Crawfordsville Review, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 24 May 1890 — Page 6
Gures
^MPTEf^pEtlFECTflt BRUISES. SWELLINGS, CUTS, fee.
A bruise is a contusion fwellings ar« Inflammations cuts and wounds are alike di{ turbances to natural action, through whic the veins arc clogged, airculation impede* congestion sets In and rains ensue. Nature if Impatient—It trios to ripht itself and pain intensifies. Bruis-cs und swellings need a soothing iufluenco, but in cuts and wounds hardly any one would pour a liquid remedy into a gaping wound. So noon as nature brings the parts togetner, almost at once,
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In
TARIFF FOR REVENUE JUST.
HE. BROOKSHIRE'S ABLE AHGUMENT.
The Indiana Congressman Points Out the Error of the Protective Policy-Levy an Income Tax and Decrease the Burdens of Prime necessities. vCongrossum.'vl Record.)
Mr. Brtiokflhire—Mr. Chairman, no issue in American politics has lieen so much discussed as the tariff, and at no tim« ',avp abated in ttielr zeal in refuvftice to this issue except when they have I'een oomfronted witli the problem incident to wur. This is all v«rj natural because the greater part of our revenue raised for our support and maintenance of our federal government has ulways been derived from a tax laid upon imported goods. During the last fiscal year the aggregate revenues of our government were $887,^50,000, and of this stun $223,832,000 was collected on dutialiie goods.
Sir, there are at least two very goi'd mu! patent reasons why the tariff has been an interesting and perplexmu issue. First mitl priin.iriiy tin* people have always renanieil tiie taxing power with jealous because iliey :now full well that this power is one of tinhighest and most sacred with which their representatives have to do. And secondly, the apparently M'itish mauuer in which those rates ol tax have been laid upon different articles of iinpotl at different times has filled a very large utimher of our taxpayers and fellow citizens with a spirit of unrest and righteous indignation.
F.ir more thau seventy years a comparatively small mnjority of our fellow citizens have from time to time constantly clamored for special favor under what Is known as the so-called protective system, and all legislation looking to the perpetuation of this system is deservedly opeu to the criticisms that it is class legislation. It is the taxiug of the masses ot our people for the benefit of a favored class. Not only is this so, but this system has bad tlio effect to break down and cripple other equally valuable industries and vocations.
Mr. Webster in 1824 said: With me it is a fundamental axiom, it Is interwoven with all my opinions, that ihe ijieat interests of the^cotinty are united and inseparable that agriculture, commerce and manufactures will prosper together or languish together, and that all legislation is dangerous w'lich proposes to benefit oue of these without looking at the consequences which will fall upou the others. All domestic industry is not co ifined to manufactures. The employments of agriculture, and commerce and navigation are all branches of the same industry they all furnish employment for American capital and American labor. And when the question is whether new duties shall be laid for the purpose of giving further encouragement he must ask himself whether it can be given without injustice to other branches of industry.
What Mr. Webster then portentively ?aw we now realize—the fact by the year 1860 our foreign commerce excelled that of any other nation of the world, and the philosophy of navigation was the delight of our seamen. After thirty years of this high tax policy our merchant marine, which is the very- 6oul of our commerce, is a mere shadow ot its former self. Navigation with us is a iost art. Agriculture, which in 1860 controlled and owned one-half the wealth of this nation, perhaps does not to-day own and contioll one-fourth Its wealth.
As a member of the committee on agriculture I have spent [much time in the candid consideration of matters which affect this fundamental pursuit, aud my in bumble judgment, the great body of our agricultural people are in a more unrestful and unsatisfactory condition to-day than ever before in the history of our country, aud in this I am sure I voice the judgment of that committee.
Sir, this should not be so. Agriculture is our people's greatest aud foremost vocation. It is the foundation of our nation's wealth. This is true, because agriculture produces very largely the raw materials for the manufacturer, and the products of the farm and manufacture constitutejtbe very blood of commerce. Was not Mr. Webster right in 1824 when he predicted that undue encouragement to particular manufacturer would prove injurious to agriculture aud our foreign carrying trade?
After thirty years of high protective duties we are confronted with an object lesson, showthe condition ofjour(k.three co-ordinate industrial vocations—agriculture, manufactures, and commerce. Once they all went hand in hand in generous rivalry once each was the friendly and natural compliment of the other once they all prospered together, but to-day they all languish together.
Sir, tbey wor8e than languish together, because it is scarcely antexaggeration to 6ay that one member of thiB glorious wealth-producing triumvirate is substantially dead—our foreign carrying trade. Thirty years ago thousands and tens of thousands of brave fellow citizens were employed in the carrying of goods to and from the different nations of the earth in American vessels. To-day our commercial greatness iB but a memory.
Is foreign commerce necessary now to our prosperity? Has the condition of our people so changed in^tbe past thirty years that we do need commerce? But a single observation answers these questions. We now produce substantially ono-third of the coal, iron ore, pig-iron, finished iron and steel, and onefourth the wheat(that Is produced in the world and yet we have but the twenty-fifth part of the earth's population. Not only is this so, but we produce annually for export more than $500,000 worth of farm products, consisting in the main of hreadstuffs, provisions, raw cot-S ton, tobacco and live animals.
Mr. Chairman, shall we approve this high tax bill and refuse to buy from the nations of the earth, and thereby encourage them to close their ports and markets against what we have to sell? When we refuse to buy from them they in return will refuse to buy from us. And thus continues the interminable conflict in which lies the death of commerce, the paraly' sis of agriculture and the cultivation ot the most, consummate selfishness among our manufacturers. [Applause.] Is it right that this bill should become a law and lay additional tax burdens upon an already over-taxed people and farther embarrass trade and menace commerce, or should we retrace our steps and again place upon our statue books a tariff for revenue?
A tariff fer revenue is just, because it is harmony with the wisdom of the fathers, They believed that our laws should be so
it" Mii
I
framed as to do equal aud exact justice to all, and give special privileges none. A revenue tariff properly adjusted would remove the tax upon raw iimteria out of which ships are constructed. I would graciously invite tens of thousands of our fellow citizens to go forth oil the sea, tini 'iKr contenti-ii atoms of life float in the artwien atiti veins bearing the rich blootl of cuiuiiut'co. A revenue tariff would invite our bltt.«t fnrnneej, rolling mills, iron and steel plants to take their products rolled, hammered, and bout in thousand shapes all useful to the needs of niuu, and to trade the prmlut.s to the ptvplo of other countries.
Sir, the people of South America need aud want our railway irou and locomotives, farming implements and machinery, cutlery and tools, cotton and woolen goods, tobacco and cordage, provisions, cured meats, wines, preserved fruitB, flour, boots and shoes, pianos, sewing machines and petroleum. In fact they need and »a:it, hlmost every article known to the skill and industry of our inventive people, and for these tliiugs so singularly indispensable to use of man they would most willingly trade us coffee, hides, raw wool, sugar, indigo, dye-wo Ml, robber, fertilizers, cinchona bark and niiiit.v other articles as equally indispensable to liS.
Moreover, our trade would uot be confined to Sooth Ainetica, hut like an endless chain of en.i:.«SH good, it would girdle the globe as it did in years long trour. by. (Applause.)
Again was Mr. Webster correct when he said too much encouragement to particular manufactures would cause them to languish. The census reports show that the number of manufacturing establishments in the United States increased iu number 17,408 from 1850 to 1860, aud 111,715 from I860 to 1870, and but 1,704 from 1870 to 1880. The number of manufactures increased in number sixty-five times as fast from 1860 to 1870 as from 1870 to 1880. The capital invested iu manufacturing establisments increased from 1850 to 1860 about0 per, v.nd from 1860 to 1870 more thau 1 IJ) pur ceut., aud from 1870 to 1880 less tKau 33 per ceut.
Wiiat- is the legitimate inference to be drawn from these census facts? They prove that during the revenue-tariff years both the number of manufacturing establishments and t'je capital invested in them had a natural aud healthful growth, but immediately after the year 1860, when they received undue encouragement at the hands of our government, capital, in many instances, was itnprovidently invented in manufactures. In a word, manufacturing establishments, immediately after 1860, were not called into existence by natural and healthful conditions, but very largely they were boru of an artificial stimulus.
Prior to 1860 the government, speaking by law, said: "All the industries aud vocations of my people shall stand equally before the law, and all shall be treated with equal favor." Subsequent to 1860 the government said to the manufacturers, "I will protect and nourish you you are my special favorites." Thousands of our fellow citizens, influenced by this artificial stimulus, rushed into manufacturing, Aud so we had scarce entered upon the decade commencing in 1870 when we begun to hear of over production.
With overproduction came the filling of the warehouses with manufactured goods for which purchasers could not be found. With it came a crash of private fortunes which was felt in every home. With it came the custom of running furnaces and mills on half time or third time. With the shutting of the mills came lockouts, and with lockouts came tramps. Out of all this wreck of fortunes, perplexity, and stagnation succeeding 1870, and which will forever distinguish the decade from 1870 to 1880 came the combine and the trust.
The government's chosen beneficiaries, who are now confederated in combines and trusts, do not, according to the Darwin theory, represent the survival of the fittest, but they reprereut the survival ot the wealthiest and the strongest. Combines and trusts in the main are the direct outgrowth of our high tax policy. The relevancy of a high tariff to trusts is evident and simple. A high tariff prevents importations of protected manufacturers and the manufacturers, being thus protected from competition from abroad, enter into a combine or trust the prime object of which are to limit the amount and supply of goods to be sold to the public, and also to fix the price to be paid for such goods, without reference to the cost of production, and also at the same time to assail and break down all domestic competition. Thus by an unwise tariff policy we have brought into existence combines and trusts representing vast accumulations of wealth in tlie hands of a few personB.
Mr. Chairman, it is said in holy writ that the "Rich ruleth the poor, and the borrower is the servant of the lender." The wisdom of this divine injunction is more evident to-day than ever before in the history of our country. (Mr. Brookshire here quoted from the St. Louis Globe-Democrat some of Its demands for tariff reform, and showing that trust* are the natural outgrowth of the policy ot protection.)
Mr. Chairman, the friends of a high tariff are compelled by the conditions which confront them to concede that the tariff has fostered trusts and thai trusts have broken down competition. Not only is competition broken down so far aB rival industries are concerned, but competition, which is tke very soul of trade, has ceased to be a factor in the labor market. When individuals form a trust, they cease to bid against each other for labor. They simply agree among themselves what the trust will pay for labor, so labor must accept the wages fixed by the trust or go unemployed. (Mr. Brookshire here quoted from Mr. Garfield's "free-trade" speech, which has often been printed in the Sentinel.)
Mr. Chairman, 1 have ventured to quote at great length from Mr. tiarfield in order to prove by his splendid collation of facts that the charge often made that our country was not piosperous and happy under a revenue tariff Is absolutely false. In the light of history and the conditions which now confront us, I contended in all sincerely that this socalled protective system has proven prejudicial and disasterouB to the masses of our people.
In 1860 our people had lived for fourteen consecutive years under a tariff for revenue. In thoBe daye when the burdens of taxation were light, combines aud trusts, lock-outs and strikes were things unknown. Sir, in those days, I repeat, our domestic Manufacturers were in generous and healthy competition. To-day many of them are banded together in trusts and thereby have become arrogant and defiant monopolies, in the slimy folds of which
Itl, VLEKLV REVIEW.
competition has long since strangled and died. Under this system our manufacturers in many instances seem to have lost their spirit ot self-reliance. Continually they clamor at the government, demanding that additional taxes bo laid on the great body of our people for protection, an& under the guise of subserving the public good their clamors have been barkened to until the felicity, harmony and contford that once existed among our people with respective callings aud, vocations seem to be almost lost and destroyed.
A l"RinIly Jewel.
Dr. David Kennedy, of Rondout, N. Y., the famous surgeon and physician, has sent us a copy of his book, "How to Cure Kidney, Liver aud Blood Disorders." It is a work which should be read in every home, for the value of the medical lessons alone. It contains also many life illustrations, and two facinating stories from the widely known author "Ned. Buntline." Anyone sending their address with name of this paper to Dr. Kennedy, will receive the bookfree by mail.
A Japanese princess is in Berlin slydying the management of hospitals and]charitable institutions.
Remarkable Rescue.
Mrs. Michael Curtain, Plalnfield, 111., makes the statement that she caught cold, which settled on her lungs she was treated for a mouth by her family physician, but grew worse. He told her she was a hopeless victim of comsumption and that no medicine could cure her. Her. druggists
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The prevalence of scrofulous taint iu the blood is much more universal than" many are aware. Indeed, but few personB are free from it. Fortunately, however, wo have in Ayer's Sarsaparilla, the most potent remedy ever discovered for this affliction,
Gen. W. W. Conntr, aged 70, died at his home in Noolesville Friday. He was one of the framers of state constitution of Indiana.
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Children Cry for Pitcher's Castoria.