falls from tho wings of the morning. And away in the West over river and plain,
Itings out the grand anthem of Liberty's warning.
From green-rolling prairies it swells to tho sea,
For
thepooplo have risen victorious and free. They have chosen their leaders, the bravest and best Of them all is OLD ABE, IIOXEST ABB OF TIIF,
AVKSTI
The spirit that fought, for the patriots of old lias swept through the land and aroused us forever: In the pure air of heaven a standard unfold
Fit to marshal us 011 to the sacred endeavor! Proudly the banner of freemen wo bear Noble
Ihe hopes that oneirclc it there!
And where battle is thickest we follow the crest Of gallant OLD Ann, HONEST ABE OF TIII: WKST!
There's a triumph in urging a glorious cause. Though the hosts of the foe for awhile may be stronger, Pushing on for just rulers and holior laws,
Till their lessening columnsoppose us no longer. But ours tho loud pasan of men who havo past
Through the struggles of years, and are victors at last: So forward the flag! lcavo to Heaven the rest, And trust in OLD ABE, HONKST ABE OF TIIF.
WKST!
Lo!
see
the bright scroll of the future unfold! Broad farms and fair cities shall crown our dovotion Free Labor turn even tho sands into gold,
And tho links of her railway chain occan to ocean Barges shall float on tho dark river waves
With a wealth never rung from tho sincwa of slaves And the chief in whoso rule all tho land shall be blest, Is our noble OLD ABE, HONEST ABE OF THE
W EST!
Then" on to the holy Republican strife! And again, for a future as fair as the morning, For the sake of that freedom more precious than life,
Ring out the grand anthem of Liberty's warn-
ingl
Lift the banner on high, while from mountain to plain Thecheorsof tho people are sounding again Hurrah for our cause—of all causes the best! Hurrah! for OLD ABE, HONEST ABE OF THE
WEST I
EDMUND C. STEDMAN.
Demonstration.
OSWEGO, June 29.—The National Democracy of this city are firing 100 guns in honor of the nomination of Breckinridge and Lane. Many of the most influential Democrats in the city, and all the government officials join in the celebration. The demonstration is un expectedly large and enthusiastic.
BALTIMORE CONVENTION.
The Secelcrs--Baltimore Press on the Struggle—Goultlen's Speecli— Wlisit a. Douglas Man Tliinks of
Slavery and the Slave Trade.
[Special Dispatch to tho Cincinnati Gazette.] I BALTIMORE, June 23. The AA7hole number who sccedcd yesterday may be summed up thus Virginia 24 North Carolina 16 Maryland 8 Oregon 6 California 8 Tennessee 19 DelaAvare, declining to \rote, G. Total, 97 repTSgbnting votes, 43.
I send you a verbatim report of Goulden's speech. It is from the admirable report of yesterday's proceedings in the American. Tho Exchange thinks if Douglas be nominated by this Convention now, his election Avould be impossible, and cannot forsec any union of the Democracy in the comingcontest. The Sun cautiously hints that Democracy has gone up. The American speaks of the complicated game of cross purposes in Avhich our Democratic friends have engaged with so much assiduity.
SPEECN OF MR. GOULDEN. Annexed is Goulden's speech: '•Mr. President a"nd Gentlemen of tho ConA'cntion: I come here from the State of Georgia, indorsed by that State Convention and by the Convention at Charleston. This ought surely to give me a right to be heard before you and though I havo not joined my fortunes in the State of Georgia cither to the House of York or the IIouso of Lancaster, I feel that I havearight here to speak to the great Democratic party of the United States. In seeing the elements of disruption and disorganization which seem to prevail in the midst of this most intelligent assembly, I have felt that the experiment of the capability of man for self-government Avas about to proA*o a failure here, and that the genius of liberty Avas about shrieking to leave the world but I trust this may be the darkest hour just before the day, and that from theso elements of discord, the representatives of tho intelligent American people here assembled may he able to devise a plan upon Avhich the great Democratic party of the United States may bp united and that Ave Avill yet add another victory to tho many Ave have already achieved.
DEMOCRATIC INTEGRITY.
I am an advocate for maintaining the integrity of the national Democratic party.
AN EXTREME MAN.
I belong to the extreme South I am a Pro-Slavery man in every sense of the Avor'd—aye, and an African slaA'e-trado man. [Applause and laughter.[
WHAT SLAVERY IIAS DONE. This institution of slavery, as I have said clsewhcro, has done more to ad- [Applause and laughter.]
vancj the prosperity and intelligence of the white raco and of the human race than all else together. I believe it to be founded upon the UXAV of Nature and upon the law of God I believe it Avould be a blessing to all raccs I believe that liberty Avould not truly exist in the Western world except by maintaining the integrity of the great national Democratic party. [Applause.] As for this irrepressible conflict party, Avith their serried ranks UOAV read}"to march doAvn upon us, I have no faith in it, because it is founded in anarchy, in eA'erA'thing anti-republican, in everything that is opposed to human progress Avhile I understand the idea of the great National Democratic party to bo nonintervention in its broadest sense.— [Applause.]
CANNOT DO MUCH IN GEORGIA.
Now, my Northern friends, I do not knoAV that I can do anything in Georgia to reconcile those matters, but Avhateverl can do I Avill. [Applause.]
I say that our friends in Georgia Avho are crying out for protection to slaA*ery in tho Territories aro advocating a more theory, a mere abstraction, a thing that is not and cannot be they would demand protection from the General Government, and haA*e a line of police established along the bordei's of the slave States to catch and hang the thieving Abolitionists who aro stealing our iggers. [Laughter and applause.]
That is a means of protection, and Avhy? Becauso it is practical. [Renewed laughter and applause.]
SLAVE BREEDING.
Hero is my old native State of Virginia, the slave tradingand slave breeding State of Virginia. [Laughter.]
Delegate from Va.—1 call the gentleman to order. He casts an imputationjupon Virginia by calling her a slaA*e breeding State of Virginia.
Mr. Goulden.—Well, I. will say the slave breeding State of Georgia then.— I glory in being a slave breeder myself. [Loud laughter.] I "will face tho music myself, and 1 have as many negroes as any man from Virginia. As I invited the gentlemen of this Convention at Charleston to visit my plantation, I will say again, if they Avill come to see me, I will shoAv them as fine a lot of negroes, and tho pure African too, as they can find anywhere and I Avill show them as handsome a set of little children there as can be seen, [laughtox*,] and any quantity of them, too [renewed laughtex*,] and I wish that Virginia may be as good a slave trading and slave breeding State as Georgia, and in saying that, I do not mean to be disrerespectful to Virginia, but I do not mean to dodge the question at all.
NON-INTERVENTION.
Now, I want no office, I never asked anv I did not ask the State Convention
to send me here but I am hero to tell the truth to you all, and this is my idea of non-intervention: I want the State of Virginia, if sho has negroes, to have as many as she pleases if you want Slavery in Massachusetts, I want you to have it if you want it in Indiana, Ohio, Wisconsin, and Minnesota, in God's name have it. It is your right to have slaves, and just as many or as feAv as you please. I will never join a party which desires to force slavery anyAvhero or keep itfrom any place. [Applause.] I believe that it is regulated by tho law of God, of nature's God, and all history proves that to be so. All I ask is, hands off—leave it to the people of the States and Territories to settle that matter for themselves, under the Constitution of tho United States. [Applause.] And now while I am up I Avant to put my veto upon one thing. I know that I am not going to be applauded in Avhat I say, but seed sown in good time Avill bring forth fruit, and though you may say
HOAV
£0
that I am
Avrong, yet I think I shall live to see the day when tho doctrines I adATocate to-night will be the doctrines of Massachusetts and of the North, for—•
Truth crushed to earth will rise again, The eternal years of God arc hers— AVhile error, wounded, writhes in pain,
And dies amid lier worshipers! WANTS THE SLAVE TRADE. I say
for non-intervention in
the broadest sense of the term. I say that this Avhole thing should bo taken out of the hands of tho General Government. I say it is all Avrong to be spending tAvo or three millions of dollars annually from our pockets, and sacrificing thousands of lives upon the coast of Africa, in that terrible climo, to prevent our going there to get a feAv negroes. If it is right for us to go to Virginia and buy a negro and pay $2,000 for him, it is equally right for us to go to Africa, where we can get them for $50. [Applause and laughter.] Here is the condition Ave are placed in, and you may as Avell come to A-o'ur senses and face tho music.
There arc 2,000 of our negroes noAv doAvn at Key West, begging and pleading not to be sent back. If they should be sent back, what Avould be the result? One half of them would die before they got there, and tho other half Avould be turned upon the coast of Africa—upon the coast of Liberia,^among strangers, to bo eaten up by cannibals, or be caught and sold again, or die of starA*ation: and this }*ou call humanity! I say it is piracy I say that our Government is acting against right and reason in this matter and if the Southern men had the spunk and spirit to come right up and face the North, I believe the Northern Democracy at least Avould come to the true doctrine of popular soA'ereignty and nOn-intcrvcntion.—
Think of it: two thousand of these poor barbarians from Africa caught within tho last four Aveeks, and kept upon the miserable-island of Key West, dying there from disease nnd starvation and what do not die are to be sent back by our Government at an expense of one or two millions, though they ai'e begging not to bo sent back, and landed upon the coast of Africa.— It is cruel, inhuman, Avrong, and I appeal to the good sense of the American nation against it. Look at John Bull he has bound us to catch all we can, and Ave send them back at an expense of twenty-five dollars per head. We send them back, but what does John Bull do Avhcn he gets them? He apprentices them out again, and makes slaves of them. That is tho hypocritical treaty that }-ou aro bound by, and yet I hear no Southern voice, or Nox*thern
A*oice.
x*aised against this aggres
sion upon tho InAV of nature and of nature's God, but I intend to x'aise my voice against it, humble as it is._
Now, this maj* be a secondary question before us to-night. Tho great point is harmony and union in the great Democratic party. Let us whip the Black Republicans, let us Avin the fight, and Avhen Ave have settled these things, let us act together and all will be right.
AN OLD LAID'S HYMN.—A lady at her marriago requested the clergyman to announce to be sung by the choir the hymn commcncing: "This is the w^y I long have sought.
And mourned because I found it. not."
A SAVINDLED JAPANESE.—The Japanese havo been out shopping in Washington. One of them bought for forty dollars a tokay or Avatch Avorth five.— "Rook sec!" he exclaimed, "Tokay no good. No Avurthurdam, doctor, he say."
AN EFFECTING EPITAPH.—Tho folloAving inscription on a Monument erected over the Political Remains of a Wostern Senator is not very bad:
Here Lyeth 3-0 Reman cs of a Lytic giante, who Avas kilt in ye irreprcsible conflicte for ye Presidency, at CharlestoAvn May the 2. 1860. Ambitious youthe, take Avarning by hia fall, and never strive to fill ye place for you are too small."
IgyAt a r'eccnt Democratic ConvenArention held in Shelby county, they i*eporten a sort of platform, in which Avas the following plank:
Resolved, that the Senators from Indiana, Messrs. Bright and Fitch, in opposing the Democi'atic docti'ine of in-tei-vention and giving their support to Mr. Davis's x'esolution in favor of slave protection, have abandoned Democratic principles, and forfeited the respect and confidence of the party.
50 PER YEAR IN ADVAXCE
-X- HLFE 2 00 WITHIN THE YE\tii
WHOLE NO. 615
4 Lane upon Lincoln. Hcni-y S. Lane, in his recont speech at Tipton. Ind., delivered the folloAving tribute to the Avorth and merit of Mr. Lincoln. A more beautiful flightof eloquence we have seldom seen in pritlt & Avhat makes it still more valuable, it is fraught with A\Tords of truth throughout:— "We present you a candidate for tho Presidency who, in his person, is an apt illusti'ation ofourfree institutions. An oi'phan child, born to no inheritance, but with an honest heart and name, a strong right arm, and industrious habits, he has carvcd out for himself tho proudest position on earth.— He beai's aloft to-day the meteor flag of of our common country in his strong right ai*m, and around the name of Honest Abx'aham Lincoln cluster the hopes of the whole world for the perpetuation of free government. This obscure child of labor spent a largo portion of his life in tlie humble vocation of a farm laborer, and Avhen I look over this vast assembly, composed in part of young men, my heart grows stronger and my hope grows brighter,^ There listens to me, perhaps, this day, some honest son of toil who shall yet reach the place higher than kings, higher than emperoi's the proudest po* sition on earth, the position of President of tho United States. Abx'aham Lincoln is at once a distinguished lawyei*, a patriotic statesman, and a leading politician for tho last twonty years, whoso political discussions with Stephen A. Douglas show him to-day to be ono of the ablest, if not the \rery ablest, political debater on tho whole continent. Now, is he worthy to bo presented to vou'as a candidato? What high quality do you most dcsii'e in your President? You desire above all things plain old fashioned honesty, and Abraham Lincoln is a synonym for ail that is honest. Sirs, ho has come through the fiery furnace of three heated political contests in Illinois, and today there is not a smell of fire on his garments. No man has dared to imputo to him aught save honesty and integrity. His mind is beautiful in its purit}* beautiful as is the fragrant floAvcrs of his prairie home, and his life and character is as pure and spotless as the crystal water Avhich laves the northern shore of his North-Western home, and as the proud representative of American institutions he will bo your President in 18G1, and in the presence of thii'ty millions of people upon the eastern portico of yourgreatCapitalhcwill assume those duties so intimately connected with the Avell being and destiny of thirty millions freemen. In the enthxxsiasm sweeping 0A*er this Avhole land from the lakes to the Ohio, from Maine to the Wabash in the watch fii'es of freedom which now blaze upon a thousand hill tops, and light up a thousand A'alloys in this enthusiasm which greets us, I catch the spirit of prophecy. I hear the tramp of the march of coming events, and foresee that Abraham Lincoln is to be Pi-esident in 1861, and that that dcerce is written in the book of fate."
Hon. Dave Todd and the Rump. It wasnot inappropriate that the veritable Dave Todd of this State, Who excited such uniA-ei*saI indignation among Avox'king men last AA'inter by the bill proposed by him, for regulatingthe relations of capital and labor, should have px'esided at the nomination of Douglas and Fitz-Johnson. The Washington Star thus notices Mr. Todd's presiding exploits, and tho closing scenes of tho Rump Convention.—Cin. Gazette.
Mr. Todd, who at once stepped into the position vacated by President Cushing, evidently a gentleman of right intentions, proved wholly unequal to the task. It Avas plain from tho start that the Rump entertained as little respect for him as for itself for, though the authority of President Gushing had previously always been obeyed most remarkably, that of Mr. T. was abortive of results other than to increase the confusion and the rule of brute force as an attempt ©n his part to exercise similar authority OA'er as many drunken Camanches Avould have been. We traced in the tone of the proceedings hero described palpable evidence that tho great body of those participating in them felt, at the time, the full force of tho conA'iction that they Avere only "playing—and smashing up things."— That they were well aA\rai*e that they could not hopo to giA*e their nominee a single electoi*al vote in November next. The madness that ruled tho hour was evidently the madness of desperation— that of scoi'pions stinging themselves to death on finding themselves surrounded by fire. Desperate political gamesters that they were, they realized then and there that theyhad staked all upon a truculent stocking of the cards, and had lost eA^cry count in the game at that.
Pennsylvania.
Forney put his foot on the plan for a union of the Douglas men and Brcckinridgeites in Pennsylvania. He is too shreAvd a politician to be caught in tho trap whicrx was set for his friends, the nature of Avhich we explained yesterday morning. Now we shall see war to the knife—two electoral tickets, and perhaps tAvo State tickets, and perhaps tA\ro State tickets in the field, each of which will- bo furiously supported by its friends. Go it husband! Pitch in bear!—Chicago Press and Tribune.