Crawfordsville Weekly Journal, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 20 September 1855 — Page 1
1
j. KEenet,]
VOL. VIII.---NQ."5,1
y---••£" X: 1y? :.y :Vvr
THE JOURNAL.
I O A E S FOR
ADVERTISING & JOB PRINTING,
"fJVNTERED into between the several Publishers of Crawfordsville, ("Montgomery Journal," "The Review," and "Locomotive,") on the 7thday of March, 1855 as follows:
Yearly Advertising.
One Column, per annum, subject to semiannual change, $30,00 One-Half Column, per annum, subject to semi-annual change. One Third Column, per annum, subject to semi-annual change, One Quarter Column, perannum, subject to semi-annual change, -V "Card" of one square or less, per annum, ««. 6 months,
18,00
15,00
10,00 7,00 4,00
LEGAL ADVERTISEMENTS, as heretofore, one dollar cer square, fortbree insertions for eacli additional insertion 25 cents all over one square, charged as a square and a half, all over one square and a half, charged as two squares.
Patent Medicine Advertising. One columnpr annum, semi-annual change, $35,00 Half 25,00 Third V.Quarter 1~
All Public Sales, Transient Advertisements, &c $1 per square, for first insertion and 25cts. J'or each additional insertion.
Spccial Notices.
Marriages, Obituaries, Literary Notices of all kinds, half our regular advertising rates. 0"Notices of Patent Medicines, $1 per square, for first insertion.
Card and Job Printing.
One pack of Cards, (50,) ••Two (100) Lottery Tickets, or cards, (100) cacti additional hundred,
$2,00 3,00 1 .f/J 1,00
Funeral Invitations, (note paper, enveloped) 3,00 Circulars, on half sheet letter, per hundred, 3,00 Blanks—single quire $] ,50—two quires, $2,00 and for each additional quire, 7o cents. Whole Sheet Posters, per hundred, $i,00 each additional hundred, ^.0" Half Sheet Poster, per hundred .--,00 each additional hundred, 3. '0 Quarter »Uect Poster, per hundred, 3,00 each additional hundred, ... Eighth Sheet Poster, 50 or less,
Five
"dollars
per
1
«.oU
13all Tickets, 100 copies, $4,00—to be paid for invariably, before taken from the oiiice. Election Tickets.
thousand will be charged for
Election Tickets, to be paid for invariubly in advance. Show Advertisements.
Two dollars per square will be charged for advertisements oi this character, lor fiist inscition each additional insertion, $1.
Ilorse and Jack Bills.
For single Horse Bill $2—each addu on bill, $1. Particular Notice.
T--31
TheE^ni-MciUcinc a^y-yt-aa-ruents-must be satisfactorily secured before inserted, by an accepted order, or by cash.
JEREMIAH KEENEY, .JOURNAL. CHARLES A. BOW EN, RKVIKW.
xzeziiantQus*
LETTER FEOM Hon. JOHN WILSON TO FRANKLIN PIERCE.
gm
WASHINGTON, July 3, 1S55.
:—On
the 26th ultimo I received
from you a note advising me that my "appointment as Commissioner of tlia General Land Office," was thereby "revoked."
The organ of your administration, the Union newspaper, announced to the world that the revocation or removal was ''solely on political grounds." Justice requires that those political grounds should be fully understood, and hence this communication. .Prior to your election to the Presidency Of the United States, His Excellency, Millard Fillmore, on the resignation of my predecessor, influenced only, as ha assured me, by a desire to promote the best interests of that branch of the service, appointed me Commissioner of tha General Land Office.
Being a Whig, I expected to be removed as soon after your nomination as a suitable person could be selected to succeed me, and so stated to the honoreble Secretary. In this I was disappointed, and hence, so far as you are concerned, Whiggerv was not considered sufficient cause for my removal. No process of reasoning, however, is required to ascertain that cause you were pleased to advise me of it, and to assure me, that the duties of my office had beett discharged with such ability, impartiality, and promptitude, that nothing but the fact that I had attached myself to the American or Know Nothing party, could induce you to take that action that if taken it would be with deep regret, but you did. not see how you could do otherwise, with a due regard to the interests of the great Democratic or Union party. To a correct understanding of your action and the reasoi?fe for it, it becomes necessary to consider the origin, principles, and objects of the American party, and wherein a connexion with it could militate against the interests of "the great Democratic or Union party," so as to render such connexion a mortal political offence, in your estimation.
First, then, as to the origin of the American Party. True patriots of all parties, who earnestly desired the welfare of our country, and the perpetuation of the Union, on the principles laid down by the sages and heroes of the Revolution, had seen with apprehension and dismay, the pandering of both the great political parties of the day, to foreign and papal influence1—the corruption that has grown out of such pandering, and the tendency of that corruption to the dissolution of the Union,, to anarchy, bloodshed, and:'final despotism. They determined to forget their old grounds of- difference, and to unite heart and hand in efforts to bring back
onr
ty.
institutions to their-pristine puri
You professed to think that there were no grounds for such apprehensions that the danger was magnified} and that the whole scheme was.a plan of designing politicians, to advance their selfish and pergonal views. ..: •What are the facts
We have seen the minions of Rome, bound by the most solemn oaths to advance the spiritual and temporal power of the Papacy, striving to break up and divide the school funds of several of the States, and of this District, urging, as a plea, principles which would have subverted the very foundations of our institutions. We have seen them strive, and in some instances successful!}', to prevent the introduction of God's Holy Word among the Protestant children of our Public Schools, not satisfied to exclude it from the children of Romanists, but determined, if possible, wholly to suppress this great chart of civil and religious liberty at the same time blotted out, or falsifying history in certain schools, so that the black and bloody deeds of that Hierarchy, in past time, might be unknown to the rising generation which, therefore, would more easily become their prey.
We have seen Roiuish ecclesiastics, claiming to hold the temporal possessions of the Church in trust of their master, the Pope, and when the freemen of our country resisted such pretensions, Cardinal Bedini, with hands vet reeking with the blood of Ugo Bassi, and his fellow-patriots was sent her as "the People's Nuncio to Brazil, by the way o^the U. States,'* to adjudge and decree questions of propriety between those minions of his master and his fellowcitizen, promulgating his bulls, with threats of anathema and excommunication, against those who dared refuse credence.
After thus attempting to exercise civil and ecclesiastical power in this country, this Nuncio, it is alleged, claimed to be received as the Pope's Ambassador, with all the rights, privileges and immunities pertaining to that office. His request having been properly refused, he again sat himself up as a ruler and judge among us, till he found that ho had aroused the spirit that had caused our forefathers to seek a peaceful retreat in the then wilderness of this country, (torn the civil and ecclesiastical tyranny of Europe. Then he fled in di*guise, not to Brazil—that whs a mere subterfuge—but to the skirts of his master, where lie awaits a more favorable time, when, as in Bologne ho can take bloody vengeance on those who resisted his tyranny-
Further: when the statesman, the patriot, and the sage, who shed his blood in defense of his eountry, and stood by her standerd in every emergency who, overstepping ail other considerations, was found shoulder to shoulder with his compatriots, in the memorable struggle of 1840, lor the integrity p^rpofriiity of frlvo Union, wliicU cost the lamented Clay his life when this pure patriot and distinguished statesman, in the Senate of the United States, expressed his views on the question of demanding from the Catholic Powers of Europe the right for our citizens to worship God in their countries as they pleased, and after death, the decencies of Christian burial— rights which the laws of God and humanity accord to all the children of men—another of the Pope's
minions,
and one who
claims, and is generally admitted to be, his exponent and vicegerent in this country, took him to task for this debate in the United States Senate, and notwithstanding his age and acknowledged patriotism and ability, attempted to ridicule and chastise him like a school hoy. lie endeavored, also, to break down the resistless force and power of the principles presented by this Senator, founded, as they were, on everlasting truth and justice, by a tissue of sarcasm and sophistry, that could have proceeded from no mind except one trained in the school of Jesuitism. And anon, when this same dignitary of Rome was charged with transactions in real estate that had made him the owner of millions, we have his absolute denial, covered up with similar Jesuitical sophistry and ridicule, till the facts were proved home on him by records and figures.
We have seen the papal organs in our country, under the very eyes and sanction of Romish bishops, assure us that all power, civil and ecclesiastical, of right belongs to that church, and when it obtained that power, Americans need not lay tho flattering unction to their souls that there would be any toleration, for they knew that Papacy was right and Protestantism was heretical and wrong, and that all the power of the church would be brought into' requisition to root out that heresy and destroy it. And when a leading and influential member of Congress, who had just returned from Rome, and was therefore supposed to speak ex-cathedral, attempted, on the floor of the House of Representatives, to palliate and excusc or deny the monstrous and despotic exactions of the Papacy, ho was ridiculed and sneered at by the Romish journalist of Boston, who scouted his explanations and denials, and scoffed at his glazings, as weak and imbecile, reiterating the claims of the Pope to absolute supremacy, both in spiritual and temporal matters, and sustaining the fundamental doctrine of that church, to wit, that it is the same in all ages and in all nations.
Thus it is, that the record evidences of these claims of the Church of Rome to absolute civil and ecclesiastical power, is uniform and consistent, as shown by these journals, while all denials and explanations are merely oral, and can readily be disclaimed unauthorized, or denied. And the only reason that American Protestants are not now required to play their part in an autoda-fe in this country is, that the Church of Rome has not the power of inflicting that punishment, but if- matters were suffered to go on much longer as they rtotf do, they no doubt indulge the hope of obtaining it.
Truly it was in the spirit of prophocy, that, the immortal Lafayette declared that, fever the'libertieS of this country were^ destroyed, it would be by Romish priests,
These are not all, however. How was it, that the Pope's reprerentative at Madrid, was aware- of the arrangment of your Cabinet, in part, at least, be
fore inaugoration, as publicly stated in the journals of tho day, and still uncontradicted? How was it that the starving Catholic millions of Ireland, found means to emgrate to this country, while many of their fellow subjects actually died of hunger, not having a penny with which to buy food to sustain life? How was it that continental Europe poured outlier tribute of hundreds of thousands of Romanists to swell the interest of the Papacy in this country, when it was evident those very men would bo needed to fill the ranks of their armies, in view of their troubles then brewing, and which have since burst forth like a volcano?— Can the eyes of any man of reason and reflection be blinded to these facts? Does it requiro great penetration to sec, that all these movements.are part and parcel of a great plan, concocted by the despotic and Jesuitical Hierarchy of Rome and Catholic Europe, to su bvert our free institutions, to destroy our liberties, and to combine civil and ecclesiastical power in this country in the hands of the Pope of his agents? "What have been the fruits of these measures? Have we not seen by the act of 20th Mar, 1851, "to organize tho Territories of Kansas and Nebraska," that the alien, who had just landed on our shores, had declared his intention to become a citizen of our country, and taken an oath to support the Constitution of the United State?, an the provisions of that act, was authorized to vote and hold office in tho organization of those Territories, whilo our own citizens, officers, soldiers, Beamen, or other persons in the army br navy of the United States, were excluded from those rights by the same law, if they wore on service in either of those Territories?— Whence this difference—and why, after the Executive, through its organ, had taken ground against that bill, did it suddenly •shift round, and press this measure to consummation, with all its force and j^o\\ er? Yon know tl^, cau§§„jo£ flJl th^S things— surety none should know them better.
This is not all, however. In some of the States, foreigners not yet naturalized, aliens—vote for Federal and State officers, and many times, no doubt actually elect their candidates. Foreign incendiaries have agitated, and continue to agitate, the slave question, till it has become a measure in relation to which our brethren of the Norih and South are now so .sensitive, that the very mention of it seems to threaten the permanency of the Union,— Con nption stalks with brazen front in every branch of our government, till it was truly eaid hy a disUn^uish-d states-^ men, that there were but two roads to success—to wit, tho sycophantic, "where favor followed fawning,," and of the millionaire, who bought it. ..
In this condition of things, those of our citizens who regarded the institutions of the country as in danger—with out reference fo party, lying aside the minor differences that had heretofore separated them, as by spontaneous movement united to check these evils and the good, the wise, the great the philosopher, the statesman, and the patriot, determined to do all that a sincere love of country could accomplish, to bring back our institutions to their original^ purity, that they might be handed down to posterity, as they were left by our revolutionary ancestors.
This, sir, is the origin of the American party, or organization and no..-, as to its principles. Tht^e may be summed up in very few words. Civil and religions liber-: tv— and the permanency of the Union on the constitutional basis. Yes—civil anil religious liberty, to the broadest extent, consistent with the precepts of the Bible, the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, and the faithful execution of the laws.
We do not oppose men—individually they have our best wishes and kindest offices in their pursuit of wealth and happiness.— But when we find them combining to deprive us of these principles, or to dissolve the Union, we will oppose such combinations by all legal and honorable means.
We have been charged with persecuting Romanists! The charge i8 false«»-for I know not a man belonging to our organization, who would not, at the hazard of his life, defend Romanists, or any other sect, from aggression, for worshipping their Maker according to the dictates of their own consciences. But when we find Romanists banding together, to combine civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction in our country, to subvert and destroy otir institution's, and to set up in their places the absolute and despotic power of a foreign tyrant, we will resist them, even to death, if necessary and we will equally resist such unholy combinations if attempted, by Presbyterians, Methodists, Baptists, Episcopalians, or any other sect. .r
Wo have been charged with proscription. This charge is not true. Like all other parties, Where men are sincere in their prnciplesj we endeavor to elect those who will faithfully carry out our principles.--Is this proscription? If so, proscription should be defined as an honest adherence to conscientious principles and with such proscription our Revolutionary ancestors and every party since that day, are, fairly chargeable. It is alleged, further, that we are liable to this charge, because men of opposite principles in some cases have been removed to make way for adherents of our Order! I know of no such cases. It is true, that where the commissions of individuals had expired, they were not reappointed, Americans having been selected to fill those offices. But is this proscription? Did the immortal Washington surround himself or his administration with Tories? And yet the adherents of Great Britain, the friends of Kingly power, Were no more Torios in those days than are those of our own'time, who are striving to dissolve the Union, to subvert our institutions, and to dostroy our liberties. But, sir, evert if'We were guilty of proscription, the charge comes with ft bad grace from this administration,
"THE THE UNION IN ANY EVENT."
where a mere ^difference of. opinion is regarded as sufficient ground for removal, and where the vacancies thus caused are filled, to a great extent,, with foreigners, the staunch adherents of Popery, or with spies and informers7 the base tools of bad men, who are thus rewarded for their infamy.
Though you have thus virtually declared that not one of the. American party, now including a very large portion of the entire population of this country, shall have any share in the government of their country, and that you will strike down every individual of the Order Within your power, rest assurred, that you cannot thus annihilate or destroy that party, or crush the spirit of Americans, as you have threatened. They are'threatened. They are not of tho stamp that can be bought or frightened. They are governed and directed by principle, and by that they will stand— and bear and forbear, if needs be—till tho time shall come when they may redress their grievances at the ballot-box. Earnestly do I hope, however that the administration will be brought to see the error of its ways,, before that period arrived, and before the patience and fovbearance of the American people are exhausted. And although its noon-day has been darkened by deeds such as described, none would rejoice Tnore sincerely than myself, to see that darkness dispelled, and its setting sun go down a blaze of glory.
It is charged that bad men have united with this association for purposgs of personal, pecuniary, or political^preferment. Admitting such to be the fact, and it may be true. Is not this the case in-evory association? Was there not a Judas among the twelve Apostles, who sold his Saviour for thirt}- pieces of silver? Was there not a Benedict Arnold among the patriots and heroes of the Revolution? And were there fiot swarms of Tories, also, among them, who carried devastation and blood into the peaceful homes of those patriots and heroes? Surely mankind have not become perfect since those days, as you will readily see by countless examples among your own arty.
We are further charged with opposition to foreigners, and with "obstructing tha laws for the naturalization of foreigners."
The former of these charges is false. As already stated, we oppose not individuals, foreigner native but when we find foreigners combining to oppress the children of the soil bringing with them the absolute and despotic notions of their native homes ittid e- n^Wje'rboi-.n citizens—claiming as a right, place and pfwer to rule over and trample us in the dust, we resist and oppose such acts, as a1 ike disgraceful to the foreigner and insulting to the native.
They are welcome to the hospitalities of our land, to the protection of our laws, to the free exercise of their industry and talents—and to the enjoyment of their religion, and tho means they may acquire. But we do not want them to rule over us we believe we are competent to that duty, and prefer retaining that right.
The latter of these charges is simply absurd and ridiculous, and never could have been harbored, save in the brain of some romancer, or in the heart of some pettifogging special pleader. The friend of civil and religious liberty who flies to our shores from persecution and oppression, to enjo'y those inestimable blessings, has been, and will ever be, welcomed to our hearts and homes. But the willing tools of Papal and Jesuitical tyranny, sent hither to overturn and destroy civil and religious liberty, cannot and should not, bo thus wolcomed where the paupers and criminals, who have been sent here by the carg-a', as to another Botany Bay, whose ideas of liberty are hound up in licentiousness, and whose patriotism and suffrages are in the market at a very low rate, cannot and should not, be encouraged in their transportation hither. Just such conduct on the part of Groat Britain was the cause of the strongest and most forcible remonstrances on the part of the early colonists and by such remonstrances Virginia ceased to be a penal colony. Those who desire the restoration of such a state of things will, of course, sustain such emigration. Certain it is, that the immortal Jefferson never entertained such ideas, when he penned the glorious document from which this charge has been extracted and it is equally certain, that he would have scorned, with contempt, any who would have dared so to construe it.— But, enough, the charge is too ridiculous and absurd for consideration.
These, sir, as I understand them, are the "PRINCIPLES" of the American party and xow as to its "GBJECTS."
These at-e briefly stated, and naturally flow from its principles. They are to reStore our institutions to'the-purity of their early days, and to require honesty, integrity, and capability in every department and office of the Executive, legislative and judicial branches of our government ^National men for national measures a strict construction of tho constitution tho sovreign rights of sovereign States fully respected the legal rights of tho people guaranteed to the utmost extent civil and religious. liberty sustained and perpetuated all attempts at a union of Church and State crushed and annihilated and the naturalization laws so amended that while the for-eign-born citizens will be secured in all their just rights, those of the Americans will be fully sustained and protected.
Here, sir, is, a proper place to quote the laugaage of one of our German citizens, in depositing his ballot for the American candidates at a late municiple election. When sneered and scorned at by some of his countrymen for the course he was pursuing, and earnestly pressed by others to change it, his answer was that of a parent and a patriot. Gentlemen, said he, I ani riot voting for myself, am voting for my children.! Glorious sentiment! He knew the
CRAWFORDSVILLE, INDIANA, SEPTEMBER 20, 1855. IWHOLE NO. 369:
blessings of civil and religious liberty, for he has been nearly half a century in our country. He knew, also, tho evils of despotism and Papacy, for he had suffered and fled from them in Europe* He wished his children to enjoy tho former, and to escape the latter to the latest generation.— Equally patriotic and noble was tho sentiment of an aged son of Erin. Said he, 1 I did not come to this country to govern it, but to be governed by its equal and just laws. Had I preferred the institutions of my own country, I should have remained there. In my opinion, no foreigner should have a vote in this country, but as that rich boon has been awarded us, mine shall go for the children of the soil. Thus you see, sir, that the principles of the American party are sustained by the right-thinking patriots of foreign birth, many of whom, though excluded from our association, vote and act with us.
And now, sir, how Can a connexion with a society having such origin, principles, and objects, militate against the interests of the great Democratic or "Union party?"
To answer this question correctly, the principles and organization of the great "Union party," Democratic it should no longer be called, should be distinctly understood. I say it should no longer be called Democratic, because those who have honestly and uniformly acted
Avith
that
party have been ruthlessly excluded from this administration, and their places filled with those who as conscientiously opposed it, and whose only recommendation, as already stated, in many cases, was that they were spies and informers, or the abettors of Jesuits and objects of their special favor. It is well called the "Union party," because it goes for the Union of Church and State. It is well called tho "Union party," because it goes for uniting all the power in the hands of tho Papacy. But when we regard the incongruous elements of which it is composed, and the evident tendency of its acts, it is entitled to any other name than that of "tho Union party."
But in your ranks there are high and honorable exceptions to these remarks— men who fully concur in our views, but who honestiy differ with us as to the necessity of 6iich action as ours at the present time. When they are convinced, and they soon will be, that tho causes for this organization now exist, they will act with us, for they arc pure patriots. If these views are correct, and the most casual. observer cannot doubt them, it will bo readily perceivcd why a friend of the American Order cannot be retained in this administration, with a duo regard to the "interests of the "Union parly."
But when you were inaugurated, you did not tako an oath to promote the intents of the "Uunion party," but that you would "fail iifnlly execute the office of President of the.United States," and "to the best of your abilify, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States." This constitution guarantes to us liberty of spech and conscience. It was this liberty of which I availed myself when I united with the American party. No overt act had I committed, for well you know, that I had not interfered in any manner in national politics in the elections in nny of the States. Yon yourself admitted the value of my services to the government, and the fidelity, integrity, impartiality, and acceptability with which they have been discharged.— You also know, that by my knowledge of those duties, hundreds of thousands have been saved to the public treasury Whether those who, assassin-like, strove for my removal, while I was absent on the business of the government, hoped, by such removal to get me out of the way of their designs on the treasury, you can best judge. Y"ou, however, I exonerate from all such motives. My actions, and the cause of ray removal, are thus fully and honestly set forth. In tho course I pursued, 1 discharged a conscientious duty to my Maker and my country. God and my countrymen shall judge between us, and to tho verdict thus found I shall humbly bow. I fear not the future. A higher Power governs your destiny and mine, and to that Power, and my patriotic countrymen, I look with pcrfect confidence for justice. And unless that Power mercifully changes your course of action, 1 fear that the language-of that portion of the Bible will be applied to you, in the early future, where it is said "I have seen the wicked in great power, and spreading himself like a green bay tree. \!et he passed away, and lo 1 he was not. Yea, 1 sought him, but he could not be found."
If there is anything incorrect in this letter, or matter you think would do you injustice in going before tho public, and will so state in writing or by a friend, I will consider your objections, and delay the publication of it for a few days for that purpose. .Respectfully,
JOHN WILSON.
His Excellency, FRANK PIERCE, President of the United Slates. P. S.—Since writing the foregoing, a friend placed in my hands ft pamphlet entitled "Otir-Country," published in New York, in 1842, by.the Executive Committee of the American Home Missionary Society, on the '25th page of which will be found conclusive evidence of the correctness of the views taken by the American party, of the present crisis of our country, as follows
The following language is ascribed to the Duke of Richmond, while Governor of the Canadas, and is reported by Mr. II. G. Gates, of Montreal, who was present when it was uttered:' "The DukeJ* a" sh'ortf time" prior to his death, in speaking of the Government of the United States, said it was very inconsistent, and bad, and could not long exist. It will be destroyed it ought not and will not be permitted to exist for many and great are the evils that have originated from the existence of that Government.— The curse of the French Revolution and
subsequent wars and commotions in Europe are to be attributed to its example, and so long as it exists, no prince will be safe on his throne find the sovereigns of Europe are aware of it, and they have been determined upon its destruction, and have come to an understanding upon this subject, and have decided on the means to accomplish it and they will eventuallg succeed by subversion rather than conquest. All the low and surplus population of the different nations of Europe will bo carried into that country it is and will be a receptacle for the bad and disaffected population of Europe, when they are not wanted for soldiers, or to supply the navies and the European government will favoi such a course. This will create a surplus and a majority of low population, who are so very easily excited and they will bring with them their principles, and in nine cases out of ten, adhere to their ancient & former governments, laws, manners, customs, and religion, and will transmit them to their posterity and in many cases propagate them among the natives.— These men will become citizens, aindby the' constitution and laws will be invested with the right of suffrage, the different grades of society will then be created, by. the elevation of a few, aud by degrading the many and thus a heterogeneous population will be formed, speaking different language and of different religions and sentiments, and to make them act, think and feel alike in political affairs, will be like mixing oil and water: hence, discord, dissension, anarchy, and civil war will ensue, and some popular individnal will assume the government and restore order, and the sovereigns of Europe tho emigrants, and many of tho natives, will sustain him. "The church of Rome has a design upon that country, and it will in time be the established religion, and will aid in the destruction of that republic. I have conversed with many of the sovereigns and princes of Europe, particularly with George III and Louis XV11I, and'they have unanimously expressed tho opinions relative to the government of the United States, and their determination to subvert it."
Thus you see that the dangers that now threaten our institutions, the evils that surround us, and which at length have alarmed the patriots of our country, and led lo an organization of the American party, are real, tfc the result of a long planned system by tho Romish hierarchy aud the despots of Europe to subvert our institutions and destroy our liberties, they themselves being the witnesses. J.WILSON.-'
From tire-Richmond Palladium.
Sketches From Kansas.
I have just returned from a Territorial Mass Convention of the Free State men of Kansas, held at Lawrence on the 14th and 15th inst. This Convention was called for the purpose of considering what course should be pursued relative to the mob Legislature now in session at the Shawnee Missiou, or rather at Westport. In order to understand fully the grounds taken by tho Convention at Lawrcnve, it will bo nesessary to take a glimpse at this contemptible Legislature and its doings. The members spend much of their time at Westport in drunken revels, and a few evenings since a general melco occurred among them, in which some of them received various severe wounds and cuts. Wiiiie they are spending their time in this manner, the leading spirits among the border ruffians are preparing laws for t.hem to vote upon. Most of the laws they are passing are connected
in Missouri. Somo of the border ruffian^ firfjt had concluded, Mr. Hedding shook attend tho sessions of tho Legislature regularly, for the purpose of dictating and inciting by their presence. Atchison and Stringfellow,- with their miserable satellites, have been there, and Piesident Shannon has been there, firing them up with his inflammatory speeches. I have besn reliably informed that a number of the members o! the Legislature are opposed to some of its proceedings, but they are kept in the traces by the bullying of the fire-eaters, and the outside influences which surround them.— I am not certainly informed as to what bills they have passed. 1 can only speak of those they aro attempting to pass, and no doubt will pass. One is a bill to make it a capital offense to aid in any way the escape of a fugitive slave. Another is to allow every man to vote in Kansas who will pay ono dollar fCr the privilege, without any reference whatever to his place of residence. Another is to authorize the Legislature to appoint, three Commissioners for four years, for each county, who shall levy all taxes and appoint all officers, the people to have no voice in' the election of any officer.— These unprecedented outrages have roused tho indignation of every honest freeman: hence the convocation of tbe Mass Convention. For ten days previous to the meeting of tho Convention, rain had fallen in vast quantities the streams were swollen and tho roads difficult to travel, yet there was an outpouring of the squatters from nearly every part of the Territory. About four hundred were in attendance, and many were surprised to see so much of talent and respectability. A number of ministers of various sects, and others of high standing, were present. The Convention was presided over by Judge Schuyler, of Council City, formerly of New York, an elderly gentleman, whose sensiblo remarks and admirable tact in conducting the business, won the respect of every one. A more determined set of men, 6Jr sf m'oi-e harmonious assemblage, has seldom been convened. Every one seemed to feel the importance and responsibility of the obcasioii.— The question seemed to be, not so much whether the African should be enslaved on the soil of Kansas, as whether wo shohld be made slaves ourselves and the mind naturally recurred to the times when our Revolutionary fathers arose in opposition to oppression. Every one felt the necessity of making a bold strike, and making it now. Resolutions were adopted, utterly repudiating the Missouri-Kansas, Border
[PUBLISHER.
a*'
Ruffian Legislature, and boldly declaring the determination of the people to maintain their position at any hazard. Men' of age and much experience, openly avowed their intention to resist unto death tho wrongs we suffer. There seemed to be but one voice in the Convention On this point the resolutions passed almost by acclamation. A movement was set on foot-to organize a State government immediately,' and apply for admission into the Union at the next session of Congress, since the attempt to organize a Territorial government had thus far been an utter failure. Men of all parties are united in this project, and though the burden of sustaining a State government, in so sparsely a peopled country, would needs be great, yet we feel that that burden would be incomparably less than the grievous wrongs we now suffer, and we'believe it would be cheerfully borne while it is argued that, should a free State bo established here, there would be such a sweeping tide of emigration to Kansas, aa to carry away the unwonted burden.
Should the Missourians invade the Territory, and attempt to overrule an election for delegates to a Constitutional Conven-, tion, the settlers will quietly adjourn till another time, and in the event of two Constitutions being sent up to Congress, we should tiust to tho wise discrimination of that body. It was an opinion, generally expressed in our Convention, that ninetenths of the people of Kansas are in favor of freedom. W feel that our cause is just, and that it has the hearty approval of evorv true freeman in America, and that we shall bo sustained in our struggles for liberty. RICHARD MEXDESHALL.
Kansas Tor., 8 mo., 17, 1855.
Bishop Hedding Settling a Dispute*.' In 9ne of the societies where Mr. Hedding ministered, two brothers-in-law, members of the church, and connected in family relation witn nearly all the other members, had a bitter feud respecting some property,', and tho church was on tho eve of beingrent in twain by the dispute. Mr. Hedding called a church meeting, that the difficulty might be settled. The scene and its result" are thus described
Mr. Iledd ing sat between the two men, and tho wife of each sat beside her husband. They began to talk over the subject of dispute, when ono ot them suddenly warmed up and called the other a liar. Instantly both started to their feet and rushed at each other the females screamed and a general alarm ensued. Mr. Hedding proved him-. self equal .to the awkward emergency. Iltf rushed between them seized each by tho:, collar of his coat and with his Ilerculeaiv frame and strength, held them at arms* length, face to face, but unable to strike each other. They struggled for a moment, but found themselves as though clutched in tho jaws of a vice. Holding them at' arms' length he commenced to lecture them in round terms.
From the hearing of this entire leciuro' there was no escape, and they writhed under its withering power. When they wero somewhat calmed, Mr. Hedding suddenly exclaimed, 'Let us pray,' and kneeled down, bringing the two men with him to their knees upon the floor. Still retaining his grasp, he prayed for them in a most fervent and powerful manner. When he had closed, he shook the one he held in his. right hand, saying, "Pray, brother, pray." Soon he commenced praying and weeping/ confessing his sins and beseeching God and his brolhjr to forgive him. When the
the other, and called upon him to pray.—^ He was the most pugnacious of tho two, and it was hard work for him to clear his throat so as to give utterance to words.— "A thousand frogs seemed clogging hia speech but he at length broke through his difficulty, aud prayed God and his' brother to forgive him. When he said "Amen," Mr. Hedding relinquished his grasp, and they all rose to their feet. "Now shake hands, brethren," said he, "and livo as brethren, and love each other a.s long as. you live. They immediately embraced each other ami almost as quickly settled their dispute. Tho two men' .. ever after lived on the best terms of Fraternal and Christian fellowship.
DEATII AND ROMANCE.—The Coroner held an inquest yesterday on the body of Jacob Hill, whose death by suicide we mentioned yesterday morning. Early in^ June last Mr. Hill's wife died in child-bed ami the mother and child were buried in a* lot in tho German Protestant grave yard." Daily since then he has visited the grave,' often spending hours there. He had enclosed the lot with a fence and profusely ornamented it with flowers. Oil Saturday morning he visited it for the last time, and after tracing on the tombstone an inscription with a pencil, laid upon the grave and blew his brains out with a pistol. Tho inscription was in German, of which the foK lowing is a'translation: 'Iiow soon are tho ties of love rent assunder! 'Dearest, how fondly have I loved thee! 'I lost my all—you may know now that' I love her still. 'My heart is too sad—therefore, oh Death! fulfill my fate and soon unito me to her, and to love's eternal rest. 'I depart from the sweet habit of exiatence. 'It is at the grave alone that man loams'., the true value of love.—SI. Louis Democrat, Aug. 28th.
The following toast was read at or
celebration of the 79th anniversary of our National Independence, at Fayette Springs in Pennsylvania: "My bleeding country— may she never be Pierc-od again I"
itsJtSSf Botfcis, American and Republican, has been re-elected Governor of Vermont, by from fifteen to twenty thousand majority!-, The House of Representatives is America# by te^to one.
