Crawfordsville Review, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 9 January 1858 — Page 1

Jtkliig tbe Met and Wflictcd. I It A S E S

Iodine and Sarsaparilla.

«T!fl8 is the only preparation in tbc United StitH that-, coitibinea in' highly concentrated lUtt, the extnot of Siiuf aIilUi YILU)*Doct, Braunu! ud tbc Iobno o*

FOTAMICJI,

October 31, 13.VT—\0nl5-lly

FliVFK AM) ACiUE

and th®

only preparation that worthy of tha loaat confidence'of the public fbr tho enre of, those diseases arUingfrom an impure satto.ofthe Bi.ooi, or otb•r of tW Byatomi.viz: ,f r,Scrofiila, Ob*tiaate Old Sore^«»P,c*

Ike Face. Blotches BollV CW?«Ic Sore BTMf Kiagwona or Tetter, Seal* H«ri, Salt Kheain, Cancer* i„ii Swelliais PCTci8orw»Plle»» Erysipelas, itarelliaf of tke CJIaadSiiRh eaiaai iam« l»iacasea of the HHner* aad Urinary Orgai«) Propay, Caravel, IJygr Co»Malat, Djr«pep*fa, Nervon* Aflftctloaa, Gcaeral Debility, Secondary Syphilis, or Venereal Diaeaaes, Paiaa ia the Boaea aad Joiota. all Chronic Diseaaea, aad Diseases arising from the ase of Mercary aad Caloasel. Dr. .Easterly's IODINE and SAKSAPARILLA. contains Mich rowrarct CCHATIVE PBOPEKTIES, tlat tho LONQEUT BTANDINO and WOBBT CASES OF DISEASE, readily jiold to its influence* This mcdIcinc is a SPEEDT, POSITIVE and BAOICAT, CUKE for UERCUBIAL DISEASES, no matter how deeply it may tiave'eaten inlo the framo and vital organs. It trill euro SIICONDART SVPIIILIS, or VENEREAL DISEASES, no matter how long it may have been in the system, orwhat may have been its cffccts. It •will cnre OI.D SORES, no matter liow cnuteil, and IS THE ONLY MEDICINE THAT

'WIVt..

For all SCROF

ULOUS DISEASES and OLD SOKES it is a FOSITIVO cms. All external applications ore highly inconvoniont and can only bo temporary in their «Tcts. This medicino attacks the disease at its fouRCE, by purifying tho BLOOD,oxciting the LIVER to a healthy action, changing thcSocrntions- of tho system, and by driving out all the IMPURE and DISEASED FLUIDS of tho body, thus removing the cause and rendering the cure CERTAIN ond PERMA

NENT, It thoroughly eradicates ovcry particle of MEiicuitT from tho system, and will ANNHIILATE and •xrKt. tho SYPHILITIC VIRUS, and all HEREDITARY TAINTS ond POISONS, and restore tho system to a perfect state of HEALTH and Pl/KITV.

CAUTION TO THE PUBLIC.—Be particular and ask for Dr. Easterly's Iodine find Saraaparilln, and take no other. Somo dealers may tell you (when thoy have not this)they have some OTHER KAKSAPAKILLA, equally good which they can purchase chenpor. Bellevo them not. They tell yon this to got your money. ONE BOTTLE of Dr. Kastcrly's Iodino and Sarsoparllln contains more CURATIVE PROPERTY than SIX of any other in use. Kumcnthur this is the niedicino that has effected to many ASTONISHING CUKKS in all parts of thceountry.

RTI 'rice $1 per bottle, or 0 bottles for jPrcpnrcd and sold by Dr.. KASTELY, southeast Vorner of Third niul Chestnut streets, St. Louis, Mo.,nnl by all druggists throughout tho Western tnd SAnthorp Strets,

SI:FPERERS.

1)11. EASTERLY'S

FEVER AND AGUE KILLER.

I'ltift illcd:cinc will cure Ague and Fever, .Chills and Fever, Dumb A«ue, Intermittent anil KemiUcnt Fevers, and every f'oiniot Fovcr incident to the West.

Among nil the CELHHKATHD KEMKD1K.S for Ague and Fever, first and foremost in rank stands Dr. Easterly's Fever an «1 Ague Kill er. -•'•During the last five yei.rs this remedy bus euml over two hundred thousand eases, wliicli lias cbtablishcil its eflicacy beyond nil doubt mul conirovcrev as the BEST and ONLY CEKTAIN t'UUE for this distressing disease. It is a POSI

TIVE CUKE, both SPEEDV and PERMANENT. It will cure tho WORST CASES, no matter of bow long standing or HOW BAD. It will also cure Enlargement of tl Spleen, Aguuc Cakes, etc.

Header, have you the Aguo and Fever! Then procure Dr. Easterly's Fever and Ague Killer. and use it according to tbc directions—IT WILL CURE YOU. Have you FRIENDS sulFeeing with A gnc and Kcvorf (Jo tell them to procure Dr. Easterly's Fever and Ague Killer, and ftilTorno longer. This is the medicine TO USE. for this plain reason: IT ALWAYS CU1JES, and is perfectly HARMLESS to the most delicate constitution, or tender infant.

C?7~Prico $1 per bottle, or six bottles for $5. W/'l'repurcd by Dr. EASTERLY, co.ncr of Third and Chestnut stroets, St. Louis, iMo., to whom all ordors must bo addressed.

For sale by T. D, BKOW N, Druggist Crawfcrds villc and by Druggists generally throughout th I'nitcd States.

Holidays Arc Coming!

A- s. HUQHES,

.L.:»- Has got some of tho

E I E S A S E S O

Daguereotypes

That was ever iu this town. Cases to hold from

OWE TO TEK PICTURES,

Somothiup NEW and at Lair Prices, and defies «ll tho competition of Moutgomory County, Oom binod Ugctuet to produce one half as Fine 1 icturau Call and m«, aad' yon enn't help but ?sy •o yourMlf, Nov tho tiiuo for those who wisn

uiako

HOLIDA

PRESENTS

To their Friends that will last as lone as time. Dee. Ww8. A. S. HUGHES.

0. 6. & A. millTE,

TAILORS!

Have recently opened a

*T.

New Establishment,

For the manufacturing of all kinds of

ill 1 em en's CI otlij^g

MAIN STREET, i: -S First Door *West"qf Allen, Galey Kcc- ... ... rans' Store. ..

r-lCiif? "i" ii Thoy raapoctfully solicit tho patrouago of the citizens of CrawlordeviUc nnd vicinitv.

All work done to order and with tho greatest diapatob.'" Sept. IS'57v»uS-tf.

STATE OF INDIANA, MONTGOMERY COVKTT,

"\TOT1CE whereby givpp that Daniel Dohortv,. J.™ administrator of the estate of Joshua Uow^ru, •deeewea, has filed his petition to sell the real estate oflho deceased, his personal being insuttkient to pay his debts and thai tho said petition will be heard at the next term of. tike Court of Common

Plea*of Mid County. Wl C. VANCE, Clerk. Dee,

it,

no feia

ARNOLD'S

48,00

4 BUTLER'S Inks, Gillofs Pens,

FabarVPendla, Mucilage at SCKgSOcta per «ott]tvithBru*b,tt FRANK HKA.XON'8, Pw.TifitoT. Ho. 1, Empire Block.

Magnificent Premiums!

Presented to the Subscribers of Graham's Illustrated Magazine for the New -5TBA.3R 1867. Think of it!—a Beautiful Three Dollar jtffgMiine for 1.67 a: year, to Clubs of

Six or more.

Unprecedented lias attended "Graham" tosuch an extent, that, during the laat year, it has more than

Doubled Ms Foiuer Cirtilatloii

No mat evidence of tl increasing popularity of this old and favorite periodical conld be given.

NEW STORIES! NEW ENGRAVINGS, NEW WRITERS.' And New Attractions generally for the New year.

GRAHAM'S

ILLUSTRATED MAGAZINE,

EDITED BY

Charles G-. Leland, Esq.,

"THIS PERIODICAL IS LIKE A SENSIBLE, SONNT AMD SOUND-HEARTED FRIEND, WHOSE APPEARANCE ON ONE^ THRESHOLD AL

WAYS OLADDRNS THE HIND WITH THE I!! PROMISE OP A PLEASANT AND O I A E O The same attractive features which have characterized "Grsliam" during 1857, and which have tended so materially to increase

its

with a large number of

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Sixty Colored Plates:

HANDSOME PATTERNS

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Which are really Works of Art, engraved expressly for '•Graham" from tho most popular sublccts, and far superior to any Pictures published 'in any other Monthly, will embellish every number of tlio New Volumo.

AN ORIGINAL STORY,

Entitled

"THE KING'S LOVE."

By JOSEPH J- REED, one of our most popular Authors,'will be cojnmenccd in the January Number. lS.iS? also an Original Poem by Geo. II. Boker, Esq., And a GREAT DOMESTIC STORY by

Mrs.

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HISS A,

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THE PRESS AND THE PEOPLE. Together with our usmd Historical Sketches, Tale of Sociutv, Sketches of Travel, Translations, Faiiv Tales,' Gems of Poetry, Interesting Extracts from New Works, Tales of tlu Wonderful, Useful Sketches, Fashionable Novulotts, Fashion Gossip, Curiosities, Hints for Ornamental Gardening, Items for the Ladies, Humorous Extracts Yankee Travels, Kocipes for the toilet and Household. «.ve.

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Valuable Premiums to Subscribers. To evcrv Three Dollar subscriber wo. send, without cluirire, a eopv of each of tho Bountiful 1 ortraits, in oil colors, of GEN. WASHINGTON and HENRY CLAY, match Pictures, which for beauty and artistic coloring, uach in imitation of Oil Paintings have never before been equalled in this countr»—similar ones in London costintr six dollars apiccc. No home in Ainori'.-a should be without these lino life-like Portraits. For FIVE DOLLARS, we sund Two copies of tho Magazine, ono vcar. and one of each oi

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H. S. COX & CO.,

NO. 6, COMMERIAL BLOCS,

GREEN STREET,

CRAWFOHDSTILLE, INDIANA,

Aro selling their large stock of Groceries, Paints, Oils and Dye StutTs, cheaper than the same articles eon be bought in any market in Northern Indiana. Their stock is the largest ever brought to Grawfordsville, and is composed, in part, of the following articles: O,"* 15bls of Prime N. O. refined Su^ar, yellow SO and white, at 12,^(3.15 cts per lb. nA Sacks of Primo Kio Coffee, at 11 cents per Uv pounds

Kexes Western Reserve ond Hamburg cheese ao at V'2% cents per pound. Bbla Sugar House Molasses at 30@90 cents I.VJ per gallon.

8lon.

Bbls Baltimore Svrnp at $1,10 cts per gal

py iibls Codfish at S^ccnts per pound. ,,

Barrels of Rice at SK «nts per pound.

of Linseed Oil. at $1,00 per gallon.

0 Barrels of Lard Oil at #1,20 per Gallon.

-Q Kegs Whlto Lead at #2,60 per Keg._

And a thousand other articlea too nnme.'ons to mention, all of wtuch will bo sold cheaper for,

Ctdh than they con bo purchased any where else in tlifi County. COX & CO.

K3TN B. Illinois, Wisconsin, and Indiana monty taken at.par in exchange for Groceries.

SEHSTJD FOB IT. Tho most Bupcrblv illustrated Mapaiine_ ever published in America, is the December number ot the COSMOPOLITAN AB* JOUBVAI, containing o\er

SIXTY FPLENMU ESORAVIKOS, and jnvine full particulars of tho benefits of the Cosmopolitan^ Art Association. TWO DOLT.AKS A YEAR smple conies FIFTY CENTS. Specimen copies will be «ent to all persons who wish to subscribe on receipt kto C. A. A..

51?

Subscriptions received by^ F. M. HEATON, Hon. Sec'ry, 2o. 1 Empiro Block.

Nov 25.

ALL

the School Books of tlio day-witli all oth-. or articles usc4 Common Schools, [except

ing 0* Switch.J foe

SECOND SPEECH OF SENATOR DOUGLAS.

government.

13 00 5 00 0 06 10 00

the Portraits.

it with

Broadway, New-York.

Silo-tRANK.nEATON'a,

Dee lS57v8n32-tf. go. 1, EmpireBIocfc.

"a-XEVT SUPPLY OF DRTKAKFS j^BCTIC

also by Dec 19-tf,

ati j- Empihs Block.

fTMlE U. S. Dispensatory and Dr. Drake on the 1 Diseases of tho Mississippi Val.ojr on sale by Dec 19] FBAHK IIEATQX, Ko. 1 Empire Bjrek.

MOKE of Ford's Superior Pat^.-W^t-I tew, just received by

organirinjftbc'

Campbell jfc Co.

DOZ. Bean Hoaka, for _• July 11, lWTven51-tf. "Compbeil. *„V0-

1 II

On the 16th iiist., Senator GTeen, of Jiissouri, having addressed the. Senate on the Kw""1 question, Mr. Douglas responded as follows:

Mr. Douglaff—Mr. President, I hare listened to the Senator from Missouri (Mr. Green) with unfeigned pleasure. There has been a fairness in his tone and in h-s line of argument which shows that he has been arguing from his convictions, with the view of stating what he conceives to be the true, sound aspect of the question.— It is gratifying to me to hear the subject discussed in that spirit and tone before the Senate. I but do the Senator justice when I say that he has presented the question with marked ability and clearness and I am inclined to think that the best view of the subject has been presented to-day which we shall have from the Senator's side.

I should not utter a word, but for the fact that the Senator has misapprehended my meaning and my position on one or two points, and I deem it due to myself to restate my views on those points, in order that he, the Senate, and the country, may see what the true. position is. I acquit him of any intention to misstate there was only a misconception. This may have beeu occasioned by my own fault, as I spoke rapidly, without preparation, and had no opportunity to revise the report of my speech. The Senator is under a misapprehension in supposing that I have assumed it to be a fatal objection to the admission of a State into this Union that there was no enabling act giving the consent of Congress in advance to the formation of a Constitution.— I took no such position.

The Senator is also mistaken in supposing that I took the ground thai it was a ratal objection that the Constitution was not submitted to the people before being sent to Congress for acceptance. I did not assume that position. My ground was this: the regular mode of proceeding is by an enabling act, and if the Territorial Legislature proceed to call a Convention with* out first having the consent of Congress to do so, it is irregular, but not so irregular that it necessarily follows their Constitutian cannot be acccpted. I argued and cited the opinion of the Attorney General in the Arkansas case, to show that, although a Convention called by a Territorial Legislature without the previous assent of Congress, was irregular yet it was not an unlawful assemblage, but was a body of men having aright to petition under the Constitution of the United States, and that having been assembled, in convention, more force ought to be given to the mode of assemblage, but that it was not a constitutional body authorized to institute government. In other words, I contended that a convention, constituted in obedience to an enabling act of Congress previously giving assent, is a constitutional body of men, with power and authority to institute

but that a Convention assem

bled under a.i act of the Territorial Legislature, without tho assent of Congress previously given, has no authority to institute government. It has power to petition it may put its petition in tho lonn of a Constitution and when it comes here we are at liberty to accept or rejcct their petition.

This was my position in regard to the effect of an enabling act. I then went on to show that there having been no enabling act passed for Kansas, the Lecompton Convention was irregular. I argued that it was not an unlawful assemblage, but might present a petition to us in the shape of a Constitution, which we should be at liberty to accept or reject, as we pleased. It was a Convention authorized to petition, but not to establish or institute government.

I was aware that in the history of this Government some new States had been admitted without the passage of an enabling act by Congress, in the first instance. I must be permitted, however, to spoil the effect of one or two of the Senator's cases —those upon which he dwelt with the greatest pleasure and most satisfaction to himself. He tells us there was no enabling act for Michigan. If the Senator will look back into the history of Michigan, he will find that the authority existed under the old ordinance of 1787. That ordinance, which was the organic act of Michigan, provided that the Northwestern Territory should be divided into not less than three nor more than five States, and each of those States was, by the ordinance, authorized to be formed and admitted into the Union when it should have sixty thousand inhabitants. Thus, an enabling act was incorporated into the ordinance of 1787 for the five Northwestern States. This is the Tecson why it was not necessary that there should be an enabling act for Michigan, nor for Ohio, nor for Indiana nor for Illinois, nor for Wisconsin.

Next, with regard to Tennessee! The Senator quotes the names of Washington and Jackson—names that raise a thrill of

patriotic feeling in the bosom of every

American when th«y are mentioned and to whos example we should, of course, yield the tribute of our approbation.% How was

Territory having furnished the .evidence showing that there were then sixty thousand inhabitants in Tennessee, accordin to the census, the people, had aright to come into, the Union on an equal footing

with

the

original States. These facts dis

pose of the alleged example of Washington and Jackson, for they show that the ygjy case'in which hoth aefcod, the absent of Congress had been previously given

I am aware that in the Florida c::ge and in other cases there was not an

will

Tennessee? The Senator says

it was the first new SiC-tc admitted without an enabling Act. Tennessee, when cut on from North Carolina and formed into a territory known as the Southwestern Territory, was organized into a territorial government by an act of Congress, which extended to it all the provisions of the ordinance of 1787, except the slavery clause. Thus the territorial organic act of Tennessee contained within itself an enabling act, declaring thpt the people of Tennessee should have "authority to form a constitution and State government whenever the. Territory should have sixty thousand inhabitants, JJejng tb«s authorised, the leg. islature of Tennessee took steps to find out vhei) they had the sixty thousand inhabitants, When they applied to Congross for admission, President Washing* ton, in that beautiful letter which the Senator read, referred to the fact that in the act

Territory of Tennessee

there was an enabling clause, guaranteeing that Territory the right to come into the •Union whenever it should have sixty thoujrajtd inhabitants. The Governor of the

P.tabling

act in the first instance.' The rule upon which we acted was that although this was an irregularity, it might be waived or in sisted upon according as we thought public policy and public duty required. I took that ground in my speech last week. said farther that, where an enabling act had been passed and a convention had been organized in the manner therein provided for, it was a constitutional convention empowered to institute government, and hence stood on a different footing. That distinction has been clearly taken, elaborated, and established by the Senator from Missouri in his speech. If he is right and I am right in this argument, it follows that the convention which met at Lecompton and formed a constitution was not a body properly constituted and empowered to institute a government, for.the reason that it had not the previous authority of Congress but was merely an assemblage of citizens regularly collected for the purpose of petitioning for a change of government from a Territorial to a State government, and when that petition comes here we shall be at liberty to accept-it or roject it—to dispose of it as we may see fit.

Again, sir the action of the convention shows, in my judgment, clearly, that they took the same view of the subject for I must still insist that the convention did not assume that they had aright to institute government by virtue of the power which they possessed, but only to frame a constitution to be submitted to the people and go into operation when ratified. The Senator thought I was mistaken in this.— Let us refer to the record and see which of us is mistaken. The sixteenth section of the schedule provides: "This constitution shall take effect, and be in force, from and after its ratification by the people, as herein before provided."

If not ratified it is to be void if ratified jfc is to take effect from that time, and by virtue of that ratification. This clearly shows that tho convention did not claim to be a body empowered to institute government, but simply a body authorized to frame a constitution in the shape of a petition, aiid to pray for its acceptance by Con* grcss. That was the distinction. \gain, in the seventh section of the schedule we find: "Before this constitution shall be sent to Congress for admission into the Union, as a State, it shall be submitted to all the white male inhabitants of this Territory, for their approval or disapproval as follows:

It then goes on to give the form of the vote, "Constitution with slavery," or "Constitution without slaverybut before it can be sent to Congress the schedule says ib shall be submitted for approval or disapproval. Can it be said, in the face of this language, that the convention declared the constitution in force without submitting it to the people? Can it be said that the constitution can ever take ciFect, unless ratified by a vote of the people?— If I can understand the plain meaning of language which appears to be unequivocal, it is not susceptible of a doubt that the constitution is to be referred to the people for acceptance or rejection, and that whatever validity or vitality it is to have, will be received from the people's ratification. If I am right in this position it brings me back to the old point, that the submission is such as not to give an opportunity for a fair vote on the slavery or any other question.

I come next to the petition which I assumed with r?ference to the submission of the Constitution for ratification. I did not contend that a constitution might not, under any circumstances, be put in operation unless submitted to the people for ratification. I said before, and I say now, that the Constitution must be the act and deed of the people of Kansas it must embody the will of the people of Katisas no Constitution should be received by Congress, and none can fairly be considered republican

which

does not embody the will of the

people who are to be governed by it, and is not formed by their act. Having assumed, as an essential fundamental principle,

that the

Constitution must embody

the will of the people, the next question is, what is the best and most appropriate mode of ascertaining that will Upon that point I concur with the President of the United States in his message, that the best mode is to refer it- to the people for their acceptance or rejection by a fair vote. The principle being that it Bhall embody the

of the people, its submission to a

popular vote is only a means of ascertaining a fact, which fact, namely, that it embodies the will of the people, gives it vitality, and makes it an appropriate Constitution. I regard the argument of the President of the United States, favor of that mode of

ascertaining

majority

the peoples

as conclusive. The

will

President's

argument

is, that delegates represent districts, and

mental, tlio cardinal point Aether or not the embodiment ot the

thc Constitution is will of the people. I advocate submission as a means of

ascertaining

an end, not as a

principle. I do not say that there could be no possible case in which I would no accept a Constitution without its having been thus submitted. Suppose, for mstance, a Constitution had been formed by delegates, aud there was not a murmur against it,

nof a

protest. not" the slightest

reason to believe that

anybody

people. If I should accept it on such terms, it Would be because there was.satisfactory, evidence that it was. the will of the people. That will embodied in the Constitution is the cardinal principle which is, or should be, a sine qua tion in tho es tablishment of government for the admis sion of anew State.

This is the point of difference between the Senator from Missouri and myself. As he evidently misconceived my meaning on the matters to which I have referred, has seemed to me to be due to him to re state my views, especially as he has treated the subject with a candor and courtesy that deserve to be followed and imitated. Certainly they will leave their impression on me in conducting discussions with him. I shall endeavor to profit by the example he has set this day in the mode of debate

The Senator from Missouri will not find an enabling act in the treaty with France. True, the treaty provides that the inhabitants of the territory ceded by France to the United States shall be admitted into the Union as soon as possible, according to the principles of the Federal Constitution -—not when there shall be sixty thousand inhabitants, not when there shall be any particular number of inhabitants, but as soon as may be consistent with the principles of the Federal Constitution. Nor docs it provide with what boundaries they should be admitted. We admitted the inhabitants of Louisiana, then those of Missouri, then those of Arkansas, then those of Iowa, until we had thus admitted all the inhabitants there were in the country acquired from France. There was waste country still left but there was time fixed by the treaty, no data laid down by which it could be determined when or how they should be admitted into the Union. Thus it has been reserved to Congress to determine when they may have the requisite population. It is for Congress to determine what shall be the boundaries. It is not for the people of a territory to say authoritatively what boundaries they shall take. On the contrary, Congress has always reserved and insisted on the right of establishing the boundaries, and such is undoubtedly the case in the Kansas-Ne braska act.

Cougress never intended that Kansas should necessarily have aright to come into the Union with her present boundaries for the organic act expressly reserves to Congress the right to alter and divide the Territory, and attach parts of it to other Territories. In the enabling act which the Senate passed last year wo cut off about one-third of the present Territory of Kansas, and provided for the admission of the remainder as a State. We never contemplated bringing lier into the Union with the boundaries fixed by the orgauic act, and by the Lecompton constitution. Will be contended that the Kansas-Nebraska bill contemplated bringing the whole of Nebraska into the Union as one State?— Does that act authorize the people of Nebraska to form a constitution when they please, and to come into the. Union

With

Kansas-Nebraska

territory eight times as large as New York? Certainly it was ndver the intention of that organic act to confer on the people ot a Territory the authority of saying that the.y will come in when they please, with such boundaries as they choose, absorbing the whole waste country of the United States, and making an empire instead of a State.

The meaning of the Kansas-Nebraska act was, that when the time should come for them to form a State government, they should be admitted into the Union with or without slavery, as their constitution might prescribe, and that they should be left perfectly free to decide on their local and domestic institutions for themselves but there was no pledge, no authority given to them to form a State with the extended limits included within the Territory, nor to form a State at all until Congress sho'd determine that they were authorized to form a State. It was for the very reason that the

act did not con

tain an enabling provision that President Pierce, in his message at the first session of the last Congress, recommended to Congress to pass an enabling act authorizing the people of Kansas to form a constitution when they should have the requisite population. The President said "This, it seems to me, can be best accomplished by providing that, when the inhabitants of Kansas may desire it, and shall be of sufficient number to constitute a State, a convention of delegates, duly elected by the qualified voters, shall assemble to frame a constitution, and thu7 prepare through regular

and

lawful means,

for its admission into the Union as a State. I respectfully recommend the enactment of a law to that effect."

This message proves that, in the estimation of President Pierce and his administration, in the beginning of 1856, the time had not then arrived for the admission of

naa not, ineu

of the delegates may represent

minority of the people, consequence of some being elected by large majorities and others by

small

dation, your committee ask leave to report

majorities hence tne Pres

ident asys a delegate election is not a tar test but you must refer it to a vote ot the order to

ascertain

the vital, the lunda-

bill authorizing the Legislature of the Territory to provide by law for the elec-

Thus the Committee on Territories in 1856 responded

the

before the right of admission into the Union becomes complete. I show you that the President of the United. States, who approved the bill, the President who made it an administration measure, so understood it at the time, and so declared in his message. I show:yoa that the Committee on Territories'which drafted the Nebraska bill, so understood it at the time. I show ytu that the same Senate which passed the Nebraska bill by the votes of the identical Senators who passed-that bill, thus construed it at the time.

It is too late now to say that neither the President who signed the Nebraska bill, nor the committee who reported it, nor the Democratic Senate who passed it un derstood it. The. evidence can be accumulated mountain high, that it was the true intent and meaning of the act, as we expounded it at the time, that the people should be left free to form their institutions in their own way up to the last moment of admission'—not slavery only, but all local and domestic institutions in contradistinction to federal or national institutions. They have as much right to vote on the banking system, the school system, as they have a right to vote on the slavery question.

The Senator tells us that the Nebraska bill meant only the slavery question, because we here felt no interest in anything else. It may be that the people of Missouri felt no interest in anything else. It may be that the people of Illinois felt no special interest about the banking system or school system of Kansas. It may be that the people of Virginia did not care what sort of a taxing system Kansas might have, but docs it follow that the people of Kansas did not care? The people of Kansas had an interest in the taxation system* in the school system, in the banking system, in the judiciary system, in the elective franchise. These local and domestic institutions were everything to them. We did not care about them. Why? Because they were none of our business. ,3

The Senator says that I ought not to refer to these questions, because I have no right to a voice in them. True,-1 have no right to a voice in their local institutions, but the people of Kansas have and it is my duty to see that they have a free and untrampled expression of that voice upon all their institutions. I deny that you have a republican constitution unless that is done. A constitution forced on a people against their will is not a republican constitution within the spirit of our institutions. It is no argument to say that this constitution is a excellent one. You have no right to cram a good thing down the throats oi the people of Kansas against their wili.— It strikes at the fundamental principal of iborty. This question between us is radical. "it is whether that people shall be permitted to form their own constitution, and whether the constitution under which they are to live shall embody their will or not. It is not a matter of form whether the constitution shall bo submitted to them. That is but one mode of obtaining the evidence of the fact of their will. The President says it is the best mode, and I .agree with him, the principle being that their will is the great essential sine qua lion before you can bring them into the Union as a State.

Then, Mr. President the simple question comes back, shall that people have the authority to form and regulate their institutions to suit themselves? The Senator says we may admit them if we see proper, and ought to do so in order to terminate the controversy. Sir, I would do anything that is fight, anything that is just, in order to terminate this controversy No^ man livin" is sd anxious for its termination as I am? I will sacrifice everything but principle and honor, and my country, in order to close this controversy. But how are you to close it? You must closc it on principles of eternal justice and truth, or it will not stay closed. You must terminate it on the principle of self-government, or the Constitution under which the people are to live is not republican. No patching up, no system of trickery by which the majority are cheated by the minority, will sculc this question. Instead of producing peace, that will only be the beginning of undue controversy. When the broad fact stands admitted before the world that this constitution is the act of a minority, and nit of the majority, the injustice becomes the more manifest and the more monstrous. The only reason for not submitting the

Constitution fairly is, that it would^ be voted down if it were submitted. This is an admission that it was the act of a minority, not of a majority. Do you expect that you will restore peace and quiet to the country by forcing upon a people a Constitution that does not embody their will?— I tell you that you will have to avail yourselves of the recommendations of the message to increase the army and to use the military power of this country if the ma-

jor}t 8 to be

Kansas, because she had not I of a minority. I trust there will bono population, and also that outbreak, no violence. I will use every was necessary to g1^

influence

ernmonf°riNow^ sir. let us^see ^ow the {sure submission bul fear the result if Committee on Territories of the

Senate

XU£sh"a.l appear, by census to he „w„c„ango^-.ati^

recommendation of

President Pierce, and

dissented

from it, and the only question in dispute vas the sufficiency of the population, I am not certain but that I should waive the irregularity, and take it for granted that such a Constitution Hid embody the will of the

the

Senate respond

ed to the report by passing through the body

bill authorizing the people of Kan-

gas to form a Constitution and State government. This shows that I am not the only man to mean I

wh0

subjected to the oppression

by counsel and exertion, to in-

you shall use power to coerce a majority

that year understood it. Here is the res- of four-fifths into submission to a minority uonse of the committee to the President's ot one-bftli. ??°ssa£rc. But, sir, wc are told that they oug'.t to many persons become almost as liable to

In conipliancc with the first recommen- submit, because they can easily get rid of small-pox as if they had not been vaccina' ... i.i this constitution. The President says they ted. ,, may change it immediately after its admis- 3. This liability remains in full force sion Ah' how is that7 The constitution until about forty-two, when the susceptibilpeoplirand the as- formed at Lecompton, provides that it may it begins .Iodine, and continues f« semMLief'a convention to'form a consti- b„ changed after tho year IW, by a con- seven year, to grow less andjess beco«. Son and SU-e jovernment preparatory Uction called by two-.hirds.of .he J.cgis- mg est,net at about bfly the period of ltf. to ad of in to on on an at re I it to be a in of I -vben he a re on of h. crmal footing with tho original States, so that ivl.cn a constitution provides for

toketfunder the ZSi^f the oTven,or, "particular manner, that excludes all other lease of life for two or three te bv the authority of the Legislature, that times and all other mode,. I

the Territory contains ninety-three thou-1 to say that a-jy court in Christendom would

the Territory contains ninetygnUd four hundred and twenty habitants— thus construe this constitution. that being the number required by the pre- jgays that it may be amended at one tim sent ratio of representation for a member it excludes all other times. hen it says of Congress." it may be amended in one mode, it^ ex-

its

that pointed out in the instrument itself? No, sir. There is no constitutional modes by which this constitution of Kansas, if

construes the Nebraska bill! once in force, can be changed before 1864. i^yed,^15, ^,W0j. that an enabling act is ncccseary There U_ another" mode—a revolutionary lo

mode. It is by the legislature-first-eom-ing together, makins aa oath to,support) the constitution, and then proceed to Call a convention to change it,

violation of. U|e

constitution and of tho oath. Suppose they should dp this, aud the, convention thus called should make a constitution and establish a ne# govetnnient, and the old government"' should refuse ,tof renSeir 'ihe possession, who would be Governor—-the one elected under, the old constitution or the new? You would have two governments in operation at the same time one under the old and the .other, under the new constitution, and you would call on the army to decide between them.

The scheme is a scheme of civil war.— It leads directly to war. If I ever voted for it, I should expeet to vote also for an increase of the Array, and for.supples to the Army, to enforce it at the point of tho bayonet. It means violence, or it means the subjection of the majority to the minority. I beseech all to pause and see whether this is right or wtfong, for on this matter we are free from party tics. The Senator from Missouri and myself agree that the President has not made it an Administration measure. We agree that.he has not recommended it in his message.-— We agree, therefore, that every man on this floor is at a liberty to go for or against it without changing his party ties or affecting his party relations. Why, then, can wo not stop and pause before we rush on to a step that not only rends asunder the Democratic party, but threatens the peace and perpetuity of the Union itself.

It will hot do to tell me that the Presp dent is in favor of it. Sir I believe' the President to be a frank, bold/ ato fattest man. 1 will net believe that he will make the measure a party one which he does not recommcnd in his message. I will not believe that he would ask his party to go for a measure to which he would not eommit himself on paper. I will not believe that he wishes us to run our necks into the halter of disunion and civil war before ho takes the lead and points the way..

The absence of a recommendation in the message shows that no man can, consistently with the President's dignity of character, assort that he is in favor of this measure. Then, I say, let us restore,, peace to the country by ignoring the ir-, regular Convention at Lccompton, by ignoring that irregular Convention at Topelu, by passing an enabling act in proper form, authorizing the people to form a Constitution and State government for themselves:Such an act will restore peace to the counr try iu ninety days. In fact, the day you pass it everything will be quiet in Kan-, =a3.

The people of Kansas will then sec that Congress is going to carry out in good faith the principle of self-government. They will see that Congress is going to allow them to have slavery, if they want it,* and to prohibit lfc if they do not want it. They will see that Congress is going to allow them to make their own constitution in their own way\ The moment thoy discover that impartiality is to prevail, and justice is to bd carried out they will be content all will be quiet there will bo peace at the North, peace at tho South, peace in the Democratic party, pcace throughout the whole country* I trust that we shall discuss this question in calinncsa, in good humor, and in a kind and respectful spirit, as we have diectlsSdd it to-day. -in 11.

How

A MAN

Sitoui.D

ACT WHEN AT

TACKED BY AN AMAZONIAN—A WOMAN'S OPINION.—A

lady correspondent of the

Providence Journal, discussing the question as to how a gentleman ought to act, if attacked by a lady in Lo!a Montes's horsd whip style, says:

That "when a woman—I use tho word in its highest sense, according to Benton— BO far forgets her sex, and the proper conduct that belongs to her sex, as to attack a man with any weapon, (excepting always her tongue,) that man is justifiable in beating her in any way he chooses. No true woman would do so unladylike an act as to raise her hand to a man* When sho does such an act, she Unscxes herself, and should meet with due punishment. Your correspondent adds, "if the woman is pretty, kiss her. Well) all 1 have got to say to that is, that any man must be in distress for a kiss to give or take one on such an occasion. A kiss for a blow is pretty well when that blow is a love pat but if I was a man, which, thank my stars I am not, I know I could never make up my mind, or my mouth, to kiss a woman that raised a cane or a cowhide to mc."

SMAM. POX ANI VACCIJfATION-iat-PORTANT SUWJE8TIOJII. Hall's Journal of Health has the follow ing:

From extended and closc observation, the following general deductions seem to. be warranted: 1. Infantine vaccination is an almost perfect safeguard until tho fourteenth year.! W 2. At the beginning of fourteen the system gradually loses its capability of rcsistar.cc until about twenty-one, when

begins to take place, during «h

undertake en yoara cach.

4. I

he grand

eludes all other modes. Will you tell me that the constitution of the United States can be changed by a town meeting, or a jject at this time. mass meeting, or in any other mode than .."T'I "i

When it of these statements is: Let every youth I be re\acdnated on entering fourteen let several attempts be made so as to be certain of safety. As the malady is mora likely to prevail in citic during the winter, special attention in ivited to tho sub-

new sev-

praoueal

use

to be made

.wL

j®rThe hew York Herald give* tne lo-

tal number of fires in the United Sutee for the year at 230 value of property de--nn c\t\n.

number

of lives lost