Crawfordsville Review, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 29 September 1860 — Page 1

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ft

MW SERIES-VOL. XII, NO. 11.

~A MVCff WUmtl H1IKM|TBI WB«LI *«*ROn board the steamer Ocean, between Cleveland and Detroit, a circumstance occurred laat week which is pleasantly told bjt correspondent of the Cleveland Her* aid.

young girl, apparently about 17 yean at age, was Mated upon a pile of cheese boxes, with her two little brothers, aged 11 aad. 13 years. Thyr were orphans, boand from Allegheny, Pa., to Michigan, where they expected to find a home with •a uncle.

After having purchased second class tickets for the three, the girl had spread her old bed quilt on the pile of ehecse boxes and prepared to pass the night in quietude. She had hardly arranged her nest, however, before she was accidentally discovered by a second class passenger, a tall young man of 23 years, who had loved her in secret almost from infancy, and who, for the past two years, had been rsfting lumlier down on the Ohio river. Having acquired about-two hundred dollars in hard currcncy, lie came to Cleveland on the tenth to participate in the celebration, when, as he expressed it, "some mean kuss

Sicked

his pocket of every darned cent ut four dollars."fi t?':A it?}? Being unable to find the thief or the money,lie had started fcr the West with the determination to hire out on a farm.— To his surprise and joy he found himself on board the same vessel with the objcct of his heart's earliest affections.

Siding up to her, he exclaimed: "Why Cynthia Ann! why how do you io? I didn't hardly know you! Why how you've growd! Where you going "I'm going to uncle's in Michigan," was the feeble reply. "You knew mother was dead, didn't you?" "Wliy, nor and his voice softened.— "When did she die, Cynthia Ann ".She died last January! Uncle wrote to me that if I'd come up there, he'd give mc and the boys a home." "Cynthia Ann!" and the young man's voice trembled—"there ain't no man'U be so glad tJ give you a home as I will! I've oilers thought a heap of you I told your mother when you wasn't inore'n so high, that when you growed up I was a goin' to tuire you. Now Cynthia Ann—jest say the word, and you're to hum now."' "What'll become of the boys inquired the agitated maiden. "I'll go with you and leave 'em to your uncle's, and then we'll go West and hire out this fall and wiuter and then next spring we'll buy a small farm and live to hum!"

The girl gave a warm sigh of acccp

*••••••. tancc, leaned her head against the honest) these conservatives, who thus stand apart breast of the hardy youth, and looked up jfroin the two great parties, are probably into his face as much as to say—if you 1 far less numerous than cither of them, but want anything take it. 1 yet they unquestionably hold the balance

The man snatched a kiss from her ripe .'of power, and therefore their action is of ruby lips, sprang down from tho ehecse 'exceeding moment. We approve the. poboxes, afid exclaimed—"If there'# a min- sition they occupy, and we arc sure that if ister or justicc of the peace on this boat, trc lived where they do, we should be of I've got a job for him!" jthem. Their situation is one of deep rc"I am a justice of. the peace," remark- sponsibility, and we do not doubt of their cd a venerable looking old man from York meeting that responsibility worthily. Un--^iCSW^State, "remount the cheese boxes, aud you swayed by the strong partisan influences I. shall be a married man in less than five raging around them, they can look calmly

wo were rich. Come sit down

1

The gentleman in the office replied that tlie Clerk had stepped out, but would be back in a few moments whereupon the man went back to the pile of cheese to look at his precious treasure.

Having our sympathies aroused, we hastily ran around among the passengers, told the story, and took up a collection to procure a state room for the young couple.— To the credit of our lady passengers, they were most liberal in their donations, and in less than ten minutes we had collected $14 92. Presenting this sum to the agreeably astonished young man, we informed him that he could now procure a state room with two beds, one for himself and wife, the other for the boya. Thanking us with big watery eyes, he rushed to the clerk's ofice, where he was met by Capt. Pierce, agent of the line Captain Evans, commander of the boat, and Mr. Carter, the clerk.

Capt Pierce exclaimed—"Here, my good fellow here's a ticket for yourself MM! wife to go to Chicago. Get West as fast as you can go to work on a farm, and look out for the landmarks."

Capt. Evans pulled out a glittering coin and said—"Here's five dollars! keep yourself good condition, and—" here the worthy Captain forgot his speech and ran off laughing.

t.

phi**

The Clerk, Mr. Carter, banded the man a key, -and said' "You are welcome to one of the best state rooms on the boat. It has two beds^—one for yourself and wife, tho other for the boys."

Capt. Etnas bating retained, exelais^d —"Give tbe bors another room! They

iK

hunt no business in there, mey business n—" here he broke down with laughter again, and harried away to give orders on the boat. The couple now retired to their sumptuous apartment, as happy as mortals are allowed to be on this earth, and the passengers gathered in knots to oraise the liberality of all concerned, and the comical oddity of Capt. Evans.

TSKK KINO *!». The King of Naples has fied from his capital, his government is overthrown, and Garibaldi-is on the point of entering that city in triumph. This is a wonderful revolution. Only a few months ago Garibaldi, with a few hundred adventurers and filibusters, landed in Sicily to overthrow' a monarchy of nine millions of people, which bad a standing army of one hundred thousand men, and could bring into the field half a million of melitia, which abounded in strong fortified places, and had quite a fleet at his disposal.

The fact that the monarchy has fallen under such an assault, indicates how odious it was in the estimation of its people. Its soldiers deserted to the invaders, and the people sympathized with the movement they had in contemplation. The consequeticc has been the overthrow of one of the secondary powers in Europe by means so apparently diflproportioned to'the enterprise. It affords another instance that bayonets are thinking in this nineteenth century, and'that they are no longer to be relied on to-subserve the purposes of--ty-ranny.

Public opinion will ere long shake down strongier thrones than that of Naples.— The difficulties of Garibaldi may now be said to fairly commence. Naples is conquered but what shall be done witli it Shall it be annexed to the new Italian kingdom of Sardinia Shall another and a French dynasty bo placed upon the vacant throne 1 What will Austria, Fraucc, Kngland and Russia do in the matter Will they allow events to peaceably take their course toward the unity of the Italian people under one government, or will they interfere for their own ambitious purposes .' We may now expect to receive the most important advices from Europe. The Ital an question again bids fair to lead to a general'war—Cincinnati Enquirer.

Krutu the I.im'uviHc Journal. September 30th.

INSMAXA, ILMmiS, *c. The more we enquire into the condition of things in Indiana and Illinois, the more we arc convinced that the votes of thos? States in the vastly important election soon to take place depend upon the conservative men who have not united themselves with cither the Republican party or the Democratic party. We are aware that

Minutes." upon the whole progress of events and de"Well, hold on, squire I haint got no jcidc prudently and wisely as to their duty money, but I'll give you an all jofircd good to the country.

"Never mind about the pay," said the worthy squire, "I'll take my pay in seeing you happy."

The fellow remounted the pile of cheese, clasped the hands of his dearly beloved, and in three minutes the cercmonv was

and must be done. chances of lo a and Wisconsin, to say! Louis.

Starting up suddenly he exclaimed, half! nothing of States in the East. And we

Hamlin would

before the people cf the nation. They know that the Republican Legislature of Massachusetts has fully endorsed Charles Sumner's speech in the Senate of the United States branding slave-owners as aecur sed outlaws from all the charities of our race, and encouraging servile insurrection and massacre. They know tbattbe Republican party of Massachusetts has nominated Andrew for Governor, who publicly proclaimed that old John Brown was right, and that his death was the death of a martyr. They know that the Repubiican party of New York has nominated E. D. Morgan for Governor, who indorsed and aided to circulate in the South the infamous Helper book, the whole tendency of which was to make the entire South a blood-stained desert. They know that at least half a dozen Republican State Legislatures, setting the Constitution and the whole authority of the United States Government.at defiance, have passed the most atrocious nullification laws for the purpose of wresting from the people of the South their legal rights and covering the South with ruin.

Our conservative friends in the nonslavcholding States must surely understand that the triumph of such a party and the establishment of tho principles as the policy of the Republic would put forever out of the question all thought of amity between he North and the South. We confidently ask them then, as patriots, as neighbors, to labor with us for the defeat of that party. -I.* The great danger, the only danger, now to be appreheuded by the conservatives of the nation, is from the election of Lincoln and that is indeed a terrible one. Widely as wc differ from Mr. Douglas in many tilings, wc should deeply rejoicc to see Indiana and Illinois go for him. knowing as we now do that they can not be carried for Bell. Let the Bell and Everett men of those States consider well their duty to themselves, to us their brethren, and to their country, in this momentous emergency. Let them save their States from Lincoln. Let them bend all their eaer^ies to this end. Let them work exclusive reference to it. And by all means, lei our Indi'ina friends take good heed that ths Jesuit of their State election in O 'over shx 'l extinguish the lint hope of Jtspublicunis'n in liuti S.tJe. If this shall be done, the patriotic heart of tie nation will bound with joy.

A KRWA UTI€J» HI DKNT. ALSANT, Sept. 23.—La Mountain, the aeronaut met with a serious accident on his rcccnt voyage from this city. He traveled thirty miles in twenty minutes, and in attempting to land at East Lanesboro, Mass., was caught in a tornado and dashed against a stone wall, knocking him senseless, but breaking no bones. The basket rebounded and was elevated to an equal altitude with the balloon, thus clearing the wul!. It was then dragged along the ground at a fearf:i! speed, anil coming ia contact wih a tree, stripped it of its branches, and tore the net work of the balloon to atoms. It continued its course some distance, when it ev.nc ia cantact with another tree, throwing Mr La Mountain out, causing the balloon to cjllapse and tearing it to tatters. La Mountain was not conscious for near half a:i hour, when he was found on the top of the mountain by so nc men who witnessed his

Wc have already, in two or three car- perilous descent. lie was very badly

nest articles, appealed to the conservative bruised and cu\ but not so seriously injurmen, the Bell and Everett men of Indiana jed as to prevent his riding to a farmer's and Illinois, to prevent, if possible, their house, where he remained 24 hours, when States from going for Lit: colli. We rc-1 he returned to L-nesboro, reviling hoite gard the matter as one of itiimcuse impor-: last night. tance, and therefore wc again return to it. His escape from instant death was most

performed—he had entered into a new ex- One hundred and twenty-seven Electoral! miraculous, as the balloon was driving istcnce. Kissing his little bride once on votes will certainly be given against Lin-.along at the rate of a mile a minute when her ready lips, he seated himself on a big coin and twenty-five in addition to the one he was dashed against the stone wall. cheese and commenced, no doubt, for the hundred and twenty-seven will secure his He says it was a more fearful and perilfirst time to realize what he was, where he defeat. Indiana and Illinois can cast twen- ous descent than was made wtcn he landed was. what he had done, and what ought ty-four of twenty-five, and there are good in Jefferson county on his trip from St.

aloud, to himself—"Well, by hokcy. this is want our Bell and Everett friends of In-: MAN IMPALKO IJPON A I .TCIIFORK.— we have become more indcccnt in that parA pretty hard way of passing the first diana and Illinois to take this thing vigor- arc informed that Mr. Hum-1 ticular than our fathers, labor under a

night!" jously in hand. Certainly they hate sec- phrc\, who resides near HuJi Ki\er, 'n :great mistake. The partisan press indulge

of "baeMee, consisting of one large meal jcurred in this country, such a oue indeed jground beside the stack, the tines of the bai», containing a change of shirts, socks, as the. spirit of the Constitution of the fork sticking in the ground caused the neckerchief, and old boots, ho took from United States docs not conteiuplute. We handle to stand in a pcrpcndicular post the leg of one of the boots an excellent ax, and walking up to the Clerk's office, lie exclaimed "I say, look here, Cap'n, I've paid for a deck passage, but I want a bed for myself and w—i—self and woman. I haint got no money, but here is an all jofired good ax."

know that our conservative friends on the t'on- Mr- II., after finishing the stack north of the Ohio river have a deep syni-. l»|s hands, not thinking of any dangcr, slid down the side of tlie stack to the ground, and in so doing fell upon the fork,

pathy with us, the conservatives on the south of that river, and wc do solcmnly assurc them, that, if the Black Republican candidate, tiie Northern sectional candidate, should be elected to the Presidency, there is little hope that the conservative party of the slavcholding States, however patriotic and vigorous its exertions might to mourn his untimely end. St. Peters be, could sustain itself for another month. W's-) Statesman, September 14

There is almost a certainty that our con scrvativo party in the South would be borne down by the aroused and exasperated spirit of Southern sectionalism, that it would disappear as a party, and tjiat thereafter the only parties of the Nation would be the party of the North and the party of the South. How long the Union could survive sueh a condition of things as that and what its value would be even whilst it should endure, are matters that may well engage the attention of thinking minds everywhere. They arc matters of solemn import.

We invite our Bell and Everett friends across the line to mark well what they must see to be the tendencies of the Republican party. They know that Mr. Lincoln was the author, originator, two years ago, of the alarming doctrine of the "irrepressible conflict,"between the enemies of slavery and those who sustain it, the doctrinc that we must never, never have peace within our Republic whilst even one slave exists upon the soil. They know that Mr. Lincoln repeated in strong language the substance of this doctrine scarcely two months ago, proclaiming that, fieree as the slavery and anti-slavery conflict may now be, it is destined years hence to be fiercer still. They know that Mr. Seward, the creator and master-spirit of the Republican party, who is even more the exponent of that party than ever Henry Clay was of the old Whig party, announce* this omnious and feaxro 'doctrine in every speech

NIGHT IN AN AMERICAM DESERT.—I know of nothing in the world more melancholy than those vast solitudes seen on a fine summer's night, when the moon, shining in the midst of the stars, sends forth the reflections of its silvery light over this boundless plain. The view is lost in a pale twilight, without echo a light transparent mist hovers in the space. Scorpions, in crawling along, make their scales creak large green and yellow lisards move slowly in the burnt grass. The melodious murmuring of the flowing waters is nowhere heard, nor the joyful rustling of the leaves. The birds, having no branches whereon to rest, enliven not the air with their songs the breeze whispers not in the foliage nothing disturbs the silence of night unless it be the monotonous cricri of the solitary crbket. This silence oppresses, overwhelms you like tbe thought of the infinite. You fancy yourself wrapt in a shroud of crape which envelopes the whole earth for life is only revealed by the twinkling of the stars movements is only manifested by the motiod of the moon pursuing its tranquil course through the celestial spheres. Nature seems plunged in an awful slumber, dismal, mysterious, full of sadness and pain, like the sleep of the dead in the presence of eternity.—

Abbe Em. Dobech.

Republican stock is rapidly decli

ning.

AX ISfWMM'* TTKW MB

In wafting ourselves in imagination, to oar own satellite, the inoon—the nearest to our celestial bodies—we have passed overs distance equal tp thirty times the diameter of our globe In advancing to the sun we travel over 'a, distance equal to thirty times that of the moon, and before we reach Uranus, the remotest,of the planets, we have traversed a space equal to twenty times the earth's distance from the sua. Thus placed at the limits of a system enclosed in a circle of eighteen hundred millions of miles in radius, our appreciation of distance, would appear to be exhausted, and we seem to be on the margin of an unfathomable abyss. The. telescope, however, and the muraL circle, enable us to span the void, and the genius of man proud of the achievement—and justly, if humbly proud—has crossed the gulf twelve thousand times the radius of his own system, that be may study the nearest world in the firmament of heaven. Beyond this frontier lies the whole universe of stars—their binary systems—their clusters, and their nebulous combinations.—* The observed parallax of one fourth of a second in a Lyra, carries us four times as far into bosom of space though beyond this we have no positive measure of distance, it would be as unphilosophical to assign limits to creation, as to give' it an infinite range. In this rapid flight into space, we have traversed it but in one dimension, and: the line which we have traced,'.is but a unit in the scale of celestial distance. Creation in its wide panorama is still above us, beneath us and around us and innumerable worlds sparkle in its canopy. If from this bourne, from which the astronomical traveler alone returns, we look upon our course, our own planetary system ceases to be perceived. Its sun is dim— itself but an invisiblo point in the nebulous light that intervenes. Where then, is our terrestrial ball its oceans, its continents, its mountains, its empires, its dynasties, its thrones Where is our fatherland—its factions— its Crhistian disunions—its slave crimes, and its unholy wars Where is our home—its peace—its endearments—its hopes—and its fears Where is man, the intellectual nomad—the only atom of organic life that can pierce the depths, and interpret the enigma of the universe ?—-and yet the only spark of a spiritual nature, which disclaims the authority and resists the will of the universal King! They have all disappeared in the far off perspective—the long vista of space, whose ape ', were it a sun, the hugest telescope would fail to descry. No living thing here meets the eye, and no sentiment associated with life presses on the affections. Tic tiny organism of earth and ocean—everything that moves and breathes—that lives and dies—all are ongulphcd in the great conception of the universe. The straining, mind cannot unite the immeasurable extremes. The infinite in spacc—the eternal in duration —the omnipotent in power—the perfect in wisdom, alone fill the expanded soul, and portray in their awful combination—the Creator of the Universe.—British Review.

RNT: VIOI.KNC'E OF PAK'I'V VEKMXC IN TILL: 4M.DE* TI.1IE. One of our exchanges says

In a publication now before us, issued in 1800, we find WASHINGTON chargcd with haviug 'embezzled the publicmoney? with being knowingly perjured,' being a hypocrite,' and with having sacrificcd the right: of his country while the incumbent President was assailed for 'having, cotnp eUd the of ignomy which r. hiniyo.i b-gan.'

The violence and infamous nature of the charges made against Washington, Jefferson, Adams, and the illustrious men of the Revolutionary era, by their cotcmporarics, more than equal anything that is said

nst tha i'inent

C,ans of tb,s

be a sectional triumph and While engagedI in topping off a^ stack of early days of our Government. Party

Hut John had an idea, and he was bound only that. It would be such a result of a I "ay »c broke the handle of the fork which spirit never run so high or went to such Allow mc briefly to notice some of the to out it into operation. Going to his pile Presidential election as has never yet oc-1 he was ustng, and, iu throwing it on the

I AVAiitiil rwtail* Mm flin finna nf th**

/t-tes nen and politi-

era"

of 179S-9, and 1800.

satisfy any one of the fact. It seems sin-

the end of the broken handle striking him accustomed to regard them as without fault in the neck immediately below the jaw, severing the windpipe and tearing his neck in a horrible manner. He lingered but a few hours. He leaves a wife and family

almost, if not quite, been forgotten in the halo of glory which time has thrown around

them,

and only exists in the files

THI •EPUBtlCA* rABTV SECTIO^TAl»

CRAWFORDSVILLE, MONTGOMERY COUNTY, INDIANA, SEPTEMBER 29, 1860. WHOLE NUMBER 955.

4

Thosc who

s»PP°se

that

r—^ ».no

an ext€nt

Eloquent and Patriotic Speech

-o-

HON. A. H. STEPHENS,

OF GEORGIA.

Dellrrmi la the City Hall Park, at Aan*. ta, Dcmh,

mm

as it did in the memorable days 'prominent objections urged against this

ocrat

0f thc

of

ancient jJf

papers, or old pamphlets, that arc some-

times looked over and brought to light by the antiquarian student and curious researcher.

ROGUERY OE JAPANESE MERCHANTS.— Japanese Merchants, I think, exceed even the Chinese in their adroitness in cheating. They swear to the truth, when the truth is unknown to them, and seldom or never practiced. Water and mud they mix with oil, and each (a small copper coin) has been found put up with raw silk to increase its weight, having every appearance of being genuine, but filled in the center with a mixture of oil and clay, with a perfect coating of wax. They excel in counterfeiting gold and silver, which they do to perfection, their composition standing the test of nitric acid. Mahogany hams and wooden nutmegs are thrown in the shade here. A Connecticut peddler would learn enough here to insure his fortune in a short time in the South-west.

That

rule

In 1856, September 10, in a speech £5.18^

Greenville, Ind., Hon. Geo. »V. Julieu, at nominees should receive two-thirds of all present Republican candidate for Con-

gress in the Fifth Indiana District, said "I tell you we area sectional party. It is not alone a fight between the North and the South it is a fight between freedom and slavery—.between God and the Devil —•between heaven and hell!"

Samrtajr ErraUis,

SepMakrr 1, ISM.

FELLOW-CITIZENS:—I appear before you. in obedience to a call made on me by those whose call could not be refused.— The sacrifice of personal feelings or wishes on such occasions is not to be taken into the account. If it were, I assure you, I should not be here. I had hoped never again to be drawn into the active struggles, the strifes and excitements of politics.— The address I made on the 2d of July, of last year near this spot, on taking leave of you and this district, as Representative in Congress, I intended it to be the last speech of the kind I should ever make. I trusted that in no event, or under auy circumstances, should I ever be called on again to mingle in public affairs. All the questions with which I had been connccted in the public councils having been settled upon terms satisfactory to us—upon terms thought to be just and honorable to all sections of the Union—it was but natural to look upon that settlement as permanent, and to indulge the hope of a happy and prosperous future for the country. But how illusory are all our ,hopes! How changed the prospect before us now from what it was twelve months ago! Then, everything was encouraging to the heart of the patriot. Would that I could say the same now Thosc agitating questions then thought to be settled, have been opened up afresh, and all that was done in their settlement is attempted to be undone.

You ask me what I think of the present state of the country I tell you candidly and frankly that the signs of the times, as I read them, portend evils of the greatest magnitude. At this time, and for some mouths past, the tendencies have been decidedly towards national disruption and general anarchy. This conviction is beginning to forcc itself upon the minds of all. Can these tcndencics be chcckcd Can the threatened disaster be avoided or prevented If so, how, and in what way? What course should the patriot, looking only to the public good, public pcacc, welfare, and safety, take in the complicated contest before us These arc questions which now crowd upon our consideration. On them I propose to address you to-n'.ght. They present a wide field for thought and reflection—abounding in subjects of deepest interest and gravest import. I can only touch upon a few of the n. My physical strength will not allow mc to attempt more—if indeed it will sustain mc in the limited view I have marked out for myself. I assume, in the.outset, that the Government, as it exists is worth preserving nay more, with all its errors and defcc cs, with all its corruptions in administrat on and short comings of its officers, it is the best Government on earth, and ought to be sustained, if it can be, on the principles upon which it was founded.

First then, as to the duty of Democrats House :i c'thc.- bran j. The in the approaching Presidential c'cetion— for to that party I especially address myself.

The choice of chief Magistrate is the now pressing and absorbing issue. Greater and more momentous issues may be behind, but I wish not to lift the curtain of the future, it is with the present we now deal. For whom should Democrats vote There arc two tickets in the field cla'.ning to bo Democratic which ouc is entitled to and should receive the votes of Demo- thirds of t'lose »i:::^ on an .- erats To this I answer, that,

:n

ment, the Douglas and Johnson is the one entitled to Democratic support. The nominees on this ticket arc the representatives of the part}', put forth according to the usages of the party, and arc the representatives of the long established principles of the part}-. Nay, more, they are t'le representatives of the only principles upon which, in my judgment, the Un'on of the States and the rights of all sections can be maintained. For this rpason I would urge this ticket, not only uron a!! Democrats, but upon all well-wis.:crs of

Tho W* arm.iin "ticket by the partisans and friends of the had two thirds, according to the sa:ue rule

those who advocated

leading incn, and in

-»i i-» ."! other tickct claiming to be the true Dem-1 or principle oi:' nstruc*.' wh:ch would |»any asa iirst choice as any other inau tance with the history of that tunc will

gular to us, who venerate the memory of platform, and especially to certain opinions in the fu •ulament:1 !aw of own State.

our Revolutionary statesmen, and who arc the

is,.what is the right construction of the rule requiring two-thirds of the votes ot the Convention to make a nomination, and when will its requisition be complied with 1 This principle of a two-thirds vote is well understood in the, parliament-try law of the country. It is fixed in the Constitution of the United States, and in the Constitution of onr own .State, perhaps of most of the States of the Union. It is a principle often carricd into practical operation in Congress and our State Legislatures. For instance in the Constitution of the United States, article first, section seven, and clause two, we have this p.ovision very bill which slinll have pn«»,l the ll.msc of Representatives nml the Senate shall, before it it Inw, be presented to the President of the United States. If he approves In- shall sisn it but if not. ho shall return it. willi hN olij •etions, to that Moulin which it shall have orisri lated, who sliallenter the objections at large upon their journals, ami proceed to reconsider it. If after suoli recondcrntion. TWOTIIIKI1S or THAT Horse, shall aiti'eu to pass the bill itshall be sent, together with the objections, to the other House, by which it .shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two-third.-! of that House it shall become law."

less a bill for that purpose, speeifvini tho alteration

six months previous to the nevt cii-ning election for I tn.Mnbers of the*General and if

"tiliriioii0' "l0Sil"lC

my judg- It is iuimatcral with me, t::

su.-li

ic party. These relate to the manner authorize a bll! to be passed over an exec-1 before the Convention.

a

gQ much strc3s had not bccn put upon

1

party, and according to the proper con struction of what is known as the twothirds rule. It is immaterial to mc whether he received the nomination according to the interpretation or construction of that rule at Charleston or not. I mean the

VOfCS cast or

alt-rr-

to."in" t'iieiHitJ:se^r./Sk w"^

,,ec"liu'11

piirt

,,f^

Under this ckusc tw trirds of cach

nomination, the principles of the utivc veto, cr cause any change to be made I hat are the objections to him

11.bercfcre

'ticket. nominated candidate of the Democratic 1 he ^uni .nut sub.siante ot tiicn o^jLCtion.-, First, as to the manner of the noraina- party, and such, cntit.cd to the

to read of the odium which was heaped tion. it is said iic failed to get two thirds his part.-. and this only, that he refuse* to declare it upon them by partisan prejudice. It has of the votes in tho Convention—that, by No other rue o: c^:istruct:on can be jt,J

Democratic usage from 1832 down, no can-' practically worked. How could it. be with as^atlants ,ay they will not do themselves. didatc could be nominated without

two- .Ve.s.s-.*. lre"linridge and l.rrne, who are

National Dcxocvatic party

the other ticket. Notjvcntion that r.. r.lnated them, the

reasons whv Democrats should feel under Their Convention consisted of but ouc about winch wc hear so much. Me sayi. no party obligation to support the tickct of! hundred and five electoral votes, very lit- l»e

the regularly constituted Democratic Con- tic over one-third, al! told, of the electoral

vention. vote of the Union so that if the same They say they believe it to be their In my judgement, Mr. Dougfas did re- construction had been put upon it in that

xn my luuguniviit, -**R. A»«UJ:I»5 UIU IU- ...m •, ,i „.:il ceive two-thirds of the votes of the Con-! Convention, which it is insisted should be t.ieretore or a wherefore, sav icv vention, according to the usages of the in the other, they never could have noin I his seems to me, ri-pc..j party, and according to the proper con- inatcd anybodv, if they had ballottc 1 un- t'1(!

inatcd anybodv, if they had ballottc 1 un-, til doomsday. Then let no man abandon

1

in most, if not all the Conventions trine of

was tbat tLe

given in the Convention

It is immateral, whether, in point of fact, in all the other Conventions, the nominees did actually receive two thirds of the entire electoral vote or not. There never was before such a secession as tbat at Charleston and Baltimore. The question racy

so then, why not now Do principles change so sOon II-is anything occurred sincc requiring new tests If so, when, and where, and what Did our Northern friends fail to adhere to it Did thoy nor. rather renew their pledge to it, with tho additional dciuntul as to tho Dred Scott decision, made by our State Convention last December 1 If, then, this platform of principles was sufficient to guard and protect our rights and interests and honor in 1856, why is it not in I860, especially with the additional guarantee given This question I propound to all candid and reflecting minds. It is one that the country expects an answer to by thosc who left the Convention beeaiisc of the principles adopted, and whose secession has produced the strifes and divisions that now pervade the land. The only answer to it I have yet seen has been given by a com-* mittec of the seceding delegation from this State. It is in their address assigning the reasons for their course. It will be recollected that though the}- quit the Convention at Charleston, yet, by great efforts made, were by urgent solicitations re-ap-pointed to ^Baltimore, via Kiclrmond. But they did not enter the Convention at Bartimorc after they got there, and for not doing so gave these reason^

Now, what h:s been the universal construction given to the words two-thirds of that House" in practical legislation I Has it been that it required two-thirds of all the members, constituting the IIousc and Senate to pass a bill oyer the veto of the President Never.' Thc construction given, from the beginning down to the present time, without an exception, was, and is, that two-thirds of thosc of thosc voting, in cach House, may pass a bill over the Executive veto, though there be barely a quorum prescqt and voting. Such has been the uniform construction, not of this but anothor clause, whieli. authorized the expulsion of a member, of either house, by a two-thirds vote—two-thirds of those voting, if there be a quorum, is all that is necessary for a compliance with that clause of the Constitution. So in our own State constitution it is provided that the Governor shall have the vision of all bills passed by both Houses, before they become laws, but two-thirds of both houses may pass a law notwithstanding his dissent." Under this clause of our State constitution, the construction has been uniformly given that two thirds of those voting in cach House, if a quorum be present, is all that is required. Again in another article of our Constitution, wc have a provision I \i it. .. .. another a irentleman ot position in !?avan-e. tor its amend .t ent, in these words -.i ih\, .• ii ,nah, and another an editor, with lush per-:• opartnt this Constitution shall be altered, un- I

That wo are blameless in_ this matter seem? too plain too admit of iiduubt. Wc could not enter a Convention, :is a favor, ut the sacrifice of principje and of the honor and sovereignty of our State. Nor havo our demands horn e.\horlii:aut or e.x.-eiiug. Wo havo simply asked for protection'for our property from Mm (ioverumr.'iit which demands our allegianco. Thcsn seem tons to be co-relative duties'—allegiance to Uov-crmii'-iit in return for protection Io life, liberty and properly., It appears to us umioeus'ary to argue tlni question, for theabsolute right of projection to property by the Government, in all its branches, is uiidenie'd by any man of any party. Jlut the application of this to our slaves in the Territories is denied, and refused, upon the untenable and fanatical ground that property is not rcefgnized in slaves.

This is signed by three gentlemen wh stand high in the estimation of the public. The statement, seems to imply, if it means anything, that the Convention to which they had been sent had refused to recognize a universally admitted principle of right, "upon the untenable and fanatical ground that property is not recognized in slaves." I have nothing to say against the character of these gentlemen. Ono of them is the Speaker of the House of Representatives in your State Legislature,

1 n^msc'Stiprc^en'tJititl^NirVM-^HnejI'in ™uld be a difficult task for" the .Senate, on three several days. j„ cell House, and them to sustain this statement b\* proot. agreed to b.v two thirds ol each House, respectively. and when any such bill shall be pnssed. in manner aforesaid, tho samu shall lie published at least ix months previous to tli

most impor ant amendments that ave been je-iargc. Seeing no o.videnec ut any such made to .e nstitutron nee it.? f-st''atical sentiment in the action ot the adoption we made bv a much sr:.!!er Convent on, or on the part of any member number than two-tl ins of t:.e ent" h.'iv.ng been .satisfied with the platone est Jj- form i:i and seeing no good reason to change my opinion in relation to it, I am therefore satisfied with it still, it was in mv jtidirnn :!i\ "ooil t!ieii, and good now, and w:!i (.e good for ail time to come. In its own language it contains the only wiso a .'•ale solution of those sectional |iies-

lishing the Supreme Corrt was made b'a vote not ove.*a nnjor ty in ca !i llo.i- •. ]f a Const aulon can be thus an i'iide.l. this construction holds and obtains a such cases, botn Federal and State. wiiv should it not be held a si.i rule, founded on similar pritic-p es ::i a party Convention, espee 'illy as that Convention had adopted tiie ulcs o." the 1 use of ileprcsenta:'ves of t:.e I nlted S a a a

were but one hu id *ed a .d .ietv-six niein-,

their country, whether called Democrats. be counted out, r.::d after reducing i.is vote Whigs, or Americans. to one hundred and fi'.'ty-fjiir, as Is e.nten-:

.t..I .. A _f xt._

lions

lie re

il to be twojiiesti i, wheiher twelve, one hun-

ln,t w!,at

l'?

MI

ll?ld

1

SOIial Standing, 111 Albany Ollt 1 UO Say:

What act of the Convention justifies it What part of the platform adopted denied

that "property IS recognized ill SiaVCS .'

wI»"t

of each branch ol the General A-sumbly. nflcr the tiotl, who refused their demand, holds ailV same shall have been read three ini"-, on three sen-I ,, ii arale days, in each respective House, then, and not

««omber of that Convcn-

Slldl untenable ailU tauatlCal ojilll.ons

"lis c""" Not one, venture to aflirm. Then why

was

branch of the General Assembly lias i- swer who rave :t as tho best reason tlicy ways been held to mean two-thirds of those

this statement made They must an-

w''y t'icy

voting on any proposed amendment, o-. '"'r the manner in which they performed vided a qnoru:n was present. Some of t!ie

1

should be held blameless

tlre!'k public trust committed to their

wiiiclt have so often tVarfuily threat-' efie11 the peace of the Tnion, and which tray yet be

its

ncr

bers eient when he got one hundred and strength in the onventioti \fas tar ahead gbty-one and a ha.:, he f. ot twj-:hirds of °.r

the body, accD.-d'-.g tn i.ll parliamentary rules of r.si" iet' and if the Alabama and Lou'siana de.e ales who ted fjr him

destruction, if the princi-

therein forth be departed from.—'' So nun !.', therefore, for the objection to the p!atfor:i'.

I come now to tin* man. I fere. I doubt/:'.''

iT .t, lie.-i the chief one of all the objection.-'. We should have had

Mr. Douglas git two I'll ulred or one huiiu.'ed and nlncty-si::, dred and e. /hty-one and a ha f, dred uid fifty- *ou.\ as has bee contended. In cither c:.se he got two-thirds man been the decided choice^ of the ^onof thosc voli tl'.e Co v:: tiun r.s it then volition but Mr.^ louglas. 1 he secession stood, as itwr.s then c..s. tnted. If there

IIO

secession, no com-

un- plaint about the want of a two-thirds vote, ions no objeL'iioti to the platform, had any other

was

fr,,"i principle, not from the man-.

a".v

but from tho man whoso

'J':' eoinpctitors for the nonuna-

ton. Iet us, then, examine the objections to him. That lie is a man of great ability all admit. His integrity and puritv of character none assail. That lie was tlie favorite of the Convention no one can

(led bv .coaie, the nve.'iti. i.ivl :g but. den\. Iiethei he really li.id a majority, one hundred and v.. lety-s.x in it, st.'l hn

,,r 11,jt

first choice, no one will pretend,

at.

1

thirds vote. I would not noticc this point claimed to be the representatives of the protect slavery in the erritone.s amd %ct

ll0y

I:i

onlyiu the press, but in the speeches of two-thirds rule, I an not n.lstakcn, was: ed to mckc any such declaration of duty

the address to the na-j adopted—the o'd rule of the p^rty, I never to be performed. 1 his is about the tion put forth by the Seceders Convention's mean, and not the construct! JII put upon it1 whole difference between lnui and his asExecutive Committee this point is made at Charleston, for with that construction sailants, for all practical purpose.", so far

prominent, and urged as one of the main they never could have made a nomination.

:t"i 1'1C

a

the rights of the South. And what is the .. ii it re re us to it ad

interpolation. It was inconsistent with platform adopted I need not read it, it ..... the clear meaning—the letter, as well as is known to you all. It is the well known ,. the spirit, of tbe rule. The letter of the

1

platform of the party, based upon the dec-, .8

non-intervention

from 1832, running through 1836.1840,1 slavery in the States or Territories, as set ,'jt

tlircj

I"110*

arc to

e», sUe.- Urn the rep*,!* C^nKlJc^tETi^T

.port of

ls

.ll'cj

as

J1.1"'1' .ruI't.ur)

I understand them, amounts to tlii.-

til5

""grea

3 to

do What Ins

d,1'

V'J"=rc's.!1 IJ-

tho Cor.- say^hat they will never discharge this du-

sai!C

ty by voting tor any sucli law. lie rctu.-.-

question ot protection is concerned,

I10t.believe

10

This, in the order, relates, to the plat-

construction that tho nominees should rc-1 form. The platform, it is said, is not sound ceive two-thirds of ,11 the electoral vote, -it !. not Ltional-it d„eS not

construction was wrong. It was an

it to be bis duty to do

certain thing, and therefore wi.l no

it. dutv to do the same thin', but, without a

smi1

!U"'

substance a,

in \Tr n..u» .is' t.ccubar Views upon the

^r* Douglas pccu lar uews upon

the ground that the candidate Territorial policy of the country for it is

mattcr 0f very

his party on was not regularly nominated. So much for this point. I pass to another objection, {practical!} i.itevcr,

little importance, none whether the people

Territory

have the right to protect

er

or

•es refuse to protect it or adopt !y legislation if this duty on the part

,.JU(r

by Congress with I in) crs an in0 up.

tUu

L"

protectionists.

forth at Cincinnati in 1850, with :iu addi-j liut it is saiu that Mr. JJuuglas entertional resolution affirming the decision of,'tains views and doctrines inconsistent with the Supreme Court iu the Dred Scott case, the equal rights of the South that uccor-

Was not this all that our State Coiiven- ding to his doctrine slave property in tho tion had asked Was not this platform, Territories does not stand upon the sauw even without the additional resolution,' footing with other property. This is tho sound enough in 1856 Was it not broad substance of the objection as I have met enough and strong enough for the Deinoc-' with it aud, if it be well founded, it is .» racy of the whole T'nion then? And ifi'_"od oue. should ncvci* .vlvveute the

\7sr--