Crawfordsville Review, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 30 July 1892 — Page 3

1

THE FlllST

OF THE DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN FIRED IN NEW YORK CITY.

ltfCMr*. Cleveland aiul St«»v«n*on Ofl».

ciullv Informal of Tliclr N'oniiiiufinti

for President Spe»M'U«

tl Vice

of the 1'ivi' Caulid it»*8 Ac

ceptiiii* flic Noiiiiiint ions. In the presence of 15,000 Democrats assembled in nlisou Square Garde n_ New York city, Wednesday night, Grover Cleveland and Adlai E. Stevenson were formally notified of their nomination for president and vice president oi the United States, respectively, by tin committee on notification.

The Associated Press report of this gathering said: "The multitude that assembled to pay homage to the national standard bearers of the party numbered in its ranks all classes of the Democracy from the high est to the lowest. The learned jurist from the bench doffed his ermine oi authority in order to mingle in common with his party brethren the ex-Con-federate oft he south grasped hands with the mugwump of the Empire State, while the prosperous farmer of the west gave fraternal greeting to the brawny leaders of Tammany Hall, and even forgot his dogmatic hostility to the lords of Wall street in the common admiration for the great leader of the national Democracy. It was indeed a love feast —a feast in which every disciple of doctrines of Democracy might gather at the board and receive from the fountainhead the purest (iow of Jeffersonian simplicity.

Mr. Clevtlmd and Mr. Stevenson were given an ovation upon landing in New York from Buzzard's Bay. But the outburst of enthusiasm of the multitude in Madison Square Garden when Cleveland faced the notification committee was a scene only to be compared to the Cleveland ovation in the wigwam at Chicago. Mrs. Cleveland, who was present, also came in for her share of applause. Cheers after cheers were given for Mrs. Cleveland and baby Ruth. Congressman William L. Wilson, of West Virginia, chairman of the national convention, and by usage, also chairman of the notification committee, in notifying Mr. Cleveland of his nomination made another great speech. He spoke as follows:

MR, CLEVELAND—We bring you tonight. a message from the Democratic party. We come as a committee from its national convention, representing every Democratic constituency in the country, to give you oflicial notification that you have been chosen as its candidate for the oflice of president of the United States. We are also charged with the duty of presenting you the platform of principles adopted by that convention. This platform contains a full and explicit declaration of the position of the national Democratic party on the great political issues of the (lay but in all its utterances it is merely a development of one great principle, that whatever governments and laws can do for a people must be done, for all the people, without precedence of section or grades of citizenship.

It is a dangerous thing for apolitical party to continue its existence after the work which called it into being lins been accomplished. It. will inevitably p,- ss, as the political organization against, which we contend has already passed, into the service of the great, special interests which everywhere strive to secure, political power for their own advantage. Of the present policies of that party it may truly be said that, they all tend to centralization of power in the federal government and the centralization of wealth in favored classes. Against both tendencies we light as against enemies of our freedom.

As guardians of that, freedom we plant ourselves upon the principle that the necessities of government are the beginning and the ending of just, taxation. Whatever goes beyond this increases the power of government at the expense of the liberties of the neople. The government that deals with the citizen at long range, and through oflicials not chosen by liimself, will become his master: the governnient that is carried on beneath his own eye, by his own chosen servants and within reach of his own regulating and punishing arm. that government can be kept his servant.

Yet we have hut recently and barely escaped a SIK i-essful ell'ort to strike down the government, that stands nearest the citizen, and to strip trom the people in the states the right pre-ervative of all other rights—the right, of holding their own elections and of choosing their own representatives.

Such, sir, are some of the issues of the campaign on which we are about, to enter. They go to the foundation of our liberties. In this great contest, your partv lias summoned you to be its leader, {''our years ago, in the mid-eareerof a service that well deserved the highest honors your countrymen could bestow, and we feel sure. that, it will receive the highest encomiums that, history can award, you were struck down because, as a Democrat, you could make not erms with those who wished to plunder the people's treasury, or those who sought to perpetuate the passions of civil strife. lour countrymen will right this wrong. Ibey have seen an attempt to turn the gratitude ol a great nation into the electioneering fund of a great political party, and service to that party in the conflicts of peace counts for more than service to the country in the con 11 icts of war. They have seen every power of the federal administration passionately used to destroy free elections in the states. And, seeing all this, they have lost no opportunity in the past lour years to honor your administration.

And now, sir, we. put into your hands the commission of which we are' bearers. It, is the highest honor your party can bestow. It is the gravest, call to duty your fellow Democrats can make. Hut we believe we can assure you that there are no "weak weary or despondent Democrats" in the ranks of our party today and that with the peoples cause as our cause, we doubt not you will lead us to a victorv in which the principles of our party shall gloriously triumph, and the welfare of our country shall be mightily promoted.

At the conclusion of Mr. Wilson's address the secretary read to Mr. Cleveland the formal notification letter then Mr. Cleveland faced Mr. Wilson in presence of 15,000 people and replied as follows:

MK. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN—1The message you deliver from the national Democracy arouses within me emotions whic li would be well nigh overwhelming, if 1 did not recognize liere assembled the representatives of a great partv who must share with me the responsibility your mission invites. I find much relief in the reflection that I have been selected merely to stand for the principles and purposes to

which my party is pledged, and [or the enforcement and supremacy of which all who have any right, to claim Democratic fellowship must constantly and persistently labor.

Our party responsibility is indeed great. We assume a momentous obligation to our countrymen, when, in return for their trust and com'ideiu-e, we promise them a rectification of their wrongs and a better realization of the advantages which are due to them under our free and beneficent institutions.

But. if our responsibility is great, our party is strong. It, is strong in its sympathy with the needs of the people, in its insistence upon the. exercise of governmental powers strictly within the constitutional permission the people have granted, and in its willingness to risk its life and hope upon the people's intelligence and patriotism.

Never has a great party, bent upon the promotion of right and justice, had better incentive for ell'orfc than is now presented to us. Turning our eyes to the plain people of the land, we see them burdened as consumers with a tariff system that unjustly and relentlessly demands from them the purchase of the necessaries of life an amount, scarcely met by the wages of hard and steady toil, while the exactions thus wrung from them build up and increase the fortunes of those for whose benefit this injustice is perpetuated. We see the farmer listening to a delusive story that fil.s his mind with visions of advantage, while his pocket is robbed by the stealthy hand of high protection.

Our workingmen are still told the tale, oft-repeated in spite of its demonstrated falsity, that, the existing protective tarilf is a boon to them, and that under its beneficent operation their wages must increase. while as they listen scenes are enacted in the very abiding place of high protection that mock the hopes of toil and attest the tender mercy the workingman receives from those made selfish and sordid by unjust governmental favoritism.

We oppose earnestly and stubbornly the theory upon which our opponents seek to iustify and uphold existing tariff laws. We need not base our attack upon questions of constitutional permission or legislative power. We denounce this theory upon the highest possible grounds, wheii we contend that,, in present conditions, its operation is unjust, and that laws enacted in accordance with it are inequitable and unfair.

Ours is not a destructive party. We are not at enmity with the rights of any of our citizens. All are our countrymen. We are not recklessly heedless of an" American interests nor will we abandon our regard for them: but invoking the love of fairness and justice which belongs to true Americanism, and upon Which our constitution rests, we insist thit no pla-i of tariff legislation shall be tolerated, which has for its object and purposes a forced contribution from the earnings and income of the mass of our citizens, to_ swell directly the accumulations of a favored few nor will we permit a pretended solicitude for America^ labor, or any other pretext of benevolent care of others, to blind the eyes of the people to the selfish schemes of those who seek, through the aid of unequal tarilf laws, to gain unearned and unreasonable advantage at the expense of their fellows.

We have also assumed in our covenant with those whose support we invite, the duty of opposing to the death another avowed scheme of our adversaries, which under the guise of protecting the suffrage, covers, but does not conceal, a design thereby to perpetuate the power of a party afraid to trust its continuance to the untrammeled and intelligent votes of the American people. We are pledged to resist the legislation intended to complete this scheme, because we have not forgotten the saturnalia of theft and brutal control which followed another federal regulation of state suffrage because we know that the managers of a party which did not scruple to rob the people of a president, would not hesitate to use the machinery created by such legislation, to revive corrupt. instrumentalities for partisan purposes: because, an attempt to enforce such legislation would rekindle animosities where peace and hopefulness now prevail because such an attempt would replace prosperous activity with discouragement and dread throughout a large section of our country, and would menace, everywhere in tne land, the rights reserved to the states and to the people, which underlie the safeguards of American liberty.

I shall not attempt to specify at this time other objects and aims of Democratic endeavor which add inspiration to our mission. True to its history and its creed, our party will respond to the wants of the people within safe lino, and guided by enlightened statesmanship. To' the troubled and impatient w'tnin our membership, we commend continued, unswerving allegiance to the party whose principles, in all times past, have been found suflicient for them, and whose aggregate wisdom and patriotism, their experience teaches, can always be trusted.

In a tone of partisanship, which befits the occasion, let me *av to you as equal partners in the campaign upon which we today enter that tii" i"l-onnl fortunes of those to whom you haw entrusted your banners are only important as they are related to the fate of the principles they represent and to the party which they lead. I can not, therefore, torbear reminding you and all those attached to the Democratic, party or siipportingt.be principles which we profess hat, defeat in the pending campaign followed by the consummation of the legislative schemes our opponents contemplate. and accompanied by such other incidents of tlj-.-ir success as might, more firmly fix the'A- power, would present, a most discouraging outlook for future, Democratic supremacy and for the accomplishment of the objects we have at, heart,.

Moreover, every sincere Democrat, must believe that the interests of his country are deeply involved in the victory of our party in the struggle that awaits us. Thus patriotic solicitude exalts the hope of partisanship, and should intensify our determination to win success. This success can only be achieved by systematic nd intelligent effort, on the part of all enlisted in our cause. Let us tell the people plainly and honestly what we believe and how we propose to serve the interests of the entire country, and then let us, after the manner of true Democracy, rely upou the thoughtfulness and patriotism of our fellowcountrymen.

It only remains for me to say to you, in advance of a more formal response to your message, that. I obey the command of my party and confidently anticipate that ah intelligent, and earnest presentation of our cause will insure a popular endorsement of the action of the hotly you represent.

Mr. Stevenson's turn came next and after Mr. White, of California, had delivered his address and the formal letter of the committee had been read to liim Mr. Stevenson replied in a five-minute speech concluding as follows:

I am not unmindful. Mr. Chairman, of the grave responsibilties which attach to the great oflice for which I have been named. I may be pardoned for quoting in this connect ion the words of the honored patriot. Thomas A. Hendricks, when officially informed that he had been designated by his party for the vice presidency in 188-1. He said: "1 know that sometimes it is understood that this particular oflice does not involve much responsibil ity. and as a general rule, that is so. But sometimes it comes to represent very great responsibilities, and it may be so in the near future. The two parties in the senate being so nearly evenly divided, the vice president may have to decide upon questions of law by the exercise of the casting vote. The responsibility would then become very great. It would not then be the responsibility of representing a district. or a state. It would be the responsibility of representmg the whole countrv, and the obligation would be to the judgment of the whole country. And the vote when thus cast should be in obedience to the just expecta­

tions and requirements «f the people of the United States." Should it please my countrymen to call me to this oflice, the hf ligh appreciation of jsponslbilities as ex­

its dignity and of its responsi_. pressed in the utterances and illustrated In the public life of the eminent statesman whom I have mentioned will be alight to

Ul|'

°,TU l)ll,hway. [Applause.] in the contest upon which we now enter we make no appeal to the passions, but to the sober judgment of the people. We believe that the welfare of the toiling millions of our countrymen is bound up in the success of the Democratic party. Recent occurrences in a neighboring state have saxlly emphasized the fact that a high protective tariff affords no protection and (ends in no way to better the condition of those who toil.

earn their bread by daily

threat, applause.] Believing in the right of every voter to cast, his ballot inlawed by power, the Democratic party will steadily oppose all legislation which threatens to imperil that right by the interposition of federal bayonets at the polls. [Cheers.]

In.a more formal manner hereafter, Mr. Chairman, I will indicate by letter my acceptance of the nomination tendered me by the. national Democratic convention and will give expressions to my views touching the important questions enunciated in its platform. [Great applause.]

The Grent Ax Trust

Includes all edged tools. Tariff, 45 per cent. How the trusts operate to keep ui prices here and to sell their surplus abroad, so that it will not interfere with their home trade, is well illustrated by the history of the American Ax and Tool company, commonly known as the "ax trust." The first meeting of the manufacturers of axes was held in Buffalo in 1890. At a subsequent meeting in March the trust completed its organization. The trust is composed of the following companies:

Hubbard & Company, Pittsburg. Douglas Ax Manufacturing company, East Douglas, Mass.

William Mann's Ax works, Lewiston, Pennsylvania. Johnsonville Ax Manufacturing company, Johnson ville. N. Y.

H. Ivnickerbockei -works, Ballston Spa, N. Y. Peerless Tool company. Cleveland.

Romer Brothers Manufacturing company, Gowanda, N. Y. Lippincott & company, Pittsburg.

Underbill Edge Tool company, Nashua, N. H. The Globe Ax company, Boston.

Carpenter & Company, Jamestown, New York. The Buffalo ax works, owned by G. W. Francis—in all, twelve companies.

As soon as the trust was organized it raised prices, as the following from The Iron Age for March 26, 1890, shows: "The general feeling among the trade is that the ax-makers have formed a very strong 'assciation' and have complete control of the market, or so nearly so that the outside makers will have scarcely any appreciable effect on the prices. It is found that scarcely any orders can be placed with outside manufacturers who are not und?r the control of the American Ax and Tool company. The trade will do well to note the changed condition in this line of goods as regards the higher prices now ruling, and the strong probability of their maintenance for some time to come. On first quality goods an advance is now made of $1.75 to $2.^5 per dozen.

This advance has been well maintained. Before the trust was formed plain axes of the best brands were selling at $5.25 per dozen. The now sell at $7 per dozen.

So far as concerns the home markets the trust has been successful in that it is able to get at least $1 75 more for a dozen axes than the manufacturers who formed it were able to get before. It has been able to do this by its complete control over production here.

And now as to the way it disposes of its surplus abroad. In its foreign trade the trust is represented by branch houses in New York. Tims the branch which exports its products to the Spanish countries in South America is under the charge of G. P. Maleza.

The make of axes known to the trade as the '•Ohio." "Yankee," and "Kentucky," which the trust sells in this country for $7 per dozen are offered by Maleza for oqport for $0 per dozen delivered on board ship. Other brands and shapes are sold at similarly low prices.

By putting shipments on board ship and getting che bill of lading the trust is able to prevent some buyers from taking advantage of its low prices to foreigners.

In a circular to retail dealers to explain the cause of higher prices, Foster, Stevens & Company, hardware merchants of Grand Rapids. Mich., said in September, 1890: "There is but ono ax company in the United States, and that is called the American Ax and Tool company, with headquarters at Pittsburg. This company has purchased outright every ax factory in the country of any importance, and by thus controlling the product, has advanced prices on an average $3 per dozen. This company also controls the manufacture of ax poles (or the heads of axes), the machinery for which is patented, and this enables them to keep the price of poles so high that no one else can afford to make axes."

This is another protection physic for our Republican friends who argue "protection to American labor." This is one of the many reasons why honest Grover Cleveland will be elected next November by the largest majority of any president since Grant.—Starke County Democrat.

Besides the Carnegie strike there were seven other strikes of more or less importance in William McKinley's "pro tected" industries.—Rockville Tribune.

CARNEGIE LABOR WAR.

The Indianapolis Journal has now discovered that the locked-out workmen of Homestead were earning too much any way, and had no right to demand of Mr. Carnegie any portion of the bounties paid him by the people—"to protect American labor"—amounting to something like a million and a half a year. It was the Indianapolis Journal which declared some four years ago that "$5 a week is far from pauper wages." The personal organ of President Harrrison is coming out in its true colors again. It is the mouth-piece of a money-made aristocracy which has for years coshered npon the people and it now echoes the sentiments of Carnegie, Frick and the rest of them, "The people be damned."— Kokomo Dispatch.

What a travesty is this high protective tariff doctrine on American intelligence, anyhow. Not a single dollar has been added to the wages of American labor in the iron industries since the passage of the McKinley bill. On the contrary wages have been reduced. The only beneficiary of the tariff is the capitalist. Carnegie, the head of the firm that insists on a reduction of wages, lives in a baronial castle in Scotland, his native country. He came to this country a poor boy, and the government BO thoroughly taxed the people for his benefit that his annual profits are millions. What more evidence of the injustice of the McKinley tariff does the people want?—Rochester Sentinel.

The most potent tariff lesson of the year is Fort Frick. which Scotchman Carnegie has built around his protected steel works near Pittsburg to keep his "protected" working people from tearing his temple of Mammon to pieces. These are the working people whom the tariff framed by Carnegie's friend McKinley was to make the lords of creation whose pay was to increase indefinitely who were to grow fat on roast beef and plum pudding: who were to revel in luxury on taxes forced by the robber tariff from the farmer, merchant and professional man.—Daviess County Democrat.

So-called "protection to American labor" can score another conflict with the labor by means of which it has accumulated its millions. At the great works of Carnegie & Company, on Wednesday, last week, a fierce battle raged from early morning until late in the evening between several thousand workmen and nearly 350 Pinkerton hirelings, who were employed by the masters to shoot down the men who should undertake to defend the bread they were earning by the sweat of their brow Warsaw National Union.

They are now reaping their reward. Carnegie has set out in a determined ef fort to crush out of existence the Amalgamated Association of Steel and Iron Workers, this association being the sole remaining bulwark between the American workingman and the pauperism of Europe. The workingmen must yield to Carnegie or be shot down like dogs by hired assassins. Thanks to God and a Democratic legislature, no Pinkerton men can be brought into Indiana to murder wage workers, but in Republican Pennsylvania it is different.— Marion Leader.

They have been told by Carnegie to support McKinleyism in the interest of their wages. They were told an increase of the tariff increases wages. Instead of this, they have seen their wages twice scaled down since the passage of the McKinley bill. They have seen wealth pile up as if by magic in the hands of Carnegie and his partners who live in castles and revel in luxury, made possible'by the labor of the workmen.—Franklin Democrat.

We do not wonder that President Harrison frequently inquired of the telegraph operator what the news was from the bloody battle field at Homestead. Protection wasn't protecting the son of toil from the rapacity and greed of monopoly. The blood shed at Homstead, by labor, for its bread, was the blood of martyrs to be avenged against class legislation in November.—Frankfort Crescent,

The Republican press and leaders are perfectly dumbfounded at the Homestead affair. They see in it the exposition of the protection fallacies, and the honest ones will leave the party. The laboring men are leaving the tarilf party by the thousands. The leaders of that party are aware of it, but they are powerless to stop it.—Blnft'ton Banner.

The Carnegie steel works, owned by the tariff pampered lord who was first to congratulate President. Harrison upon his renouiination, closed down last Wednesday night, throwing 8,800 men out of employent. The men protested against a horizontal reduction of their wages, and the tariff protected baron shot theni down like dogs. Great benfit, to labor, this wonderful McKinley bill.—Lebanon Pioneer.

What do the Homesteaders think, now, of the promise of 1888—that the election of Harrison and the enactment of a "raised" tariff would result in higher wages?—Xoble County Democrat. -v/gi

With Reid on the presidential ticket, and Chase for governor, both with a record of opposition to the interests of Labor, will cut sorry figure posing for the labor vote.—Plymouth Democrat.

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