Crawfordsville Review, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 23 January 1858 — Page 1

NEW SERIES-VOL. IX, NO. 27.

THE BOLLEB-BO?.

PARODY ON THE BAILOR-BOY'S DREAtf.

*T midnight! and yet see the Toller-boy1*y Hiiink with what skill and industry combined Tbongli blackened and weary, hi? cafes fly

And visiona of happiness dance in hi* mind.

He & reaanaofftOTne fair one in fancy's bright bowers, Ha'a dreaminp of honors that for him await, He tmiles ho thinks of the flattery and flowers

Thatahowcr around the unfortunate great.

The bright winga of fancy soon spread tho msclvcs wide. And bid tho young droamer in ecstacy r.sc, And off through tho heavons he feels himself glt-ic,

Till Snella'a residence blesses his eyes

There jessamines clamber and flower o're tho thatch— There swallows" sing aweot froc their nests in tho wall At trembling with transport ho raises tho lafc-h,

And the voice of his loved one responds to liia call.

Her father sits smoking with'looks of delight, Her mother tries vainly to hide a glad tear A* the lips of the roller-boy sweetly unite,

With tho lipsof tho maid whom his bo.iom holds dear.

Tho heart of his ink-ship beat high in his braast, The black Mastic roller plies quick as before And above all the racket theso words arc expressed, "My calling'has blessed mo, I ask for no more."

Away

goes the loved ones! what causod them to flyl -I Ahl what is that sound that now lamms his car? Tis the voice of the pressman—unmusical cry— "More ink on that roller, my lad do you hear.'"

He leaps to tho ink-keg, gets ink, and leaps back, Distributes too briefly —the pressman looks dire— For out comcs tho paper with "monks,thick and black,

Imprinted upon it, with many a "friar."

The pressman his Tage can no longer suppress JIo seizes an fires a "quoin" at his head Tho "imp"eoon perceives that he's got in a"mcss,'

By dreaming—and all his bright visions have fled.

Oh! roller-boy, woo to thy dream of dulight OhI roller-boy, wliero is thy frost-work of bli-i.s! Where now is tlijt picturo thy fancy touelicd bright—

That glory, and honor, and lo ve-lionicd kissf

©hi roller-boy! roller-boy! dream not ngain, lint.stand to thy labor, by night and by Jay Kor pictures thou paintost can hardly remain

If thou art neglectful—they'll vanish away.

Through days, months, and yjar-i, thou must pass hour by hour, Distribute thy ink, and continue to roll, Ere Fame writes tliec down out her sky-reaching tower—

Then, roller boy, ply thea— work on to thy gaol.

WAULED LAKE IN HJUA A CURIOS11T. A correspondents the Cincinnati Gazette, writing frtffu Iowa, gives tlic following account of :i wonderfulrelio of antiquity existing in (hat state. \Vc presume that it is as new to most of our readers, as it is to us:

I have intended for some time to give -the readers of tlie Gazette a description of Walled Lake, which is situated in Wright county, Iowa. To nie it was one *f the greatest curiosities I had ever seen —enveloped as its history is with a mantle that will probably never he withdrawn.— This lake lies in the midst of a large plain —the rich, gently undulating prairie exlending for many miles in every direction. The Lake covers an are* of about 1900 acres. Tho water is clear and cold, "with hard sandy bottom, from two to twentyfive feet deep. There is a strip of timber sibout half wny round it, probably ten rods wide, being the only timber in many miles. There is a wall of heavy stone all around it.

It is no accidcntal matter. It has been built with human hands. In some places the land is higher than the lake, in which ease the wall only amounts to something like a Rip Rap protection. This, I believe, is what engineers call it. But in other places the water is higher in the lake than the prairie outside the wall. The wall in some places is ten feet high it is 13 feet wide at the base, sloping up both nides to 5 feet wide on the top. The wall is built entirely of boulders, from three tons in size, down to fifty pounds. They arc all what arc called lost rock. I am no geologist, and consequently can give no learned description of them. They are not, however, natives "to the manor born." Nor has the wall been made by the washing away of the earth and leaving the rocks. There is no native rock in this region.— Besides this, is a continuous wall two miles of which, at least is higher than the land. The top of tho wall is level, while the land is undulating, so the wall is in some places two fet i, and in others ten feet high. These rocks, many of them, at least, must have been brought a long distance—probably five or ten miles. In

Wright county the best rocks are scattered pretty freely, but as you approach this lake they disappear, showing that they have been gathered together by some agency, when or by whom, history will never unfold. Some of the largest oaks in the grove are growing up through the wall, pushing the rocks in, in some cases—outside in others, accommodating their shapes to the rocks. The lake abounds with cxoellcntfish. The land in that township yet belongs to the government.

When I was there in the spring of 1856, the wind had blown a large piece oi ice •gainst the southwest part of the wall and had knocked it down, so that the water was running out, and flooding the formes of some or the setlers, and they were about to repair the wall to protest their crops. It is beautiful farm land nearly all around this lovely lake.

The readers of tho Gazette should not imagine that the wall around this lake is as regular and as nice as the wall around the Fountain in front, of the City Hall, in *New York, nor need any entertain the theory that it is a natural wall but it has been built hundreds, and probably thour sands, of years. The antiquarian may ppeculaU by whom. thij jmighty as well as

ornameotal

tif

work was done, but it will only

be speculation Notwithstanding the water in the Lake is pure and cool, there is no visible feeder or outlet. This Like is about twelve miles north of the located line of the Dubuque and Pacific Railroad, and about one hun dred and fifty miles west of the former place The time is coming when the Lake will be a great place'of public resort.

PALMERSTON AND BUCHANAN. The London correspondent of the New York Herald relates the following:

As I have called attention with sucji a flourish of trumpets to these two remarkable men, it may be interesting to relate an anecdote connected with their last parting in England, known to few save myself. In April, 1856, as Mr. Buchanan, then Minister here, was ono day descending the staircasc of the Palace, after taking leave of ber Majesty, previous to his departure for home, who should he meet, gaily tripping up, with clastic step, but the juvenile Prime Minister, buoyant at seventy-two. There had been recently some lively sparring between them, but, as polished men of the world, both desired to part with every possible manifestation of courtcsy.

IIow sorry we are to lose you, Mr. Buchanan," said his polite lordship. "You may imagine, my lord," replied the Minister, smiling, "that my regret at going is quito as sincere and poignant as that you are so good as to express."

But still," renewed Lord Palmcrston, "wo ought, for your sake, to be content, nay rejoiced, at your departure."

Oh, how so?" inquired Mr. Buchanan, a little puzzled. "Why, you arc, no doubt, going home to be made President," added the Prime Minister.

No man knew better than Mr. Buchanan that this was just what Lord Palmerston feared the most.

I don'tknow how that may be, my Lord," returned Mr. Buchanan, "but I feci sure, in advance, that there is one man who will not vote for me."

Indeed!" rejoined his lord?liip, a little perplexed in his turn, "and who may he be?"

Your lordship," replied our Minister, smiling. "Upon my word," returned his lordship, putting his hand on his heart, half in jest and half in earnest—"you do me wrong."

And so, shaking hands, they parted.

TIIE WASHINGTON UNION AND TIIE INDIANA CONVENTION. In the Washington Union of the 12th inst. there is a reference to the proceedings of the 8th of January Convention at Indianapolis which is entirely incorrect. The Union says:

From a gentleman who was present at the convention we have learned the facts concerning this matter (the last resolution adopted by the convention) which we lay before our readers in advance of the receipt of the official report of the proceedings. No other resolutions than those embraced in the series wc published to-day were adopted by the convention. These were reported by the committee on resolutions, and we understand, were endorsed bv the convention without any change.

Many of the delegates had already left for their homes. The malcontents had been thoroughly beaten in ever)* test vote in the convention during the day, but at the adjourned session thev undertook to reverse the actiouof the full convention. Vt a very late hour they did succeed in passing the resolution (Mr. Wallace's) as printed in the National Intelligencer, but by astimulated vote. We submit, however, that this resolution, passed under such circumstances, cannot be accepted for a moment as the true expression of the seutiincnts of the convention in opposition the series formally reported by its committee and ratified in full session.

The Italics in these extracts arc the Union's. The resolutions it publishes are those only reported by Mr. Yoorhces from the committee on resolutions. We submit that it would have been a great deal better if the Union had waited for the "official report of the proceedings" before giving currency to the above statement. It has up doubt discovered its error ere this, and wc hope corrected it.

The facts of the case arc simply these: The vote by which Mr. Yoorheos's resolutions were adopted was, ayes 374, noes, 180—total number of votes cast 560. The vote by which Mr. Wallace's resolution was adopted was, ayes 378, noes 114—total vote 492—showing only 68 absent or not voting (most of them the latter). It will thus be seen that in a smaller aggregate vote Mr. Wallace's resolution received more votes than Mr. Voorhec's. Subsequently this resolution with the others was unaimously adopted. These arc the facts in the case.

It is utter folly for the Union to attempt to ignore the resolution of the 8th of January convention recognizing the right of tho people of tho new States to vote upon the adoption of their own constitutions.— The sentiments contained in that resolution meet with a warm response from the Democracy of Indiana, and they will not consent to sec one of the main planks of their platform thus summarily thrown overboard. It was adopted in good faith and will be maintained in good faith. Upon its faithful maintenance depends the success of the Democracy at the next October election.— N. A: Ledger.

GONE UNDER.

H. MCCULLOUGH, President of the'State Bank of Indiana, officially announces that the branch bank at Jeffersonville has gone under, that receivers have been appointed, and that the other branches will continue torecei^Atsnotes. .....

UTAHNEWS—ALL WELL. We have received late intelligence from Utah. The army went through the South Pass on the 24th of September, and on the 25th hostilities on the part of the Mormons commenced. They fired on the picket, who were guarding the mule herd, and then attempted to stampede the mules.— The movement, temporarily successful, failed, as the entire herd was recovered on the same day. No cavalry being on the ground, however, the marauders escaped.

Nothing more was seen of them until the 27th, when, approaching Green River, some five or six were observed, but they fled before the advance guard could reach them. On that afternoon there was a rumor that the company under Lieut. Deshler would be attacked; he had but thirty men, and had in charge some of the supply trains. The advance guard started at night to his relief, and made a forced march of twenty-two miles, to find Lieut. D. and his train safe.

The army concentrated at Ham's Fork, and on the 3d October the Mormons burnt three supply trains containing some of the commissary stores. They also succeeded in running off the oxen. On the 2d they burnt the grass, but the army succeeded in extinguishing the flames before they reached the camp.

On the 11th the party started up Ham's Fork to go to Salt Lake City, the train of mule and ox wagons stretching out some six or seven miles, consequently moving but slowly. When within a mile of the Oregon Road, a party, mounted on mules, was sent to prospect a road over to Henry's Fork. This party fell in with about fifty Mormons, coming toward the camp.— Captain Marcy, who was in command of the prospecting party, approached near enough for speech with their leader before they were recognized as American troops, when they at once made off; no harm being attempted toward them, such being the instruction of Colonel Alexander. A party which started later, in the same direction, numbering eight men, met the same party, put them to flight, ate a comfortable breakfast the party had cooked, but left in their haste to fly, and brought two mules of the routed party into camp. The Mormons being mounted on ponies they outran the mules of the soldiers.

The first severe snow-storm was on the night of the 16th of October. Snow lay on the ground on the 17th fully 8 inches. It had drifted into the tents, which had been pitched for a north wind, while the storm came from the south, up the valley of the creek.

Colonel Johnston took command of the army on the 3d of November, a day or two after which Sibley tents were issued, to the great comfort of the men, who by dint of care are enabled to keep warm, although the thermometer had for some ten days of December been at twenty degrees below zero. On the 6th Colonel Johnston started for Salt Lake City, the train stretching out fifteen miles. On the 5th three hundred head of cattle were run off by the Mormons, who also took a number of mules belonging to the Government. The death of between two and three thousand oxen, and the majority of the horses, rendered movements slow, and it was not until the 17th that a distance of thirty miles was made. Salt is short and vegetables are wanting, while the oxen are being butchered as fast as convenience will allow. On the 27th a hundred bushels of vegetables were brought into camp, and turned over to the hospital department.

On the 19th of November Col. Cooke caught up with the main army, with six companies of the Second Dragoons. He had lost nearly all his horses, and those that were left him were unfit for service. Governor Cumming and his wife came up with him, as did also the mail. Mrs. C. had her foot frozen while crossing the mountain, and still suffers considerable from it, but is otherwise well. Governor Cumming is also well and hearty. There are three other ladies in the camp, being Mrs. Colonel Canby, Mrs. Tyler and Mrs. Burns. They are all as comfortable as circumstances will allow.

Colonel Cooke left the main body on the 26th inst. for Henry's Fort [sic], for grazing for his horses. Captain Marcy left on the 27th November, to procure salt, horses, mules and cattle.

Mr. Hartnett, of St. Louis, is well, as all the party are reported to be. The doctors, not being paid by the number of patients under treatment, have pretty easy times.

The main body is about ten miles above where Smith's Fork empties into Green River, being about two miles above Fort Bridger, which is on the same stream.— <St. Louis Republican, Jan>. 14

TOOMBS AND STEPHENS —TIIEIR OPINIONS ON THE TOPEKA CONSTITUTION.

Northern democrats can in no other way fulfill their previous expositions of the objects and cffccts of the Kansas-Nebraska bill than by insisting that the constitution of Kansas shall be the voice of the people of Kansas. And in no other way can southern statesmen prove that their previous professions of devotion to the right of the people of the Territories to self-govern-ment were sincere.

Eighteen months ago our southern brethren, as we understood them, held the same views we have hereinbefore endeavored to express. For example: On the 2d of July 1856, Mr. Toombs of Georgia, in the United States Senate, on the bill authorizing the people of Kansas to form a constitution, &c., said: "I had again avowed my purpose to allow the people of Kansas the right to make their own domestic institutions under the organic law and the constitution. I stood pledged to that policy as a public man—a pledge which I have again and again, at this session and previous sessions, reiterated my readiness to redeem. "I was willing to give down-trodden Kansas, is she be down-trodden, aright to make her own institutions, under the constitution, according to her own will. This is the principle upon which I supported the Kansas-Nebraska bill. I stood upon it in no fraudulent or double sense, but as an honest man, ready to maintain it in the Senate and before the country at any and all tunes.

"I only required one fact to be established. Is the Topeka constitution the voice of Kansas? "This is the only question I asked. This is the sole demand I made."

On the 28th June, 1856, in the House of Representatives, on the bill to admit Kansas into the Union with the Topeka constitution, Hon., A. H, Stephens, of Georgia, said: j».' -h- BVi!-: "I am opposed to this bill, because ice have no evidence that a majority, or any--thing like a majority, of the people of Kansas are in favor of this pretended constitution Besides this, Mr. Speaker, the evidence is very strong to my mind if not conclusive, that this Topeka constitution docs not meet the approval of majority of the people of Kansas. When it was submitted to a popular vote, only about 700 in the whole Territory approved it.— Now, sir, I am for no such judgment either way—I am for fair dealing in this matter, on both sides. "I wish for nothing but a fair expression of the will of the bona fide residents of Kansas upon this subject."

Many laborers in the democratic ranks, in the canvass of 1856, presented these sentiments of Messrs. Toombs and Stephens, and similar ones from other gentlemen similarly situated, as satisfactory evidence that our southern brethren did not desire to accomplish anything by the Kansas bill which the people of that Territory at a fair election, would not freely and fairly sanction. We then confided in their sincerity we do so still—and hence, it is confidently expected that they will now.speak and act as they spoke ,and acted then.—Detroit Free Press. _*,

From the State Sentinel.

LETTER FROM HON. LEWIS WALLACE. Mr.

BINGHAM

:—The labors of the In­

dianapolis Journal over the resolution I had the honor to submit to the Convention on the 8th instant, are amusing.

What with your mistakes in printing it, and Mr. Sulgrove's little ingenuities in the work of writing that resolution out of mean* ing, I am afraid it will come to pass with mc as with the fellow who, in a drunken spree, was severely thrashed by his friends and next morning was unable to recognize his own countenance. A month hence, if things continue as they have been going on since the Convention, Sulgrove as industrious and you as neutral, it is probable I will be unable to recognize my work, as well as indisposed to acknowledge it. Certainly, it is not right that I should be subjected to such a mortification.

Permit mc, over my own signature, to write the resolution precisely as I offered it to the Convention. Here it is:—

Resolved, That we are still in favor of the great doctrine of the Kansas-Nebraska bill? and that by a practical application of that doctrine, the people of a State or Territory are inalienably vested with the right of ratifying or rejecting, at the ballot box, any constitution that may be framed for their government and that hereafter, no Territory should be admitted into the Union as a State without a fair expression of the will of the people being first had upon the constitution accompanying the application for admission."

If you will print it as I have written it above, I will venture to go on, and say, that the resolution was adopted by the Convention exactly as I offered it, with the exception of the word "inalienably," which I agreed to strike out "on condition that the rest be at once passed." Speaking frankly, I think it a good word yet but the inducements to consent to its erasure were great it

was

then almost midnight scores

of delegates were clamoring for adjournment many had already gone home above all, the friends in whose wisdom I had greatest confidence—men like Seercst of Putnam, and Holmau of Dearborn—were urging me to let the word go, as the best way to set a speedy vote. On condition that the" Convention would pass the rest entire, I consented the resolution at once carried and the cheers that followed gave proof that the Democratic party was again a unit. Conscious of good intentions in all the

struggles

of that long day, and consol­

ed by success at last, Messrs. Sulgrove, Terrell, &c., may go ahead with the c/iiravari they are now giving mc in their respective papers.

There arc a number of mistakes ahd omissions in your report of the proceedings of the Convention, by which serious injustice is done me and my friends. I would like to correct them, but have not the vanity to think the public cares enough about me to read my explanation.

Let me speak now to the meaning of my resolution, and I will quit troubling you. A Black Republican Convention has been called at Indianapolis for March next.— Saying nothing about the political character of the men by whom it is called, their proclamation clearly reveals a determination to plant their motley party on the national and Democratic principle of popular sovereignty. The Indianapolis Journal of the 9th inst., struck the key note of their policy it declared that the Democracy in Convention the day before, had abandoned that principle that the world should not detect it in the lie, it refused to publish the resolution we passed upon the subject.— Immediately the Lafayette Journal joined in the cry of its cotemporary, at the same time pouring upon my head a full phial of unmerited calumnies. Then came the official proclamation for the Fusion Convention in which the policy was roundly avowed. ,.

u-,:.

What do such sign3 indicate? That the fight will be upon the question of state pol-

icv? Upon the high crimes of the late Republican Senate? Upon the conduct righteous or unrighteous, of Governor

W

illard

and his colleagues in government. Not one of them! The issue chosen is nation al and it will be, not whether popular sovereignty is right or wrong, but whether the Democracy of Indiana are truer exponents of that doctrine than the party that is to be born in March.

It requires no sagacity to foresee that, in the contest, hot, wrathful, and unrelenting, we will be thrown back upon the resolution last passed by our convention by it our ticket must stand or fall.

Now, I affirm, in downright terms.! that

CRAWFORDSVILLE, MONTGOMERY COUNTY, INDIANA, JANUARY 23, 1858. WHOLE NUMBER 807.

ular sovereignty, but places us in position against the admission of Kansas with the Lecomptoni Constitution unsubmitted to her people. I mean what I write—the resolution, in fact, is all that Mr. Douglas wanted. Let me make good the assertion —here is the "plank" itself—read it over again:

Resolved, That we are still in favor of the great doctrine of the Kansas-Nebraska bill and that by a practical application of that doctrine the people of a State or of a Territory are vested with the right of ratifying or rejecting at the ballot-box any Constitution that may be formed for their government and that hereafter no Territory should be admitted into the Union as a State without a fair expression of the will of its neonle being first had upon the Constitution accompanying the application for admission

Stopping short with the declaration, "that we are still in favor of the great doctrine of the Kansas-Nebraska bill," would have left the interpretation of that act an open question for quarrel among ourselves. Unwilling so to leave it, in drafting the resolution, I suffered truth, honor, and consistency to dictate an interpretation, and it was Mr. Douglas'. Mark the language: "And, by a practical application of that doctrine, the people of a State or a Territory are vested with the right of ratifying or rejecting at the ballot-box any Constitution that may be formed for their government."

In other words, by the Nebraska act, tho people of Kansas arc vested with the right of voting to reject or ratify the Lc.compton Constitution, and the whole of it. I repeat—the whole of it. That is exactly Mr. Douglas' interpretation.

But I did not stop there one further step was necessary one further step to make the solemn declaration of principle apply directly to tljp Lccompton fraud: one further step to keep inviolate the thousand signs of occupancy erected by Douglas and the Democratic party on the hill tops of the Holy Land of Popular Sovereignty!— Accordinglg I wrote— "And, hereafter, no Territory should be admitted into the Union as a State without a fair expression of the will of its people being first had upon the Constitution accompanying the application for admission."

Some Democrats have said, and every Republican will argue, that I should have used the words "noiO and hereafter." But when it is recollected that the resolution was passed on the 8th day of January, A. D. 1858, and that Kansas had not then disturbed Congress by demanding admission —•that John Calhoun had not, aud, for that matter, has not yet, officially transmitted to either House or Senate a Constitution accompanying the application of Kansas to become a State, the practical sufficiency of the word "hereafter" must become apparent. The literal meaning of the concluding sentence of the resolution—the meaning intended to be conveyed, notwithstanding some prominent Democrats and the cunning Black Republicans say to the contrary—the literal meaning and the intended meaning of the concluding sentence is "That, as Kansas has not yet applied for admission there should be a fair expression of the will of her people on the Lecompton Constitution before she is admitted as a State."

Not having yet applied for admission, Kansas is in the same condition as Washington, Nebraska, Utah and New Mexico and the resolution applies to all alike.

As a friend of Mr. Douglas I am satisfied with the resolution as a Democrat I can stand upon it and defend the honor and faith of the party.

For trespassing so at length upon your space, I sincerely beg your pardon. LEW. WALLACE.

Crawfordsville, Jan. 14, 1853.

SLAVE-TRADE HORRORS—RESCUE of SIX HUNDRED AFRICANS—A SAILING PRISON SCENE.

The Journal of Commerce had a letter from on board the United States steamer Mississippi, at St. Helena, on the 24tli Noember, mentioning the arrival in that port a few days previous, of a slaver in charge of Her Majesty's steamer Alecto, having on board about six hundred poor Africans in all their nakedness, it being the seventh capture by that steamer in two months.— She is an American built vessel, of about one hundred and seventy tuns, a fast sailor, name unknown, it having been painted out on the stern, though it shows faintly through as the "Windward, of New London." She arrived under the name of Lucia. The writer adds:

She was captured on the 4th mat., about five degrees off the coast, (so that sue was well off,) after a hard chase of ten or twelve hours, and was only taken by the fear, and consequent refusal of the crew to work her, after having been fired on some seven or eight times. She had one or two passengers (from captured vessels), and^ a crew, all told, of fourteen persons, of mixed nationalities, but no Americans among them. When seized she showed no flag, had no papers, acknowledged no captain, and, of course, her cargo declared itself and her own condemnation. One of the passengers (supposed to be the captain of the slaver Bremen, captured previously,) died on board the steamer, where also the rest of the crew now are. She had been out several days when captured, and had lost by death a great many and the poor fellows continued dying by the dozen daily, even after arrival here—twelve dying on the day of arrival, and out of about six hundred only something over four hundred have outlived the miseries and suffering of the "middle passage" of only fourteen days. After they were landed several died ere they could reach their quarters, and daily new-made graves are opened. I visited the vessel in a few hours after her arrival to give you this sketch of a scene, we fain had hoped, belonged to days gone by, but which was before my eye3 in all its horror. I found a small schooner whose deck and hold swarmed with the poor creatures as thick as they could sit,most of them young men—very many boys and about eighty girl* and yotmg women

it not only covera the whole ground of pop- They had been stowed in sitting postures

in the bold, and then over their heads a slave-deck laid, whereon were crowded the women and boys, in a space barely high enough to admit of sitting upright. I co'd not have believed it possible that so many human beings could be stowed in such a space. When I visited them, they of course were not in irons, nor confined in their original positions for the deck was alive with them. I cannot find language in which to paint the filth and disgusting stench of this prison-house of miserable, wretched suffering. The naked bodies, filth of per son, emaciated limbs, to almost skeletons wan and pitiable faces upturned, arms, legs or persons still sore from the slave-steal ers' fiery marking-brand, all presented a scene most sickening.

Ocit

NATIONAL PIIVSIOGNOMV.—A

late

writer on America, one James Sterling, a traveling Scotchman, some time since, in a work entitled Letters from the Slave States made many original and reflective, though not always complimentary remarks on the United States. That he was something of an observer, is evident from the following comment on the American face:

Some say the Americans have no phys iogdOtiiy—a great mistake, I think. To me their physiognomy seems most strongly marked, bearing deep impress of that intensity which is the essence of their being. The features even of the young are furrowed with lines of anxious thought and determined will. You read upon the nation's brow the extent of the enterprise and^ the intensity of his desires. Every American looks as if his eye were glaring into the far West and the far future. Nav, his mental physiognomy is determined by the same earnestness of purpose. The American never plays, not even the American child. He cares nothing for those games and sports which are the delight of the Englishman. He is indifferent either of mind or muscle. Labor is his element, and his only relaxation from hard work is fierce excitement. Neither does he laugh. The Americans I imagine are the most serious people in the world. There is no play even in their fancy, French wit is the sparkle of the diamond that dazzles a salon the American imagination flashes its sheet lightning over half a world."

A letter from an officer of Colonel Grcatliead's column, who had been present at the storming of Delhi, and had thence followed in pursuit of the enemy, writes a description of the manner in which the movements of the column had been hampered by the civilians. He mentions one village especially, inhabited by Goojurs, the class who of all others have been most notorious for their cruelty. In it they found the skeleton of a woman the, head severed from the body, and the bones bearing the marks of the most cruel treatment. The skeleton was examined by a doctor, and pronounced to have belonged to a European half-caste women. Yet because the village was a large one, and paid a large revenue to government, the magistrate made it a personal favor that it should not be touched. Neither officers nor men could understand this leniency, for they had seen the bodies of their coun-try-women at Delhi, their breasts cut off, and every enormity inflicted they had hoard also tho speech of one ot the sons of the King of Delhi as he was being led to execution. "I die happy," says he, "since I have defiled English women, and seen them walking naked about the streets."— The raurmers therefore, were loud and deep. Bilt when they camc to Cawnporc, and entered the charnel house, there perused the writing on the wall, and saw the still clotted blood, their grief, their rage, their desire for vengonce, knew no bounds. One officer was met coming out with a small article of female dress dabbled with blood in his hand. "I have Spared many men in fight," he said, "but I will never spare another. I Shall carry this with me in my holsters, and whenever I am inclined for mercy the sight of it and the recollection of this house will be sufficient to incite me to revenge. Stalwart, bearded men, the stern soldiers of the ranks, have been seen coining out of that house of murder perfectly unmanned, utterly unable to repress their emotions. From them there will be no mercy for these villainous assassins.

jSrl'he Logansport Pharos, a "strong Douglas or anti-Lecompton paper, speaking of the adoption of Wallace's resolution by the State Convention, says:

The shouts that welcomed the announcement of the result told plainly that the Democratic majority felt that the long struggle had not been in vain, and that the principle sustained by the Democratic masses throughout the State was thus unequivocally endorsed and would qualify the resolutions previously adopted and save the Democratic party from a position more inconsistent and disastrous, if possible, than that of 1840. It was felt to be a triumph worth laboring for, and its effect was visible in the sudden disappearance of the Black Republicans who had thronged the lobby during the day and night, solicitous that the Lccompton men should prevail and leave the "popular sovereignty" plank for a patch on their "Congressional sover' eignty" platform.

The Chicago Times (Judge Dougla's or* gan) of the 13 th says I Wc published yesterday the final pro cecdincs of the Indiana State Convention, held at Indianapolis on the 8th inst. It will have been seen, and wc rejoice to say it, that those proceedings were, in the end, eminently harmonious and satisfactory.—As matters now stand, the Democratic partv of Indiana stands proudly before the world, with her banner streaming in the wind, and presenting, as ever, a firm,

unbroken front. She has ignored no

SELVES.

IM

Democratic principle—she endorses them writer, speaking all, and first and foremost of all, TIIE GREAT the Mormon commandcr-m-ehief,

AARON BURR'S FEMALF. CORRESPONDENTS. For tho "vindication," not less of the' "fame" of Col. Burr's "Literary Executor," than of the truth of history, we feel it a duty to state facts, within our knowledge, which, but for a provocation that will be deemed an "acquittance," we should never have publicly revealed.

Colonel Burr not only preserved, butt with scrupulous care filed the letters ho received. His correspondence, especially with the female sex, was extensive. Much of this was evidently with the educated and refined-—much of it showing his association with the gifted and the pure of mind—much more with those whom his "wiles" had underminded aud poisoned. These were, however found in commou with letters from an exceptionable class and of an offensive character. All were carefully endorsed, with the places, dates and names of the writers. Where tho letters were signed with initials, or wero anonymous, tho full nanic appeared in Col. Burr's hand-writing. With many of these letters were copies of Col. Burr'i replies. We remember a most interesting series between Col. Burr and a West Indian lady of high culture, taste and purity who for a long tiino conibattcd and resisted the falsi and fatal teaching of the tempter, only in the end to exemplify the experience of those who "first endure and then embrace" error.

The night before Col. Burr met GenHamilton, he wrote a letter to his daughter Theodosia, (Mrs. Alston,) in which ha bequeathed his Correspondence, contained, as he says, "in six blue boxes" to her, with the request that those which would njurc" tho writers should be burned.— In this will referring to these blue boxes again, as containing his "Confidential Female Correspondence," he says to hia daughter: "You will find in them something to amuse, much to instruct, and more to forgive."

But, as Gen. Hamilton, instead of Col. Burr fell, these "blue boxes" remained in the posession of Col. Burr, and camc, after his death, into the hands of his "Literary Executor."

During our long and closo intimacy with the late Alatthew L. Davis, and particularly when he was engaged in writing his Life of Burr, we enjoyed confidentially, the privilege, at his house in Cherry street, of perusing the materials out of which that History was woven. The "Confidential Female Correspondence" was before us, with all its strange and startling revelations. Wc thought and felt then, as wc think and feel now, that only a devil incarnate—some fiend in human shape let loose upon the earth to scourge our race— could have deliberately preserved such evidence of his own perfidy—for many of those Letters were written in bitter anguish, and contained scathing imprecations—and of the frailty of others.

Instead, therefore, of doing "gross wrong" to Col. Burr, in this respect, Mr. Davis, by suppressing that Corrcspondcnco relieved, the character of Burr from deep and general execration. Like Thomas 3Ioore, who suppressed the personal Memoirs of Lord Byron, Mr. Davis, governed by a kindred sense of what was due to society, is entitled to commendation, rather than reproach. Nor was the sacrifico an inexpensive ono. Mr. Davis was tempted by large pecuniary offers, to give this Correspondence to the Public. The lato M. Noah, wc remember as among thoso who offered Mr. Mavis a handsome sum for the Letters. But he always, and with great emphasis declare.! that they should never appear, either to blast Mr. Burr, or wound the feelings of persons whom they compromised.

Some of these letters were returned by Mr. Davis, in carefully sealed packages, to persons remotely connected with tho writers A person in "Virginia, after Col, Burr's death, wrote to his "Literary Exccutor" asking that if letters, concerning his family, should be found among his papers, they might be'delivered to a distinguished Virginian then in New York, which request was complied with. Mr. Davis himself delivered a package of lotters to the lady by whom they were written 'and lie requested the writer of this article to make similar restitution of another package. But that too delicate commission was declined.

RIGHT OF TIIE PEOPLE OF THE TERRITORIES third in rank of the Presidents of the elcct, IN ALL TIME TO COME, TO GOVERN THEM- 1

4

From the Blooinington I'untagraph. IIO IIUNG IT THERE.

There is at Dillon, Tazewell county, 111., an old fisliioncd wolf steel-trap, firmly imbedded in a white-oak tree, forty or fifty feet above the ground. The tree wa3 cut for saw-logs, and a block was taken out containing the trap. The butt ends of tho springs are turned around together, and part of them aro outside of the bark, and the jaws, which are shut, arc nearly five inches in the solid wood, and arc corroded gome, but the trap, if taken out, would no doubt hold a wolf yet. The visible parts arc uninjured by time. The trap seems perfect, with the exception of the trigger, or catch it is missing. The growths of wood are very small, so that it is hard to count the years of its confinement in tho tree. The wood is green and sound. I hope your antiquarian readers may crack the nut and see how old it is.

SAYG

A RAMBLER.

January 8, 1858. [The foregoing is certainly a very curious discovery. We would respectfully notify the old wolf-hunter who originally lost the trap to call and "prove property," and tell how he happened to leave it in such an out-of-thenvay place.—ED.

MORMON HAREMS.—The

Tribune's Utah

correspondent says that Bishop Johnson, of Springfield, has seven wives, four of whom are sisters, and his own nieces.— This ii mixing up matters pretty freely, even for a Mormon Bishop. The samo

SDeilkin£r 0f

Lieutenant Gen. Wells.

and the

bis predecessor ill thePres'.dency was

Jedediah M. Grant, who died last sp'ring,

lant] bequeathed his harem to his successor.

isrwhen vou arc whistling in a print-1 So it appears that women arc chattels pering office and they tell vou to whistle loud-,

sonal

cr don't vou do it.. .ho -.Mints

and can be transferred hy will amon2