Crawfordsville Review, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 26 February 1859 — Page 1

Page PDF (11.62 MB)

Back to issue view

THE

NEW SERIES--VOL. X, NO. 32.

REMARRSJOF MR- WALLACE, OF MOICTCOMRRY, In the Indiana Senate, February

as speakers for the occasion.

reading

Vresident and

Plainly

-by the people

al institution,

the

1,1859,

in support of his resolutions touching the admission of Kansas into the Union, and the right of the people of the Territories to legislate for or against the institution of slavery in their limits.

The President announced as the spe

cial order, the following joint resolutions:

WHEREAS, NOW that that the Lecompton Constitution has been voted down by the people of Kansas, the only practical question, pertinent to that territory, that can arise to disturb the peacc of the

Union, are whether Kansas shall be admittcd as a State at any time admission is demanded by her people, and whether the passage of laws, for the regulation of the general and particular rights of the people of that territory, shall be left to the people themselves, or to Congress. Therefore be it

Resolved,

The House concurring herein,

that our Senators in Congress are hereby instructed, and our Representatives requested to vote for the admission of Kansas into the Union as a State, whenever the people thereof demand it and that, to remove all obstruction from the way of such admission, the said Senators and .Representatives vote, if such demand is made /by the said people, for the repeal of that part of the "English Bill" which requires said Territory to have a population equal to the ratio for representative purposes in 'the States, before her people can hold an»othcr convention t-o form another Constitution preparatory to an application for admission as such State. And be it further

Resolved, That wo recognize and insist upon the right of the people of Kansas to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the 'Constitution of the United States and "that, as incident thereto, wo insist upon their right to establish such local laws and regulations relative to their property, and all its kinds, including slavos, as they shall deem proper: and such being the sentiment of tlic people of Indiana, our Senators arc further instructed, and our Representatives requested, to vote against, and by every constitutional means oppose, the passage of anv law, by Congress, ha\ ing in view the establishment ot a slave code tor

Kansas or interference, in any manner,^ with the aforesaid rights of the people of that or any other Territory ot t!io 1 nit.ed^ States. And be it further

/{"sofrcr/.

That certified copies of these

'•resolutions be immediately forwarded to each member of (longivss, and to both the occupants and claimants of seats in.the ••United States Senate, from this State.

Mr. Wallace in support of the resolu

tions, said— «.

Mr. I'HKSIDKNT—1 have some remarks

Mr. I iti:smi:NT—l nave some ICHMIM

...oil- tl.c S, 1 ...» now.

tious contain two propositions wl.ic.i,

i.ftsofthe

Sir, the resolutions I am considering teach repeal, in case it should become necessary, of the odious population clause ofthe English bill. Judge Hughes'speech, on the other hand, enjoins us to stand by the whole bill, regardless of the will of Kansas. The resolutions claim, for the people of these territories, the right to pass such laws as they please, touching all kinds of property. Judge Hughes'speech, on the other hand, summons us to stand by the doctrine that one kind of the property—slaves—is beyond the reach of the people, so that, while they cannot exclude it by any act of theirs, neither is any act of theirs required to establish it. They may regard it as ever so much of an evil they may wish to avert it from themselves and their children but they cannot reach out their hands to put it aside. To such an extent would Judge Hughes have us agree to limit liberty of choice aud action in American territories!

And now,~sir, I imagine nothing can be clearer than that either Jud^e Hughes is mistaken in his opinion of Indiana Democracy, or I am in mine. Both of us cannot be right—who is wrong?

Unfortunately, so far as the English bill is concerned, there is nothing to which we can appeal to settle the difference. The vote in Congress, by which it became a law, decides nothing as to the wishes of the masses of the party. I am free to say that, insomuch as the bill referred the Locompton Constitution to a vote of the people of Kansas, it met the hearty sanction of all whom I heard speak about it—pn the other hand, insomuch as it prohibits the people of that territory from calling another Convention to form a new Constitution, until they have the ratio for representative purposes required in the States, which rati.) is 93,42l) at this time, with every probability that it will go to 120,000 under the next apportionment—insomuch, say, it has met the disapproval of all whom have heard mention it. They say it is an unjust discrimination agreed upon after discovery made that the people ot Kansas would have none but a tree Constitution. They say. universally, that if :5" or 40,000 inhabitants arc enough t) make a slave State, 3:") or 40,000 arc enough to make a free, (State, it that be the pieterencc.

It is the Democracy that says this, and no man knows it better than Judge Hughes yet, after having, as a number of Congress, voted for" slave Kansas with only 000 people, he bids us res lve, in our next Convention, that we will bj dcit ..cry petition l'rom free-Kansas, until sh has,'it may be, 12 ),000 inhabitants, an.l can come with a census to prove it. I. do nut believe he will be obeyed: the Do in icraey can not be so unmindful of their history as a party: we will not forget, that our present free Constitution was made by a

Democratic Convention we will not forget that it was a Democratic majority that voted Indiana into the list of free States,

to make pertinent to the subject under where 1 nope she w.il torew.i luntin an, siiU-nili.m, anil il tvm.1,1 froall, obliged while we orul not

Senators "(Jo on"—"go on!" thJir slave-holding sentiment, never I will wo discriminate aga-.nst ourselves on Mr. N allaee continued-! ne resolu-1

pie demand it. Kansas should be admit-j

led into the I nion as a S.ate and it the

population clause of t.ie Knglis.i .^'i

found to be in the way of her adinision, j,.

it should be repealed. VW,

people of the lerritone., li.no a «.-ht,

respecting property w.tliin ttier ter-.

ritorial limits

in t,e ion.

1,1 (y lluli ina a

my opinion, are the sentiments ol the iiia.ss- .fc ^...j

Democratic party in Indiana, and j"eort iin population to qualify Territories tliev are, first, that, at any time her pen-

a( lllission aj

rial limits n« they phase, without t.ie ,l(.rfee*: un.hr tli.i Constitution, as rferenec of Congress It is my opm-j^

say, that such are thc sentiment* ot

th in th to throw a shad my opinion.

happening of circumstances tending

over thc correctness ol

The Sentiwl, of Novembei rneir property.

mcn

count of thc proscriptivc language it was 1^54, Congress passed the Kansascouched in, and partly on account of the Nebraska bill, which forthwith became a number, respectability, and known toiulcn- measure. In 1856, thc Naeies of the gentlemen of whom it posted

At thc meeting, the Hon. James Hughes,!

(Jona cill0c

a spccch remarkable for several, "non-intervention." In the act itself, its reasons, among which was a belief that it truc tent and meaning was said to be to spoke the views and intentions of the leave thc people of the Territories pcr-

om Democrats of Indiana. To a few points in that spccch I desire to direct attention.

Judge Hughes is pleased to ask in it, "What ground shall we, as a party in In-

diana occupy on tho slavery question in empowering thc people of the Territories the future

'Shall wo go forward, or go to establish or prohibit slaveholdmg within back?" He answers, say, let us stand their limits. The Republicans certainly be Dred Scott decision—let us stand so unde

English Bill." Then he gives us ciplc ot ms interpretation of the Dred Scott decis-1 "1 erfecily ... ion -I say to you," he says, "that if the was also thc language of thes bill. So tha. Constitution ofthe United States

gives if Judge

itlie slaveholder a right to his property in party has, two years, exactl} reversed the territories, as I believe it does, that its principle. In

right is perfect under the Constitution, Territories were to be "perfectly tree to and needs no territorial legislation to make exclude slavery it they pleased then their it so." Such is his interpertation. It is

ratic Convention, at Oincin-

ti, formally adopted thc principle of that

tr and made it part of the party creed,

for whom I have great respect, led off by t,iic platform the principle was called

the few influential pro south- fectly free to form and regulate their do

fcctly .... mcstic institutions to suit themselves.Mr. Uuchanan himself has said, that thc words "domestic institutions," as there used, applied to slavery. All parties without exception, understood the principle as

"frcc/Inm"

itself, a territori

for

the protection

which,

Constitution of thc United States is an all sufficient code. It is to me a matter of sincere sorrow that so able a genueman should have placed himself in such a position, and I shall be glad, any day, to learn that I havc misconceived the purport of his remark. For it is grievous enough to hear Abolitionists make the Declaration of Independence an authority for thedisgust ing dogma of "negro equality but still more grievous is it to hear a Democrat convert the Constitution, that great 'charter of

American liberties, into a per

fect slave code for American territories.

to that extent was

to be regretted that it should need expla-, In 1S58, however, thc people of the lernation.

stated, however, Judge 1 ritories arc denied thc power to exclude

Hughes meant* to say, I think, that the slave holding it is the right to hold slave Dred Scott decision makes tho right to hold! property there in defiance of the people, slaves in tho territories so perfect, under! that is

'pcrfed.

pcrfcctnoTt.

the constitution, as to render its prohibition I taken place but let there be no mistake

impossible: so perfect as to —it is not with thc masses of the party,

be above regulation or restriction by thc Judge Hughes also says that difference

territorial legislature so perfect that slavery becomes at once, and

tended for State equality—others for squatter sovereignty—while

"This legislation (the Nebraska bill) is founded upon principles as ancient as free government itself, and in accordance with them, has simply declared that the

decide for themselves

tories,

ntimc lf !ic ir

,i(,pts any rule on this s:ib-

ie o:io Zii

States that qualification

Ttjrr tor 0S)

1 ls lcllcvor

lssin

except Kansas

0 lt wI)i( 1ug lt

to be admitted

their people .lemand it.

i,.

t'1'',J'

lti come to

,.f dilferenee.

through their legislatures, to pass sueli th laws respecting property within their ter

tlic second point

|.[UJ,jlc

I have shown, first.

Dre 1 Se.it.t. decision as ma

ht h()M Tcrri

ntrjl ])y thc

people therc-

100r urs (f rca

masses of the Indiana Democracy: and, decision and his interpretation of tatingthem, 1_ regret to acknowledge 11

dy to stand

mU) tl)at dops Ju ro

fl the

DeirirtCT!lcy

„f

(i I

State.' Or

do I reflect it in saying that th-people of I the Territories have the right to pass laws

24th, ap-1 .jfTecting their property, even to thc cstab-

peared with a call tor a Democratic nice- ]ishnicrit or exclusion ot slavery? ting in this house, which excited great at-1 rp|lis difference admit? of easy scttlcteiition in political circles partly on ae-j

um:u

»_ 1 hayc only to appeal to history,

110

ment"

Hughes is right, the Democratic

I806,

the people of the

judgment

error

Such a change has

'of opinion existed upon the construction of the Nebraska bill that some of

con

our

platform left

the difference to judicial decision.

Now, I undertake to say that, in thc whole limits of onr State, there was but one construction of that bill, and but one construction of thc Cincinnati Platform, and that we never left anything to judicial decision—and for the simplest of all reasons. James Buchanan, our candidate, construed both the bill and the platform, and none of us, not Hughes himself, chirruped differently in 1856. Hear Mr. Buchanan's letter of acceptance—it is refreshing now.

people

of a Territory, like those of a State,

shall

whether

shall or shall not

slavery

exist within their limits."

Thus, Mr. Buchanan, in his own way, which we all thought very pretty at the time, removed every possibility of difference among those who voted for him. He said that, under the Nebraska bill,

slavery

was the question to be decided that it was to be decided by the

poople of the Terri

as it had been by those of the States: and that it was to be decided by them while

yet in their Territorial capacity.— Aye, sir, squatter sovereignty was Mr. Buchanan'sconstruction—was 31 Hughes' construction—was the common construction. In 1856, however, only Republicans sneered at the great principle as "squatter sovereignty." Good Democrats still call it popular sovereignty.

Let no man, at home or abroad, be deceived by Judge Hughes. The Democracy of Indiana have discovered no new lights on on this subject. Their opinion in 1856 is their opinion still. And if the Charleston Convention denies to the people of the Territories perfect freedom to say whether slavery shall not exist within their limits—in other words, if the Charleston Convention undoes the great work of the Cincinnati Convention, no man can foretell the consequences. Republicans will then need, in my opinion, but one thing to succeed—3cnsc. "Shall we go forward or go back?" asks Judge Hughes, in view of the Democratic position on the slavery question in 1860. Be it remembered that I say there is no good Democrat at all dissatisfied with our present position we will follow popular sovereignty to all its logical consequences it is right, just, equal, American it deposes King Congress, and refers the slavery dispute where it rightfully belongs—to the people. But suppose we adopt Judge Hughes'idea will we be going forward No, sir. We will not even be standing still actually wo will have gone back.— The doctrine Judge Hughes has discovered in the Dred Scott decision was first broached by the great South Carolinian in 1848. I find in his speech on the Oregon question, until which Daniel ebster never heard of the Constitution extending itself over newly accquired Territory "I am very happy to hear this proposition (that the Constitution docs not extend te the Territories) thus asserted, for it will have the effectot" narrowing very great-

at it rcmrrlsthr s/arcn/ r/urstion

& 'j\iy rit arics.

ci/ui-rUo/i icil/i tin an implied admission on the part of those 'j

gentlemen, (Webster and other.-) that if

Constitution

docs

tories,

the South icill he protected

cnjoi/ment of its proyerty—that it under the shield of the Constitution. it (the Constitution,) is the Supreme law, not within the limits of the States of this Union merely, but wherever our flag waves."'

After that, a sensible man ca:i not help

perceiving that Hughes' doctrine is

110

quite ten years old that it sprang from thc brain of John C. C.ilhoun that it was originated by him for the same purpose c.vactly that it is now to be foisted 011 u.s, viz: to place slavery under thc shield of the Constitution, and in that way make it override the laws of the Territories, and the will of the people. The Democracy of the North will never consent t.) that—nevI er! And the sooner this is known by

Southern Democrats the better it will be I for all concerned. To consent to it, is to drive Democracy forever from this air, which it best loves and from these States, whoso freedom is its noblest, handiwork

Now, sir, after criticizing Judge Hughes' position on the Dred Scott decision, it would be cowardly to refuse a full definition of my own.

Do I deny tho binding forcc of that decision I answer—I yield obedience to all that, thc Suurcme Court has itself decided to be conclusive in that Court.— What is that? I answer by reading authority to which Roger Taney himselt would bow—by reading from John Marshall, thc father of American law. "A final judgment of this Court is supposed to be conclusivc upon tho rights it decides, and

statute has provided any

process by which this Court can revise its own judgments. In several cases, which have been formerly adjudged in this Court, the same point was argued by counsel, and expressly overruled. It was solemnly held, that a

final judgment

of this Court was

conclusive, upon the parties,

be re-examined."

and could not

Martin vs. Hunter's

Lessee. John Marshall says it is thc

"final judg

of the Supreme Court that is

conclu-

sivc—roticlusive uptti the jtartics.

L11til

deny all that are not.-, These I will illustrate by examples. The Court says that slave property is on an equal footing with any other kind of property. I am willing to accept that as Democratic. The Conrt also says that citizens of the United States who migrate to a Territory "can not be ruled as mere colonists, dependant upon the will of the General Government, and to be governed by any'law it may think fit to impose that is Democratic, and, therefore, I accept it. But in another place the Court saysi substantially, that, not having the power itself, Congress can not delegate to the Territorial Legislatures power to prohibit slave-holding !that, in my opinion, is neither Democracy nor Republicanism, but pure Federalism, and, therefore, I repudiate it.

Again, sir—take it for granted that Justice Taney is of opinion that the Constitution extends itself over newly acquired Territory, carrying sl.ivery under its shield. It is but an opinion which citizens ?.re at liberty to weigh against the opinions of others. Here, for instance, is Henry Clay upon the same point. "Now, really, I must say the idea that

en instanti

overruled, I am williug.'to admit it is law binding-upon citizens generally. I sub- interest of thc republic would have been I mit, therefore, to thc

fimd judgment

the Dred Scott, ease, and this was all the.

last Democratic State Convention meant to

do. What, then, is thc

that case? Justice Taney shall answer for himself. I read an extract from bis opinion. "Upon thc whole, therefore, it is the

of this Court that it appears, by j—to-morrow

the record before us, that the plaintiff in against interference with the exercise of

is not a citizen of Missouri

in the

sense iu which that word is used in the Constitution, and that the Circuit Court of the United States,

for thai reason,

had no

Not only do I submit to that final judgment, but I welcome it for the reason it is founded on. Until it is" overruled, no npgro can become a citizcn of thc United States.

But with that judgment the Court published along

argument—what

it I answer, it is nothing more than an argument conclusive only so far as its reasoning is sound. But in the course of that argument certain political opinions an-

f*ccepTalT":haf

upon the consummation of the

treaty, the Constitution of the United States spread itself over the acquired Territory, and carried along with it the institution of slavery, is so irreconcilable with any comprehension or., any reason that I possess, that I, hardly know how to meet it. Why, sir, these United States consist of thirty States. In fifteen of them there is slavery in fifteen slavcr\' does not exist. How can it be argued that the fifteen slave States, by the operation of the Constitution of the United States, carried into the ceded country their institution of slavery, any more than it can be argued upon the other side, that by the operation of the same Constitution, the fifteen States carried into the ceded Territories tho principle of freedom, which tlicy from views of public policy, have chosen to adopt within their limits —Compromise

l!a tlie

Speech of

lared the famous Alien and constitutional but Jefferson

ter

^ourt, an

fia ncn

extend to the Terri- tion of lnclepcnde

dependent of both.

vllv Ug IX IU ^Ivv 1 UI hjv

'50.

Henry Clay against Roger Taney! Between those opinions, I do not hesitate. I am with Henry Clay.

For the sake of the Democratic partyf

The authority of the

Supreme Court must not, therefore, be permitted to control Congress or the Jixccu-

I tive, when acting in their legislative capacities,

hut to have only such influence as the force of their reasoning may deserve."— Bnnk Veto Message.

Shall the example of Jefferson and the with a sneer voice of Jackson be mocked by Democrats of this age.' tfngraft the political opinions of Justice Taney upon the Cincinnati I Mai form, and because they accompany a judgment of the S-upreme Court., make them a test of De- l.'opular SovereigntyA conscqt mocracv! I say I protest! llcar but a

gressional interference with thc cxcrcise ]10PC cnators wnl indulge me

Territories, and will maintain it there

in 1 to-dav shivering iu thc winter wind outside f"

ie 0"uter

er wonld

final judgment

avc

thc adoptio up the dra

CRAWFORDSVILLE, MONTGOMERY COUNTY,, INDIANA, .FEBRUARY 26,. 18-59. WHOLE NUMBER 872.

which Indiana Democrats are known to bear Mr. Douglas, their neighbor and friend.

Sir, I shall not imitate Judge Hughes by abusing anybody. Of Mr. Buchanan personally I shall say nothing. There is a noble Democratic historian slowly writing, down to the present administration when he reaches it, I doubt not he will cheerfully tell all'its glory and truthfully depict all'its shame.

Of the Lecompton Constitution, I shall say but little nothing, indeed, except that I am never so proud of my countrymen as when I recall their struggle against its im-

and as an humble member of it, I protest jycar—not the next—not till the last fightainst inducing or forcing it, now, in 1860, or at any time, to make the political opinions of any Court, heretofore or hereafter expressed, apart of the party creeds,

principle ot popul

day of January, 1858, Perj er, held it up to receive the blessings of sis. tho people of Kansas, they tore it away, and spit upou it, and sent it to an infinite infamy shotted with the curses of a ten thousand majority of .freemen..

lug man had boon slain. But, sir, the Lecompton Message and the Lecomptou Constitution are now "trifles light as air," with Judge Hughes.—

and, therefore, a test of Democracy. It is DOWLAS MI:ST HI: cRrcinun! And as the not consistent with our precedents. The Supremo Court of the United States dc-

ly the controversy between the North and the decision and overthrew it. Yet la- done I Territories upon an equal footing v. iih a tie Sivi'li

Court declared the National Jf Democrats will think—think beiore mule or a bale of cotton.

It is I Hank constitutional: Andrew Jackson dc-! they strike—they will agree with mc in! The power to legislate upon the rigiil tied the Court, and rode the monopoly to this.' The event, of all others most oppor- being given the people of the Territories.

opinion of Congress ban over the Jud- |ev of some of our doctrines, had even ges. and, on that point.,

the President is in

puted with us the right and tith

this was, that thousands becanic bewilder-

i'cw of my reasons. led. so much so that in many districts, in 1st. Those opinions are not all Demo-1 point of principle, they could sec no differeratie. Of this, I have already given one -j ence between candidates or parties.

eignty clii are committed to it in a thousand ways.— To them it is the Ark of the Covenant. umph—was the rescuc, in tact, of Dcnioc3d. As a party we declared against Con-!

re committed to it in a thousand ways.—

w,icn our

us i,,d llls tr:u!n

rat

Dred Scott decision plants slavery the points in dispute in lSMJ, and as they'd" wil! \"tc o" hem.

to ,c

J'l^0"

against the people, wdiat is it but Judicial l-^iglas Democracy^ interference, and why not protest, against! -Ir. Lincoln led oft with theiproposi JO.I, it Is the .Supreme Court, so sacred that I borrowed from New England Abolitionists, it can, with impunity, strip American citi-lthat the institutions ot tho several .States zeus of powers necessary to their selt'-gov-1

llul

ernment Is it so absolute that when' its become all tree or all slave thus im-judge-s express a political opinion, even! Posing the idea that the Northern pcocxtra judicially, we must prostrate our-! must now make war against the youth

selves at their feet, and throw dust on our

us al

,ow

door of a National Bank. Xev-! insti-tutio'ia ...

the way to absolutism in our between lese

crs sowed the way to absolutism in our! r-rif on.l ill ,„v I Mr. Lincoln Republican proposition makes government. Let 1113 part\, anc.1 all m\

Alia now mere reimuua uum viiu uuju.

do I do with

arc"

^D^m™ratica7d

And now there remains but one inquiry Government, for ene to me nun.,

i(|

more—what was thc object of thc speech The Dred Scott decision, ar.tl. cer Judge Hughes favored us with on thc night principles involved in it formed tho sub-, of the 24th of November The answer is jeet of most argument—Mr. Lincoln deny

mc i-jwi «i wuvciuuci HH..UOHV. .s.jw..

t^tTpTc'cIto'

the kindly

smother

.*UI I

Force

a hated gov

ernment upon a people born and bred to the habits and opinions of the North-west, and talk of peace! That there was no. attempt to execute the Lecompton .Constitution was well. It would have been but a grander edition of the story of Tell, and the cap of .Gcslcr. To have taken office under it would have been literally to dine on earth and sup inParadi.sc. J.Vice IIow? By subjugation. When? Not this

Democrats of Indiana have been ordered I footing, merely with, other property, doe to assist in the work, our honor requires not, make it different from, or superior

Sedition Law ns to consider tho question—What has other property: the only effect, of that opinmade war up-! Douglas done? 1 ask. what has Douglas ion is, to allow it to be carried into the

111

im ,• .1 rp •. r. brict «urvcv of the main noints ot differ- nothing bui wluit our p«ut\ ii^.scrtru in ot certain liber-ties iu the icrntorics. it

,U| 1

may become nocossarj-to deehra nsainst: i'• ,*** Executive interference likewise. If the fowiM". particularly tin? mil tc IW,™* ».« ensw,•.»•}• ami In. l.nm-^lcs,

tlicm 1S tI,u 1,0:it

l"'-?

assnnilate and the State.-, soonei or

for abolition, or submit, to the general ex-1

is the most opposite—allowing us I 11

the Democratic party, by :111 Indiana, for instance, to prohibit slave

I havc the Democratic party, by And.ana, .or ...stance, to prohibit si.ut-

-x-t ..i\.,

ion of such a faith, set to tearing! ry. and our countrymen in Urgia to es- At the 'last meeting in J'hila-,

•agon's teeth with which our fath- tuhlish slavery, ine d.ffercncc in eOec., .,

IT l.

continuance ot the ljuion impossible—, M.Dougla.,' Democratic

mits of eternity of Union.

lawful rights, no matter from what department it comes. Such is my voice. As the matter stands, we are offered,simply a Independence, in asscrtin choice of tyrannies—that of Congress, from were created free and cr|iuil._nj

Mr. Lincoln's next point was. that if it could be denied that th

easy. In our country political opinions ing that it was obligatory upon him-Mr. troit, which ha., just been taken sl.o,vs a

TCDresents one side of Democracy, James universally obscr\cd. Mr. Lincoin assert-,

Buchanan another. Judge Hughes follows ing, in effect, that negroes were citizens-1

Mr. Buchanan to serve him, he sought by Mr. Douglas denying it. Albert, at -\c* l.ik, tlic iiou.

feeling In thc"course of the discussion oii.the^ is

points, Mr. Douglas defended tho doctrines I Tim PI UK'S l*EAK "GOI.D MIXES." that slave property was on an equal foot-j i(Vrr:?:Kmlcnca of" flus St. Lonii Domocru ing with any other kind of property, and I Am ARIA CITY^K. T., Jan. 19, 1859. that the sla\c owner had^thc^ right to car Some persons have alrcadv eommcnccd ry his slaves into the Territories—opin- working in the mines: but so far it pays ions expressed by the Supreme Court. poorly." Diggers who have been the most

When Mr. Lincoln heard this, he was successful have not averaged three dollars very happy he thoughu his great enemy per day, and some have not made fifty was from that time'estopped from the fur- cents, working hard at that,. The "old is ther assertion of the principle of Popular very fine. It takes from 20 to 25°partiSovercignty. So he asked, "If the slave-! c'.es to make the value of a cent. The larholder has that right under the Constilu- .rest speck which have

tion, how can the Territorial Legislatures

position, and think how, ^*hen on the 4th The question was strongly put, and the obtained in these regions—they belong to rjury, its godfath- Republican papers cchoed it with ompha- California. All tho accounts of gold find-

j! 1,1 ,'C T-. j-t.-w

About the Lecompton Message, I have a word. That part of it which speaks of the conscquences of the Lccompton policy, sounds to me like terrible irony. You recollect the President said one of those consequences would be to localize the slavery question. Localize the slavery question! What did lie mean by this? The end—the extinction of that dispute? No! He meant the taking from the hills of New England, and from the savannahs of the South, and setting it down on the prairies of Kansas, where, hedged in by the impassable walls of (State sovereignty, it should be free to turn every town-site into a battle-field, make bloody revolution of elections—make appalling history, in short, out of what ought naturally to be the prosperous infancy of a great State. You recollect he also said that peace would ensue. Could ho have been in earnest?

Never was a position more justly taken. It is susceptible of a hundred' illustrations. Thus, the Constitution gives the slaveholder a right to reclaim his fugitive slave but here is the point—what was the right worth until Congress had legislated upon it, and passed the fugitive slave law? So, too, every State Constitution gives a right to the writ of habeas corpus yet not a State is without a statute elaborately regulating tho exercise of that right, at the

principle of Popular Sovereignty. Their protective, of the peculiar property neither 11usltand—)\y dear v.r.e I believe I truHclierv _to their platform was palpable, will a practical man carry flu operation ol lia\o m.n _prtp.ua.iou or

and it would have ruined them but for the the Dred Scott opinion to that extend nor row. I have lor^ivcn all my enemies,

fact that leading Democrats, headed by the test the popular power by taking his no-! prayed lor the Jorgivcncs.-, ot all my sniir

President, had first abandoned the very grocs to principles the Republicans assumed. The protect him in their possession. charge and retort were the same. Did we, I Such, as I understand it, is .substantial- ihe sounu of the trumpet ska Republican, "What lv Mr. Douglas' position, which Judge!

it was incorporated into the Nebraska bin in 1 .^54: as effective as when it was made a part-of the Cincinnati Platform iu ... Further than that, this review shows Lin-i that Mr. Douglas did but, vindicate in llli-

r--

important example. this moment of confusion, Douglas an*' 2d. It would be impolitic. Present to coin took the held in Illinois and once nois the great Iemocra,.c prmc.pl,, .. Democrats the alternatives, acquiescence j'»rc established the broken lines ot in- ave.d the defence 01 wh.eh -J^e 1 .l"gbt in all that is said in Taney's brief, or aban- difference Mr. Douglas is not noin.na- and Graham -V 1M1 avoided tuc D..np donme.it of the principle of popular sovcr-! W0, the Democracy ot Indiana jo Indiana Vet tor such couduc., Judg, ignty, and a great mass of thc party will! ought at, least to sustain him in convention: Hughes asks us to cruelty ,uch a Demo lb,/to thc hitter at all hazards, for tliev

Dcmoi

Senators "fled the f.ght, lie erat. Nr I have no tear l.e peopl,

1 wa

1,1 ni

i'1"'

w,.1!

"«r.ah:indon the man who dares maw.

tain their rights. Mr. Douglas places his

quarrel, and the report of pistols is dis-

Tho slaveholder has the right to take his tincf.lv heard. If any body has been hurt, negro into a Territory, if he exercises the 1 will write you the particulars. right, he docs it exactly as does the man The principal amusement here, during who takes his mule there: he exorcises the the winter, has been card playing, telling right subject to such regulations or restrie- varus, and drinking most execrable whistions, fricndlv or unfriendly, as the pen- !y. The latter is worth £10 per gallon pie may have seen fit to adopt. For the in St. Louis it would cost 20 cents! I opinion that slave property is on an equal |must not omit to tell you that 1 have not

[from thc Ciuvelaml Herald.].

There is every indication :it present of a "reat Railroad strike dunng the coming summer, to which the Kilkenny cat fight was but a mere circumstance of little note. The grand Western Railroad organization

BC''C»ie,

attei the gi cat hur._, ..nd e.yit

incut ol jireparation, lias die:! a burning.

itut-ions as pleased its people. ,. ,i- .,. hindmost, as a cardinal principle. Ine ring laws the most diverse, and

much Ijickermg and heart-burning-,, i.-,

be rcu !t

fieult

prevented

F.?o3iti„:.

nt wa., that il

more & Oliio and the Pennsylvania ('en-

have got by the ears the former avows its determination to place agents all through

|(J

_e Declaration

rroiirhts 0VC

ing that all inci. |.

la .applied tone-1 ,.,

1 vI

Between them lies the true Democratic such a result as negro citizen^ up, ie sau meet in New York, mxl then, *"r at jjv(.ri near tho torks of tl»e road, principle of Popular Sovereignty. they made this Government a white man

]f t]je ncxt nieeting in

cm tj1(. (.0,|.j,-lCtwill

heard of.

I I 4 I

State or Territory that does and ted perfectly calm and resigned.

Wife—Well,

h'shm,'/—

will not

\voigh more than 25 cents in value. All

exclude slavery? What sovereignty has the large lumps that you have received in the people to prohibit it?" St. Louis, as Pike's Peak gold, were never

In fancy, b!ie opposition saw the ban-j ing* of an extravagant character, are tin. ner of Popular Sovereignty go down, and fabrications of speculators. I wish to put with it disappeared the foremost fighting! you and others on their guard against these man of the Democracy. But he was equal .stories especially Men. Larimer's account, to himself and his principle. True, he replied, the Supreme Court has placed slave property upon au equal tooting with any other kind of property true, that Co irt is of opinion that the slaveholder has a right to carry his slaves into the Territories, but legislation is necessary to make that right available and by the Kansas-Nebraska bill, the power to legislate or not to legislate upon tho subject, is vested In and belongs to the people of the Territories.

ings of an extravagant character, are the

I will venture to say that he does not know anything about the matter. I have not found a good prospect yet; and I am on the ground. I venture the prediction that few persons will make fortunes hunting gold in this country. But as "seeing is believing," let all who wish to have a sight at the "elephant" come on. I am beginning to get a view of him.

There are more than two hundred cabins built here and two hundred more are to be erected before the last of March.— A good hotel will be ready for tho "borders" by the end of May. It is to be two stories high, seventy-five feet in width, and one hundred and twenty feet in length. Speculators are already busily engaged in laying off cities, around the diggings, and they are the fellows who are sending to the States such glowing accounts of gold discoveries.

If enough of gold is not found before the

same time that no two of those statutes are latter part of May, many now here will go alike. These are instances of express con-j to California, .New Mexico and Ari/.onia, stitutional rights, wholly useless without while not a few will pitch their tents in legislation, and in that respect, the n^ht iiis new region for life. to carry slaves into the Territories is like As I am writing, hear that there is an them its value and availability depend afhay going on about two squares from my upon legislation, which is at the pleasure cabin. Three or .our men have got into a 6f-the people.

seen a white woman since I left the States. H. L. BOLTON. ———<>———

.v is it

II: I, II.MHV

voiiit

ii -incut,

poll me suiijeui. "i no

lis- practical man will argue that a Terrirorial bouse I the Legislature can be compelled to pass a law 'ook pi

IIOKX*

In Coles county. Illinois, there lived a nnn named Isaac Dodson and his wife, who were both firm believers in the prophecy of Father Miller, and not doubting, for 1

the correctness of their propii-

mler,

the following conversation

ace

1 believe

11101

UIIIL'ami

husband I'm ready for

I am rcj.nc

to hear it but,

110 doubt there are

unbosom ourscivcs

Wife—Well,

husband, yOu r.re right,

there are some

little

things that I never

told voli, and which I intended should remain but between ine and my Cod, but, as we have only one day more to live, 1 reckon it is right to make a cb-.-in breast to f-aeli other. I'm ready—you begin.

Husltuwl—No,

dear, you begin.

||7/, _\,'o, husband, yuu .begin, for I cannot..

ffushatrl—

trust in them, and so do 1. li"sl»:in»!s have il..,- right, to comTn conclusion, sir, the resolutions assert I niand their wives. It is your duly, as a (,'lirisiian woman, to uuev vuur husband

No! Von know n.v love I hat

•('lirNiian woman to uhey your inisijanu

..iul th.. f-itlier of voi«r rcn. «o bem,

'j MVELY TIM lis l\ I'KOJSPErr BJ-:- !„ur fddest son William is not your child! TWEliN KAII.KMAD COMPANIES.

Cumi.aet of thc tour great lines, aitvr

s,nder and scattered to .,

explosiou was_witl, great_ dit- built the meeting.hou,e, and went to the

Since then the JJul

(,.?! yon, dear husband,

Jlus/.'i/id—

Croat Jod, Mary, I nevr

dreamed of you being untrue to me! that so .'

Wife

•wer country.

ileslyind

West, in order to attract New ork .. \V.-H.

ic in

Vnrk Central

March, the re- .^

""rtajn be sung. I WAX'T TO 00 NOW

SDr.TRotT.—A census of thc city of Do-

are never without representative men as .Douglas maintaining that, until overruled, total population carpenter with his rule and the mason iu if to exemplify this, Stephen A. Douglas tho judgment wa.s a law of the' land, to be population was only ai.uo,

VST

(i'od forgive ni'\ did very v.rotiL'. II an evil hour I it now.

(in tears)—\ cs,

it is true. I know that I 11:I am sorry for it: biit fe.!. and there's no help 1

In tho

lliislfiiul—William nut mine name ol' liml, whose ctiii.l i- he J! ,fr

He's .Mr. (irahaiu's, thc consta

ble. "The Lord if near your poor wife.

Ifi'shand—So

William ain't my child.

11 '///•-—W- !!. our daughter Mary, named utter me. rn(

i/oxcn nrdhrr.

lfu.shtuid—Ob Salvation.

Talk on,

dk right out Wh(/s Mary's fall.-

7l7/

(. the man that

(resigned)—Well, as there is

tit one (lav let't. 1 li boir it, so go on, it lave anything

ihc.vc.

its line. A general agent is //^/^/—Well, I suj.p'^e lommy

Cleveland as an important

i- our youngest.

lllV

d-nr hu.han.l, Tom.m

most prohahn

W-W«1I, by .lehos-.pi.at! if th'*:.

jual lllf.

Cubnel, blow your horn

-T11p1'r

""T, .„i„.„ ul.r.rw-." NTi:r..—The !iiu.-tur of all trad.ss,

Vill- and

"inith I'Rriea the Irish p.i'r.o'.

beats

hh }[?c

tall 1|U s(:rpassc3 tlic 1:i

and doctor in beat.s

.-or

lition to his etts

the par-o„ inhis mnnag ment .4'

the drvd