Crawfordsville Review, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 13 March 1858 — Page 2

J* i' 5y'" 'i

I A W O S I E

Saturday, March 13, 1858.

MMNTLID AND PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY MORNING BY ClfARLES II. BOWEN.

ST The Crnvvfordsville Review, ftirni.«h«J lo Subscriber* at 41,SO in advancc, or S2, if not paid within the yenr.

tf. Ff. PAnvts. South East corncr Columbia and Main street.*, Cincinnati, Oliio i» our A^cnt to iirocuro iulvcni?emciits.

I A I O N

I.AUGEII THAN ANY FAI'F.II PUBLISHED IK Crnwfoidsvillet XJvcrtinors call up ar.d examine onr list of 1ST SUBSCRIBERS.

DEMOCRATIC STATE TICKET.

For Secretary of State. DANIEL McCLU Ulij of Morgan. For Auditor of State,

JOHN W.DUDli, of Grant. For Treasurer of State,

NATHANIEL E. CUNNINGHAM, of Yi^'o. For Sxpcrintenrfctit of Public Instruction, SAMUEL L. IfL'GG, of Ailcn.

For Attorney General,

•"•'JOSEPH E. McDONALL), of Montgomery. For Judges of the Supreme Court. bAM1 EL F.. PERKINS, of Mai ion.

ANDREW DAVISON, of Decatur. JAMES M. IIANNA, of Vi^o. JAMES L. WORDEN, of Whitley.

It ESI DEN CE TO QUALIFY A VOTER. The Statute regulating the qualifications of voters is very lame, in that the term to constitute a residence in a precinct is not defined. The Constitution is the governing law, of course but that is too vague and general. Wc arc satisfied that a great many citizens voted illegally from igno ranee of the law while the omission of (lie Statute has been taken advantage of by the Republicans for the perpetration of puch frauds as are being re-exposed in Fountain county.

To make the matter worse, it has been held that a statute requiring a period of residence in a township, say for thirty days prior to an election, would be in conflict with the Constitution. Still there is law regulating the matter, and that everybody honestly desirous of maintaining the purity of the ballot-bos may be duly posted, we propose next weok to publish an extract from the recent decision of Judge

Bryant in the case of Lighty vs. French. A clcarcr exposition of the law of residence can nowhere be found than in that vcr}' able opinion. And that it may be generally read aud studied, and put into the hinds of every judge of elections, we ask attention to it in advancc.

NO CIRCUIT COURT..

The afiairs of .Montgomery county have •been thrown into confusion by the detention of Judge Bryant in Fountain. Boarding houses in town have been well patronized by a Grand Jury and a Petit Jury which is well enough, if the county treasury did not have to foot the bill. Clients +and a cloud of witnesses have thronged our streets, and from the length of their countenances we judge they are seeing "the elephant." Seriously speaking, the bill of costs for this default" of our Circuit

Court would scare every tax-fearing citi zcn. Whose fault is it? Not Judge Bryant's, who is discharging his duties well und patiently in Fountain. If the Republicans had not attempted their wicked frauds iu'the last election, we in Montgomery would not suffer as we now are and if they will only qmt their wholesale importation of illegal voters hereafter, wo will guaranty the public everywhere from such loss, expense and confusion.

SIGHTS.

The I a'ayctt.- Daily Argit a Lccompton paper, has been discontinued for want of patronage.

The Laporte Times, another of the "same sort," has passed into the hands of Hon. JOHN C. WALKER, an anti-Locomp-ton man. Col. WALKER, will make the Times an able advocate of Popular Sovereignty.

Both these papers received the government mail-letting advertisement, which prolonged their Lccompton existence a few brief weeks. When the Treasury teat was taken from their mouths, tho}* at once gave up the ghost. Peace to their ashes!

ARRIVAL OF SPRING AND SUMMER GOODS. —We notice that the firm of Campbell, Galey & Harter are rcceiviug their stock of spring and summer goods. Their stock this year will be thejargest ever brought to Crawfordsvillc.

'It is amusing, just uow, to hear the whine of the Lecompton papers against making Lecompton a test of party faith.— But the beauty of the thing is, that while they arc crying out against the new test, the President is removing every office-hol-der under him who is the least refractory, as to that measure..

Now is. the time for the farmers to bring :B their bacon. There is a great demand for tho art'e'e.

HON. JESSE Ik BRIGHT, Wrote a letter to the late administration meeting in New York. In it he very plausibly says: "The only value of such a principle as runs through the Kansas and Nebraska act, is its entire consistency and coherency.— If violated, even remotely, its virtue is gone forever

That sounds very anti-Locompton as much so, we think, as anything that has been said or written against the President's policy "If violated, even remotely, its virtue is gone forever." Such language, while very true, would seem to commit Mr. Bright to Mr. Douglas but reading the letter out, such an idea is speadily dispelled. Right away the Senator hurries to set up the old 'arguments in favor of Locompton failure of the majority to vote, and the power of the people to. change the Constitution at any time after its establishment.

Let us look at these arguments a moment. The first one is that if a majority fails to vote, by usage and law in our country, it is bound by the minority that doci vote. Mr. Bright states it in this wise "I plant myself upon the iu-jontrovertable fact, that never in the history of this or any other country, where suffrage is known, has the neglect of the right to vote by ever so large a majority boon considered as any ground of objection to a return made by a minority ever so small."

Notice hoiv broad and unqualified is that language. Turn then aud seo ho.v Mr. Buchanan stated thes proposition. In hi.i Lecompton Message ho uses the following: "absentees arc as much bound under the Constitution, where there is ?io fraud or violence, by the act of the majority of those who do vote, as if all had participated in the election."

Every one,, by noticing the words we have italicised for tin President, will at once sec that there is a very material difference between the statements of the two. Mr. Bright makes 110 excDptioa in case of fraud or violence Mr. Buchanan does.— The latter was not going to put himself in a position, to be quoted by the Know-noth-ings as endorsing the bloody elections at Louisville, St. Louis, and Baltimore. lie is loo wise for that. Mr. Bright, we are sure, would be equally prompt to repudiate those lawless affairs but his unguarded language subjects him to tin dilemma we have denied for the President.

Mr. Bright when writing his letter, on the other baud, evidently tried to steer clear of a conclusion which the President either did not see or did not cave for.— The latter, by his language, admits, that if there teas fraud or violence, in the elections in Kansas by which delegates to the Convention were chosen, the majority would not be bound by the voting minority.— Right there Mr. Douglas attacks him, and says and proves that the whole thing was a fraud and swindle proving it, he gets the better of the President and his argument. To avoid this rock, we s:i}', Mr. Bright scanned the President's language aud adopted it with some nicety, but carefully left out the qualifications as to fraud and violence, in doing which he unwittingly ran headlong into Know Nothingism.

Our position on the point is this :—we agree with Mr. Buchanan—if there was fraud or violence in the election for delegates to the Lccompton Constitution, then the absentees were not bound by the majority. Advancing a step, we further agree with Mr. Douglas—there actually was

fraud in the clccti.n hence, by no poss:- ^icni

ble reasoning, can that minority.bind the

non-voting majority. So much for Mr. Bright's point now for the next. Hear the Senator:— "I fully agree with you, gentlemen, when you say that the Constitution of Kansas, if displeasing to a majority of her people, can be changed within a brief period. At the pleasure of the power which made it, it can be unmade."

That sounds very fair. It is the compromise lately offered to mollify the antiLccomptonitcs in Congress it "is the soft word" now being everywhere proclaimed by the Lccomptonitcs to lull the suspicion and alarm of the people at the attack upon the liberties of Kansas. Mr. Bright kuows full well he dares not vote for Lccompton without holding out some way by which the great majority can rid themselves of it. The sagacity of his constituents would unerringly detect the despotism.

The proposition is seductive, but truthless. There is, also, a great fact in the connection which Northern men in this crisis should not overlook, and that is that Southern men repudiate the theorv. We have given Mr. Bright's statement adversely, take Mr. Keitt's opiuion, which we clip from a telegraphic column as fo! lows

lvcitt, discussing the Constitutional power to admit new States, defined his views on political government contrary to some of his fricuds. lie believed the people of Kansas could not change their Constitution prior to 1S64.

Clements asked how Keitt reconciled that declaration with the expression in another part of the Lecompton Constitution, that the people have.that power

Keitt replied That a general declaration in a bill of rights is like a preamble, and is restrained by the body of the bill."

Keitt is the man who lately run his face against Grow's fist Keitt is a representative Southern man his opinion may be relied upon as that of the South. If Kansas should be admitted, and the free State men attempt to change the Constitution before 1864, they will be resisted. The whole South will ciy, 'Revolution, Revolution the Secessionist* will accuse the North with interfering with slavery in a Slave State the bitter feelings of the See-

tions will be more than ever aroused the appeal to arms will be made one side to put down revolution, the other to maintain it. The dogs of war will be loosed.

In such a controversy, what a dilemma would Northern men find themselves in?— Without adoubt our sympathies would be with the outraged, down-trodden majority but we would fiud ourselves sympathizing with revolutionists, and in that respect be thrown into wrong. In short, we cannot be humbugged by such a plea into the support of Lecompton, nor do we believe the mass of the Democracy can. Far from offering a point of compromise, it- is in effect only strengthening the ultra South in the efforts it will make to maintain Slavery in .Kansas. Let Mr. Bright resort to another ruse.

v'

1

MINNESOTA.

In 1820, when Missouri asked admission into the Union, the objectors tied Maine to it, and declared one should not be admitted without the other. In 1850 the same policy was attempted with California.

The American people, since then, have time and again condemned such a proceeding as iniquitous and unjust. All parties have united in that judgment. More than that, the Senate of the United States itself rejected the policy, by refusing to pass Mr. Clay's Omnibus Bill. Mr. Benton deserves a place in good men's memory for defeating that measure if for nothing else.

Once more a similar injustice is being perpetrated. Driven to resort to everything likely to advance the project, Senaator 3Iason and Green have declared that Minnesota shall not become a State unless Kansas is admitted at the same time with the Lecompton Constitution. A more shameless project was never conceived.

In another column we give the manly letter of Gen. Shields. Wc ask for it a reading. It will open people's eves to a fact which, as a Democrat, we are sorry to be compelled to admit and notice viz that Mr. Buchanan has been guilty of gross partiality as between Minnesota and Kan-

sas. Surely, respect for tl.e people of Minnesota required him to at least rccomMcw/compliancc with their petition. That he did not do and the failure becomes the more suspicious and noticable when connected with a long, labored, and dangerous argument in favor of the prayer of the Lccoinptonites of Kansas.

Look closely into this affair. Compare the circumstances attending the applicacations of the Territories. For Minnesota Congress passed an enabling Act a convention was pursuantly called the Constitution framed was submitted to the people and ratified by an overwhelming majority a State government was completely organized forthwith two U. S. Senators— Shields and Bice—appeared in Washington, and demanded their seats and agaiust them was not one living protestant or plausible objection.

How is it with Kansas For her there was no enabling act one half of her counties were disfranchised in the election of delegates to the Lecompton Conventiori the President promised the people an opportunity to reject the Constitution it should frame so did the delegates but they swindled the people by submitting it in such a way that no man could vote against i* the Legislature then gave the people the opportunity the Convention denied

an

election was hold on the 4th dab­

uut:ny

which the swindle Mas

voted down by a vote of over 10,000 to 2G2. Forthwith application was made for admission into the Union. Against her Constitution is a protesting majority of ten thousand citizens. Against her admission under such circumstances stands the North almost undividedly. Yet she is set side by side with Minnesota, and her admission made the eofWition for the admission of the latter.

As a Democrat we protest against an injustice so tatally without apology as the U. S. Senate committed when it refused the demand cf Gen. Shields. Minnesota is entitled to take her jlacc among the States. She is a State dc facto. Bright and Fitch as we understand, voted against her, and in so doing they misrepresented Indiana

SSfYestcrday spring made a fair commencement with its cloudless sky and bright warm sun. During the day milions of wild pigeons passed over our town on their journey northward.

ISfCox & Co., arc now receiving splendid stock of groceries.

S&" Among the cases disposed off by Judge Naylor, who is at present officiating in the abscence of Judge Bryant, was the granting of a divorce in favor of John W. Pead.

HEALTH OF JEFFERSON DAVIS.—AWashington despatch of the 6th says: His physicians think that Mr. Jefferson Davis can hardly resume active duty before two months hence. He is now confined to a dark room under a severe regimen.

46T"The legislature of Texas is a remarkable body, and its labors without a parallel. They have a large amount of business on hand, and for sometime have been holding three sessions a day—forenoon, afternoon and night. To these they have added a fourth, a session before breakfast. The Austin Gazette says the House now meets at 4 o'clock A, 31., and goes to work.

An exchange paper tells of a par­

son who prefaced his sermon with, "My friends let us say a few words before we begin." This is about equal to the chap who took a short nap before going to sleep.

r«.y

FortheBaview.

AN IMPOSITION.—IT has long been the habit of that class of spavined, parse-bro-ken merchants who always infest the 'Star City,' when compelled to seelc "new quarters," to come here with the remnant of some. "Peter Funk" Stock, for the purpose of swindling our people. We say kick them out of community! Let them Sell their goods where their interests are— where they get their 'bills' printed. Their "head-quarters' seem to be at the Auction Room.—Journal. 'XT

Simply because we Hid not bribe the puppy editor of the Journal by a small job of printing, and for no other cause or provocation, his puppyship publishes the above insinuation against us, who dre resident merchants—citizen tax-payers of the State of Indiana—and transacting a lawful business in a lawful business house in this place. Now we distinctly say to his dogship, that he is a LIAR, and a sycophantic poltroon.— We are not "Peter Funk" Auctioncrs, nor swindlers, but doing a legitimate business, sanctioned by the laics of the land. The terms of our sales arc too plain aud unmistakable to be misunderstood, i. e., That if articles sold are not, on examination, what they arc represented, or even if the purchaser was deceived in his own. judgment in regard to the article bought, he should have the privilege of returning it and getting his money back—the sale net being binding without the purchaser teas fully satisfied he was getting a bargain.

We are sorry that such a contemptible sheet should be tolerated in the enlightened town of Crawfordsvillc—one that stands pre-eminent in education, enterprise and moralitj-—and we hope to sec that liberal party to whom his cringing puppyship is indebted for his bread aud butter kick him out of the community, and replace him with a high-minded, liberal journalist.

DODD & CO., Auctioneers.:

MARRIAGES of ENGLISH PRIISCI VsLS GENERALLY UNHAPPY. "Give me neither relies nor poverty said a wise and good man. The unfortunate character of the marriages of most princesses, the very persons who might be supposed to have the greatest chances of happiness, is one out of many proofs of the deep knowledge of life embodied in that saying. -1

Especially have English Priucesscs, as we are reminded by the late marriage of the Princess lloyal, been unlucky in their matrimonial connections. More particularly is this true of the Princesses of the House of Hanover. To go back to Sophia daughter of George the First, who married the first William Frederick ol" Prussia, sljc, poor thing, was almost daily beaten by her husband, a man whose brutality amounted almost to insanity. Once she was nearly killed by him, with her daughter and often was in imminent fear for her life. lie denied her, sometimes, even the common necessaries of life. She used to say, sarcastically, in her old age, that the only kind words I10 ever addressed to her were: "Sophia, get up aud sec me die."

The eldest daughter of George the Second made a match only less unhappy.— She was twenty-four before she married at all and then had to take the deformed Prince of Oraige, because I10 was the only Protestant Prince in Europe of suitable age. Her father expostulated with her 011 the malformation of her proposed bridegroom. "Were he a Dutch baboon," she answered, tired out with her position athome, "I would marry him." It- was the custom of that coarse age for the bride and groom, 011 the nuptial evening, to sit up in bed, in costly night-dresses, to rccieve the compliments of their friends. On this occasion, as the royal family and nobility defiled past the Prince and Princess, who were magnificent in lace and silver, the Queen, the bride's own mother, declared that when she looked at the bridegroom from behind he seemed to have no head, and when she looked at him in front, she could not, for the life of her, tell were his legs were. AYalpole or Henry, we forget which, records the anecdote. The Princess lived to regret her maiden condition at her father's court, even witnall the neglect that attended it.

Another daughter of George the Second married the Landgrave of Hesse, the same who afterwards sold his soldiers to England in order to assist in conquering those colonies. He was so brutal that his wife, at last, had to desert him and seek refuge in her native country. A third married the King of Denmark, who abused her shamefully, openly insulting her in the presence of an unprincipled woman, who shared what he had of affection. She died partly of a broken heart, partly of a cruel disease, at the early age of twsnty-seven. The melancholy story of the Princcss Charlotte,only child of George the Fourth, is'of so long a date, that it is familiar to all. Her marriage, however, was unfortunate only in its early and fatal termination for while she lived, the conduct of her husband, we believe, was blameless.

Not as a Princcss, but as a young and innocent girl, of whom every one speaks well, the new bride ought to have the best wishes of every one, at least those of her own sex, i,n favor of a happier lot than fell to her predecessors. In every respect, however, Prussian marriages have been unfortunate for both English and Prussian Princesses. The gloomy day on which the bride left London, for it was snowing heavily, has been cited as a bad omen.— But the belief in omens, luckily, is past.

HaT"The Augusta (Me.) Age, a Democratic paper of great influence, has taken high ground against forcing Lacompton upon the people of Kansas. Hear it:

Now, what wc desire to ask this if the establishment of popular sovereignty in 1854 ameasure admitted by almost everybody to have been right in principle— brought the Democracy from its height of strength and power down to the very verge of political ruin, how much less disastrous will the results of the overthrow of that policy at this time—which is generally conceded to be wrong in principle-r—when political parties are so evenly ballanccd as now? Should the Democracy lose by Lecompton one-half, or even one-eighth of the strength it lost be the Nebraska act, its defeat in 1860 is inevitable. But should it suffer in the same ratio now as it did then, that defeat would be overwhelming.

Correspondence aif the Now Albany Ledgerwasuiaoton, March 1,1858.. It is now understood that the Kansas admission bill is to he this morning taken up in the Senate, and passed through to a vote at as early a day as possible. Minnesota and Oregon must stand aside and wait impatiently, outside of the Union, until the door has been opened and Kansas drag* ged in by the hair of the head. Ah! is it not a pitiable sight to see struggling Kansas in the strong grasp of Southern.Senators, assisted by a few Northern Democrats, bound hand and foot, dragged along at the mercy of her despoilers? But it suits the South, and this violence must be committed. But all this time, while the unnatural struggle is "going on, those other two sisters—orderly, chaste, well-disposed sisters—clothed in all the proper wedding garments, ready for the solemnization of the banns of union, must stand back and wait until the wedding ring is forced upon Miss Kansas. What is more, every Democrat who will not stand by, applaud, and assist in this act of tyranny is to be read out of the party.

This thing of a few office holders and pensioned newspaper editors arrogating to themselves all the democracy of the land, denouncing all who may not be able to agree with the President in his present Kansas policy as "renegades," 'apostates,' "Black Republicans," "Abolitionists" &c., and proceeding formally to "read them out" of the Democratic party, is to supremely ridiculous to excite any other feeling than that of contempt. Their arrogance is only exceeded by their impotence. If the Democratic party belonged to these would-be leaders, God knows, it would be an honor to be "read out," and the sooner the better. But it is a fortunate circumstance, conncctcd with this question, that their power is not equal to their arrogance and pretensions, and instead of their being the Democratic party, they are nothing but its pensioned lazzaroni, the camp followers who feed and fatten upon the public plunder which is left scattered in its rear as it marches ou to new victories and triumphs, Bah! The idea of these men constituting themselves the Democratic party makes me sick!— They read men out of the party! We have no privileged classes no censorships no high priests no Lord Dictators, in the Democratic party every man stands the peer of his fellow Democrat the highest and the lowest in position in its rank-/ are equal before the law of our union and common brotherhood. The one can no more dictate new terms or impose new tests of faith upon his brothers than the other.— The humblest Democrat iu the land has as much right to impose a new test of Democratic fidelity upon the party as has the President of the United States. They both stand alike, the one the peer of the other, upon a perfect equality of privileges and franchises, and must stand or fall as they have squared their political lives by that standard of Democratic faith, the fundamental law of the great National Democratic party, the embodied wisdom of the unbought masses, the Cincinnati Platform. The people made that platform for their servants to stand upon, and by which to square their political conduct—not the office holders, l'or the people to stand upon and no office holder has any right to add a new plank to or remove a single board from the structure but it must remain as it is, and those who thiuk it too broad or too narrow for their convenience, must accommodate themselves to it, as its makers left it, or get off of it and there is nothing to hinder or prevent "all the world and the rest of mankind," if they should fall in love with its beauty and harmony and its universal adaptation to the wants and necessities of our Government and the perpetuity of the Union, from getting on it.— It is the fundamental political basis of Democratic Libert}-. It is the "iaw and the gospel" of our Democratic faith, unto which all are alike amenable before the assembled sovereigns who made it. Talk about the Lecompton fraud being made a test of Democracy, and all who cannot be made to fall down and worship the beast are to be excommunicated from our politician church! Where is the sentence, line, or syllable in the Jaw to justify so 1110nsstrous an assumption of power? "I appeal from Agrippaunto Ciesar." Show me the law, or stand forth convicted of a fraudulent usurpation of power. I find there the authority for admitting Kansas when she

shall present herself with a constitution 'it's just ray luck Hide

embodying the will of the people, "legally

the land to the wholesale frauds and villainies which have been perpetrated there under the sacrcd name of law. The Lecompton constitution is not the "legally a\\A fairly expressed" will of the people of Kansas, and tho National Democracy of the land arc in no wise responsible for it nor can Mr. PrcsideotBuchanan make them so. Those who think as he does have that right, and are individually and personally responsible before the country when the people come to make up the great assizes of public opiuion at our annual election, aud so arc those who may choose to think differently. Before this tribunal the President and his Lecompton followers, aud those who spurn the foul thing, must be tried, is an issue is to be forced upon the latter by the former for I feel sure that nothing but absolute necessity—nothing short of that first law of nature, self-pres-ervation—will ever drive those of the Democratic party who oppose Lecompton into a political antagonism so that the preservation of the Democratic party in its harmony and strength, or its disrupture, ruin, and defeat, is in the hands of the Administration party, and with them rests the responsibility. If they are willing to stand to our ancient faith in all its length and breadth, "agreeing to disagree" upon this question of only temporary importance and of doubtful expediency at best, all in the future will be well if all who can't swallow John Calhoun and his infamous frauds are to be denounced, proscribed, and forced in self-defence to organize and stand to their arms, I for one, am ready for the contest and then, I say, "Lay on, Macduff, And damn^ be he whofirstcries enough!'"

Things are drifting to a dangerous pass we have fallen upon evil times. Danger is lurking at the very threshold of the temple of our Liberty, and the abhorrent question is forced upon us, in the strong language of Gov. Walker to the chairman of the Indiana committee, "Is this the eighty-second year of our Independence, or is it the first year of American Monarchy, that is note daunting upon us?" 1, -r -L.-

Let the people look to'it, and all may yet be well. L.

Tuesday Morning, March 2.

The above letter I had prepared for yesterday's mail,but by some inadvertauce it was not taken to the office I avail myself of the opportunity to add a lew linea by way of postscript.

As was anticipated, the Kansas Till~was taken up in the Senate on yesterday. Mr. Green, the chairman of the Committee, made the'opening speech. He advanced no new arguments, but assumed the position taken jn his report, relying upon that to sustain the action of the committee.-^ During the bourse of his remarks he alleged that the reason why so many of the federal officers of Kansas are in this city is that they are here to escape the assassin's knife in Kansas—that their lives, while there, are in danger. It is more likely they are here to evade legal pvocess, under charges of fraud, perjury, and rascality generally. But suppose that they are fugitives from an insulted and greatly incensed people, whose rights they have, without scruple trampled upon, what chance would these men have in the hands of the people under the double aggravation of the last act of the drama, and the most infamous of all, of being forced into the Union under a constitution abhorrent in itself, but doubly abhorrent because forced upon them. I wouldn't give much for their chauces of a peaceful and quiet death.— 3Ir. Collamer continued the debate, but before he had concluded, he gave way to a motion to adjourn. It may be of interest to add that Mr. Green stated- that at the proper time he intended to move an amendment to the bill so as to attach Minnesota thereto, aud thus link their destinies together. -. L.

MILITARY ARDOR OF THE CALIFORNIA NS. The hard fisted miners of California arc extremely desirous of assisting Uncle Sam in his operations against the Mormons, and several volunteer companies have been partially organized for the purpose of offering their services to the government.— The intelligence of the burning of the supply traius by the Mormons created much excitement among the "roughs" and some of them wanted to post right off to Salt Lake on their own hook. In illustration of this spirit, the San Francisco Globe relates the following laughable incident: "Immediately upon the rcccption of the ncwrs, a tall but rather handsome specimen of the far West backwoodsman completely boiled over with military ardor.— He moved about with restless spirit, making inquires at every step concerning the whereabouts of the proper person to apply to for a commission, and was finally informed that Gen. Clark was the man lie was seeking. Fortunately, however, for the General, lie could not be found, and our patrtotie friend was subsequently compelled to make known his business lo the first pair cf epaulets that crosAsd his path. This happened to be Lieut. of the French man-of-war now in our harbor.— lie* had dressed himself to the top of his rank, for the purpose of being presented at a little re-union, and was moving quite majestically along Montgomery street-, when he was accosted by the Mormon-kill-ing individual with— "Kurncl, my name's Jinlcins, and I'm death 011 Mormons—I am. You kin bet them tilings up thar (pointing to the epaulets) that I'm one of 'em."

The officer drew back in amazement.— He was for a moment puzzled how to act but his good sense prevailed, he maintained a pleasant countenance and appeared curious to learn more. He gave his car, but said nothing. The gentleman from Pike, all anxiety, continued. "Come, old hoss, don't throw a feller off cause you're dressed in regimentals. You suit me, you do. and I tell vou I'm one'of 'em

The French officer politely asked what was desired of him. "Well, Kurncl," resumed our hero "all I want is an affidavit and a few muskets to go aud take them tarualSalt Lake critters, I kill do it quicker than a hungry nigger kin swaller a slice of fat bacon."

By this time the conversation had drawn together quite a crowd. The 'member from Pike,' however, had the floor 011 the Mor-, moil trouble, and was pouring his wrath upon them thick and fast, when he was interrupted by a gentleman who informed him in relation to his mistake with the L-'rench ofliccr. "Death and destruction he exclaimed, is always

!iarj

and fauly expressed but there is notn-j couldn't find him when we cleared 'em out

ing there that commits the Democracy of

t)f

S-1111

to find in these Mormon wars, 'l

Missouri and Illir

Then pul!in

his cap down over his eyes, and added, or rather shouted, Never mind, Kurne!, 110 harm done, 1 rcckon. But I'm bound to circulate among them Mormons in this fight as sure as the Jinking family lives!"

Saying which he pushed himself as deeply as possible into his "brogans" and walLed off.

The French officer enjoyed the joke as much as any present, and is doubtless impressed more than ever with the truth of our remark, that ours is a great people in a time of war."

WASHINGTON* TERRITORY A GOOD PLACE TO LIVK AND MAKE MONEV.—We find in the last ntimbcr of the Carthage Republican a letter from J. C. Head, (a brother of David E. Head, Esq.,) dated Olympia, Washington Territory, Dec., 4th, 1857, from which wc take the following interesting extract:

If I had my health. I could make money here with but little trouble it is an easy country to make money in. If the war debt is paid off this winter, it will average five thousand dollars to the head of every family in the Territory. Now, while I«nm in my office, there arc some six or eight Indians barefooted and half-naked, bothering me to buy oysters from them they wear no shoes here in winter they take things in general as nature made them. When they kill a deer, duck or fish, or take a basket of oysters or clams they make afire on the spot and eat it—no particular place to cook, nor do they have anything to cook in. They use a stick for broiling, frying and boiling and when night overtakes them, all right. They are great lovers of money the price for their labor is one dollar per day, and they will starve five days before they will work for less 25 cents for each salmon, and they destroy and throw away hundreds before they will take a cent less. You may feed them and use them well, give them clothes, &*c., and if you ask the smallest favor of them, you must pay for it before they move a peg. I have often kicked blazes out of them.

[From the Bardstowe Oasette.]

A VOICE riMMTA KlpJCtf I The foUo^ng letter is from promin«ti Democrat of an adjoining eodnty—agM* tleman who was mpre than "once entrastWcl'— with office by his party before he eschew-^ ed politics and devoted himself exclusively to. his profession. In publishing Ids letter| we do not, of course, mean to indorse his views. Any good Democrat call be heird*^through our columns^ whether he agrees with or dissents from our own individual notidnsV J"'

DEAR MAC —I have just read your .pa-) per of the 20tb, and there is so much good..,.. common sense (a rare article now-a-days) ^, in tho communication signed "N," I can-1 not refrain from tendering' him,4 whoever^"-1 he may be, through you, the gratification Itwr feel at knowing every person in the South is not crazy. "N" expresses my sentiments exactly.* Hedocs it calmly, wisely, and gentlemanly. No ridiculous and contemptible threats to read out of the party, all who may differ with him.

Let tho friends of the administration at-r tempt reading out of the party those who. will not bow down and worship the Lecorapton swindle, and they had as well assign.?' They had better never have been bor If Lccompton has become the tost of mocracy, the party is dead sure enough.— I am opposed to such a test. Let us differ if neccssary, and do so without quarreling or fighting. Douglas is right, as sure as the sun shines. Harney is right and Wise is right, and so is N. The South seems mad. Pass Lecompton, and all faith in Southern honor in the North is destroyed. Bead Douglas & Co. out of tho party, and wc are as much sectionalizcd as was Sam in '56.

But, say (he Lecomptonites, Douglas is acting with the Black Republicans Do-, molishing logic! Black Republicans cat good dinners ergo, Douglas must confinc himself to sawdust pudding or he is not a good Democrat. Freesoilers drink good wine ergo, poor Douglas & Co. must confine themselves to cistern water, or they excite suspicion. Pshaw! for 3uch sophistry, and pshaw! for the asses that use it.— Let us stand by tho right, whether tho Black Republicans are for or against it.—We are pledged by our platform, by our solemn promise to the North, to leave this cursed question of slavery to the people of the Territory—this, as well as ali others. An overwhelming majority of the peoplo of Kansas arc opposed to the Lecomptou Constitution. Then, as a Democrat, I am opposed to it—opposed to forcing it upon a protesting people—even if they are frea soilcrs.

One word by way of prophecy. Pass Lccompton and not insult Douglas & Co., and we may survive. Pass Lccomptou and ostracise Douglas & Co., and the Democratic party is broken down and when it perishes, our glorious Union porishes too.

But I did not set down to bore you, or to write one word for publication I just wanted to tell you to say to "N," whoever he may bo, he is the right kind of a Democrat that if such counsels as his were more prevalent, it would be much better for our country.

Most truly, your friend,

A DOUGLAS OPINION ON THE CHANCES OF LECOMPTON. A Washington letter in the Chicago., Times the home organ of Senator DOUGLAS, has this significant paragraph in regard to the Lccompton schcmc:

Flippant letter-writers and journalists, whose pens arc employed in the interests ot L'jctmpton, keep asserting that the admission of Kansas under the unsubniittod Constitution is a lixed fact, a thing already as good as accomplished, that tho Administration can and will press it through Congress immediately. Let not the public be humbugged by these assertions.— Winter will dose, and Spring vnll come, and go, and Summer too, for that mailer, before the abomination will have passed, over the-Senate. The opposition will dispute every inch of ground. The debate will be the most scorching which ever took place in Congress. I predict that beforo it is closed the most violent Lecomptoniet will be ready and willing to withdraw from the conflict. The issue which will Lo presented to the "American people will awaken the popular indignation to a high which will make it uncomfortable to face.

tetf"The Lecomptonites held a meeting' iu New York 011 Thursday night. Tho President was Gen. John A. Dix, tho Barnburner condidate for Governor of New York in 1848 and the principal speakers were John Van 'Buren, and John Cochrane, the two most active Wilmot Proviso, Frcesoil orators in favor of tho election of Martin Van Buren to the Presidency in 1848, against Gen. Cass. These Van Buren abolitionists are now engaged in the gracious business of reading Dougals, Bancroft, Walker, Stanton, Forney, aud other old and long tried National Democrats out of the party. The Democracy of Indiana are willing to accept no such leaders. Let them remain in the ranks till the abolition taint is removed from their garments.

AN ACTIVE OLD GENERAL.—It is said that Sir. Colin Campbell, in twenty-ono days, traveled 900 miles forced an entrance into a city defended by 60,000 fighting men, relieved a garrison beseiged for five months, withdrew 900 women and children in the face of an overwhelming force, relieved his detachment at Cawnpore, twice defeated an enemy thrice his own strength, and finally stripped them of ovtery vestige of artillery.

RATS.—When a house is infested by rats which refuso to nibble at toasted cheese and the usual baits, a few drops of the highly-scented oil of rhodium, poured on the bottom of a cage-trap, will almost invariably attract it full of the "mischievous rodents" before morning. We hava known this to be tried with most extraordinary success..

•^"Senator BRODERICK says, that of 120 papers published in California, 111 oppose Lecompton, and the nine that favor that measure subsist on patronage.

19* A girl living in service in Cleveland, gave birth to four children at one pop the other day, pretty much of an achieva ment—as she wasn't married.

S0-Most of our farmers have mad* oxtensivo preparations for sugar making.