Crawfordsville Review, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 19 December 1857 — Page 2

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te'froluUOcery orgsnization abstained from taking any part in the election. The act of the territorial legislator* had omitted to provide for submitting to the neoplcVthe constitution which might be named'ty the convention and in the excited state of public feeling throughout Kanr.r.s an apprehension extensively prevailed that a design existed to force npon them a constitution in relation to slavery against their will. In this emergency it becamc my duty, as it was unquestionably right, having in view the union of all good titizens in .support of the territorial laws, to express an opinion on the true construction of the previsions concerning slavery contained in the organic act of Concresa of the 30th May, 1854. Congress declared it to be "the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, aor to exclude it thercfrom, but to leave the people fcherof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way."— Under it Kanzas, "when admitted as a State," was to "be received into the Union •with or without slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission."

Did Congress mean by this language that the delegates elected to frame a constitution should 1 ave authority finally to decide the question of slavery, or did they intend by leaving it to the people, that the people of Kanzas themselves should 'decide this question by a direct vote On this Hubjcct I confess I had never entertained a serious doubt., and, therefore, in my instructions to Gov. Walker of the 28th March last., merely said that when 'a constitution shall be submitted to the people of the Territory, they, must be protected in the exercise of their right of voting for or ngainst that instrument, and the fair expression of tl.o jopjlar will n.ust not be interrupted by fraud or violence."

In expressing this opinion, it was far from my intention to interfere with the decision of the people of Kanzas, either for or against slavery. From this I have always carefully abstained Intrusted with the duty of taking "care to see that the •s laws be faithfully executed," iny only desire was that the people of Kanzas should furnish to Congress the evidence required by the organic act, whether for or against nlavcry and in this manner smooth their passage into the Unitn. In emerging from the condition of territorial dependence into that of a sovereign State, it was their duty, in ni}* opinion, to make known their will by the votes of the majority, on the direct question whether this important domestic institution should or should not continue to exist. Indeed, this was the ouly possible mode in which their will could be authentically ascertained.

The election of delegates to a convention must necessarily take place in separate districts. From this cause it may readily happen, as has often been the case, that a majority of the people of a State or Territory arc on one .side of a question, whilst a majority of the representatives from the several districts into which it is divided may be upon the other side. This nrises from the fact that in some districts delegates may he elected by small majorities, whilst in others those of different sentiments may rcccivc majorities sufficiently groat not only to overcome the votes given for the former, but to leave a large majority of the whole people in direct opposition to a majority of the delegates.

Besides, our history proves that influences may be brought to hear on the representative sufficiently powerful to induce him to disregard the will of his constitucnts. The truth is, that no other authentic and satisfactory mode exists of ascertaining the will of a majority of the people of any State or Territory on au important and exciting question like that of slavery in Kansas, except by leaving it to a direct vote. How wise, then, was it for Congress to pass overall subordinate and intcrmediatc agcncics, and proceed directly to the source of all legitimate pi'wer under our institutions!

Ilow vain would any other principle prove in practice This may be illustra tod by the case of Kanzas. Should she be admitted into the Union, with a constitution cither maintaining or abolishing slavery, against the .sentiment of the people, this could have no other effect than to continue and to exasperate the existing agitation during the brief period required to make tho constitution conform to the irresistible will of the majority.

The friends and supporters of the Nebraska and Kanzas Act, when sfrmrsrlinir ou a recent occasion to sustain its wise provisions before the great tribunal of the American people, never differed about its true meaning on this subject. Everywhere throughout the Union they publicly pledged their faith and their honor, that they would checrfullj* submit the question of slavery to the decision ot' the Itomi fnlc people of Kanzas, without any restriction or qualification whate\cr. Ail were cordially united upon the great doctrine of popular sovereignty, which is the vital principle of our free institutions. Had it then been insinuated from any quarter that it would be a sufficient compliance with the requisition of the organic law for the members of a convention, thereafter to bo clcctcd, to withhold the question of slavery from the people and to substitute their own will for that of a legally ascertained majority of ail their constituents, •.his would have been instantly rejected. 3S very where they remained true to the resolution adopted on a celebrated occasion recognising "the right of the people of all tho territories—including Kansas and Nebraska—acting through the legally and fairly expressed will of a majority of actual residents, and whenever tho number of their inhabitants justified it, to form a constitution, with or without slavory, and be admitted into the Union upon terms of perfcct equality with the other States."

The Convention to frame a constitution for Kansas met on the first Monday of September last. They were called together by virtue of an act of the territorial legislature, whose lawful existence had been recognized by Congress, in different forma and by^ different enactments. A large proportion of the citizens of Kanzas did not think proper to register their names and to vote at the clcction for delegates but an opportunity to do this having been fairly offered, their refusal to avail themselves of their right could in no manner effcct the legality of the convention.

This conviention proceeded to frame a constitution for Kanzas, and finally adjourned on the 7th day of November. But little difficulty occurred in the convention, except on the subject of slavery. The truth is that the general provisions of, our

recent State constitutions are so similar— and, I may add, so excellent—that the difference between them is not essential.— tinder the earlier practice of the goveanment, no constitution framed by the convention of a Territory preparatory to its admission into the Union as a State had been submitted to the people. I trust, however, the example set by the last Congress, requiring that the constitution of Minnesota "should be subject to the approval and ratification of the people of the proposed State," may be followed on future occasions. I took it for granted that the convention "of Kanzas would act in accordance with this example, founded, as it is, on correct principles and hence my instructions to Governor Walker, in favor of submitting the constitution to the people, were expressed in general and unqualified terras.

In the Kansas-Nebraska act, however, this requirement, as applicable to the whole constittuion, had not been inserted, and the convention were not bound by its terms to submit any other portion of the instrument to an election, except that which relates to the "domestic institution" of slavery:— This will be rendered clear by a simple reference to its lauguage. It was "not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to fonn and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way." According to the plain construction of the sentence, the words 'domestic institutions' have a direct as they have an appropriate reference to .«lavc4T. "Domestic institutions" are limited to the family. The relation between master and slave and few others are "domestic institutions," and are entirely distinct from institutions of a political characfer. Besides, there was no question then before Congress, nor indeed has there since been any serious question before the people of Kanzas or the country, except that which relates to the "domestic institution" of slavery.

The convention, after an angry and excitcd debate, finally determined, by a majority of only two to submit the question of slavery to the people, though at the last, forty-three of the fifty delegates present affixed their signatures to the Constitution.

A large majority of the convention were in favor of establishing slavery in Kanzas. They accordingingly inserted an article in the constitution for this purpose similar in form to those which had been adopted by territorial conventions. In the schedule, however, providing for the transition from a territorial to a State government, the question has been fairly and explicitly referred to the people, whether they will have a constitution "with or without slavery." It declared that, before the the constitution adopted by the convention "shall be sent to Congress for admission into the Union as a State," an election shall be held to decide this question, at which 11 the white male inhabitants of the Territory above the age of -1 are entitled to vote.

They arc to vote by ballot and tho "ballots cast at said election shall be endorsed 'constitution with slavery,' and constitution with no slavery.'" If there be a majority in favor of the 'constitution with slavery,' then it is to be transmitted to Congress by the president of this convention in its original form. If, on the contrary, there shall be a majority in favor of the 'constitution with no slavery,' "then the article providing for slavery shall be stricken from the constitution by the president of this convention and it is expressly declared that "no slavery shall exist in tho State of Kanzas, except that the right of property in slaves now in the Territory, shall, in no manner, be interfered with and in in that event it is made his duty to have the constitution, thus ratified, transmitted to the Congress of the United Ststcs, for the admission of the State into the Union.

At this election every citizen will have an opportunity of expressing his opinion by his vote "whether Kanzas shall be received into the Union with or without slavery," and thus this exciting question may be peacefully settled in the very mode required by the organic law. The election will be held under legitimate authority, and if any portion of the inhabitants shall refuse to vote, a fair opportunity to do so having been presented, this will be their own voluntary act, and they alone will be responsible for the consequences.

Whether Kanzas shall be a free or slave State must eventually, under some authority, be decided by an clcction and the question can never be more clearly or distinctly presented to the people than it is at the present moment. Should this opportunity be rejected, she may be involved for years in domestic discord, and possibly in civil war, before she can again make up the isssue now so fortunately tendered, and again reach the point she has already attained.

Kanzas has for some years occupied too much of the public attention. It is high time this should be directed to far more important objects. When once admitted into the Union, whether with or without slavery, the excitement beyond her own limits will speedily pass away, and she will then for the first time be left, as she ought to have boon long since, to manage her own affairs in her own way. If her constitution on the subject of slavery, or on any other subject, be displeasing to a majority of the people, no human power can prevent them from changing it within a brief period. Under these circumstances, it may well be questioned whether the peace and quiet of the whole country are not of greater importance than the "mere temporary triumph of cither of the political parties in Kanzas.

Should the constitution without slaverybe adopted by the votes of the majority, the rights of property in slaves now in the Territory arc reserved. The number of these is very small but if it were greater the provision would be equally just and reasonable. These slaves were brought into the Territory under the Constitution of the United States, and arc now the property of their masters. This point has at length been finally decided by the highest judicial tribunal of the country—and this upon the plain principle that when a confederacy of .sovereign States acquire a new territory at their joint expense, both equality and justice demand that the citizens of one and all of them shall have the right to take into it whatsoever is recognized as property by the common constitution. To have summarily confiscated the property in slaves already in the Territory, would have been an act of grofs injustice, and contrary to the practice of the older

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States of the Union which have abolished slavery. UTAH.

A territorial government was established in Utah by the act_of Congress approved the 9th Sept., 1850, and the constitution and laws of the United States were thereby extended over it "so far as the tame, or any provisions thereof, may be applicable." This act provided for the appointment of the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, of a Governor who was to be cx-offi-cio superintendent of Indian affairs, a secretary three judges of the Supreme Court, a marchal and a district attorney. Subsequent acts provided' for the officers necessary to extend our land and our Indian system over the territory: Brigham Young was appointed the first governor on the 20th Sept., 1850 and has held the office ever since. Whilst governor Young has been both Governor and superintendent of Indian affairs throughout this period, he has been at the same time the head of the church called the Latter-Day Saints, and professes to govern its members and dispose of their property by direct inspiration and authority from the Almighty.— His power has been, therefore, absolute over both Church and State

The people of Utah, almost exclusively, belong to this church, and believing with a fanatical spirit that he is governor of the Territory by divine appointment, they obey his commands as if these were direct revelations from Heaven. If, therefore, he chooses that his government shall come into collision with the government of the United States, the members of the Mormon Church will yield implicit obedience to his will. Unfortunately, existing facts leave but little doubt that such is his dc termination. Without entering upon minute history of occurrences, it is suffi cient to say that all the officers of the United States, judicial and executive, have found it necessary for their own personal safety to withdraw from the Territory, and there no longer remains any government in Utah but the despotism of Brigham Young. This being the condition of affairs in the Territory, I could not mistake the path of duty. As chief executive magistrate, was bound to restore the supremacy of the constitution and laws within its limits. In order to effcct this purpose, lappointed a new Governor and other federal officers for Utah, and sent with them military force for their protection, and to aid as a posse comitatu*, in case of need, in the execution of the laws.

With the religious opinions of the Mormons, as long as they remained mere opinions, however deplorable in themselves and revolting to the moral and religious sentiments of all Christendom, I had no right to intcfere. Actions alone, when in violation to the constitution and laws of the United States, become the legitimate subjects for the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate. My instructions to Governor Cumming has, therefore, been framed in strict accordance with these principles.— At their date a hope was indulged that no necessity might exist for employing the military in restoring and maintaining the authority of the law but this hope has now vanished. Gov. Young has, by proclamation, declared his determination to maintain his power by force, and has already committed acts of hostility against the United States.

Unless he should retrace his steps, the Territory of Utah will be in a state of open rebellion. He has committed these acts of open hostility, notwithstanding Major Van Vlict, an officer of the army, sent to Utah by the commanding General to purchase provisions for the troops, had giVen him the strongest assurances of the peaceful intentions of the government, and that the troops would only be employed as a posse comitatus when called on by the civil authority to aid in the execution of the laws.

There is reason to believe that Governor Young has long contemplated this result. He knows that the continuance of his despotic power depends upon the exclusion of all setlers from the Territory except those who will acknowledge his divine mission, and implicitly obey his will and that an enlightened public opinion there would soon prostrate institutions at war with tho laws both of God and man. He has therefore for several years, in orcltr to maintain his independence, been industriously employed in collecting and fabricating arms and munitions of war and in discipling the Mormons for military service. As superintendent of Indian affairs, lie has had an opportunity of tampering with the Indian tribes, and exciting their hostile feelings against the United States. This according to our information, lie has accomplished in regard to some of these tribes, while others have remained true to their allegiance, and have communicated his intrigues to our Indian agents. lie has laid in a store of provisions for three years, which, in case of necessity, as he informed Major Van Arlict, he will conceal, "and then take to the mountains and bid defiance to all the powers of the government."

A great part of this may be idle boasting but yet no wise government will lightly estimate the efforts which may be inspired by such phrenzied fanaticism as exists among the Mormons in Utah. This is the first rebellion which has existed in our Territories and humanity itself requires that we should put it down in such a manner that it shall be the last. To trifle with it would be to encourage it, and to render it formidable. We ought to go there with such an imposing force as to convince these deluded people vhat resistance would be vain, and thus spare the effusion of blood. We can in this manner best convince them that we are their friends, not their enemies. In order to accomplish this object it will be necessary according to the estimate of the War Department, to raise four additional regiments and this I earnestly recommend to Congress. At the present moment of depression in the revenue of the country I am sorry to be obliged to recommend such a measure but I feel confident of tho support of Congress, cost what it may, in suppressing the insurrection and in restoring and maintaining the sovereignty of the Constitution and laws over the Territory of Utah.

I recommcnd to Congress the establishment of a Territorial government over Arizona, incorporating with it such portions of New Mexico as they may deem expedient. I need scarcely adduce arguments in support of this recommendation. We are bound to protect the lives and property of our citizens inhabiting Arizonia, and these are cow without any official protection. Their present number is already

considerable, and is rapidly increasing, notwithsHnding the disadvantages under which they labor. Besides, t£e proposed Territory is believed,to be richih mineral and agricultural resources, (specially in silver and copper. "'"The mails of the United States to California are now carried over it throughout its. whole extent, and this route is known to be the nearest, and believed to be the best, to the Pacific.

THE PACIFIC RAILROAD.

Long experience has deeply convinced me that a strict construction of the powers granted to Congress is the only true, as well as the only safe, theory of the constitution. Whilst this principle shall guide my public conduct, I consider it clear that under the war making power, Congress may appropriate money for the construction of a military road through the territories of the United States, when this is absolutely necessary for the defence of the States against foreign invasion. The constitution has conferred upon Congress power "to declare war," "to raise and support armies," "to provide and maintain a navy," and to call forth the militia to "repel invasions." These high sovereign powers necessarily involve important and responsible public duties, and among them there is none so sacred and so imperative as that of preserving our soil from the invasion of a foreign enemy. The constitution has, therefore, left nothing on this point to construction, but expressly requires that "the United States shall protect each of them (the States) against invasion."

Now, if a military road over our own territories be indispensably necessary to enable us to meet and repel the invader, it follows as a nccessary consequence not only that we possess the power, but it is our imperative duty to construct such a road.— It would be an absurdity to invest a government with the unlimited power to make and conduct war, and at the same time de-

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to it the only means of reaching and defeating the enemy at the frontier.— Without such a road it is quite evident we cannot "protect" California and our Pacific possessions "against invasion." We cannot by any other means transport men and munitions of war from the Atlantic States in sufficient time successfully to defend these remote and distant portions of the republic.

Experience has proved that the routes across the Isthmus of Central America are at best but a very uncertain and unreliable mode of communication. But even if this were not the case they would at once be closed against us in the event of war with a naval power so much stronger than our own as to enable it to blockade the ports at either end of these routes.— After all, therefore, we can only rely upon a military road through our own territories and ever since the origin of the government Congress has been in in the practice of appropriating money from the public Treasury for the construction of such roads.

T1IE TEXAS AND GII.A UOUTE TCKCOMMKN"DED. The difficulties and expense of constructing a military road to connect our Atlantic and Pacific States have been greatly exaggerated. The distance on the Arizonia route near the 82d parallel of north latitude, between the western boundary of Texas on the Rio Grande, and the eastern boundary of California on the Colorado from the best explorations now within our knowledge docs not exceed four hundred and seventy miles, and the face of the country is, in the main, favorable. For obvious reasons the government onghtnot to undertake the work itself by means of its own agents. This ought to be committed to other agencies, which Congress might assist either by grants of land or money, or by both, upon such terms and conditions as they may deem most beneficial for the country.

Provision might thus be made not only for the safe, rapid and economical transportation of troops and munitions of war, but also for the public mails. The commercial interests of the whole country, both cast and west, would be greatly promoted by such a road, and above all, it would be a powerful additional bond of union. Aud although advantages of this kind, whether postal, commercial, or political, cannot confer constitutional power, yet they may furnish auxiliary arguments in favor of expediting a. work which, in my judgment, is clearly embraced within the war-making power. For these reasons I commend to the friendly consideration of Congress the subject of the Pacific Ilailroad, without [finally committing myself to any particular route.

STATE OF TIIE TREASURY.

The report of the Secretary-of the Treasury will furnish a detailed statement of the condition of the public finance and of the respective branches of the public service devolved upon that department of the government.

By this report it. appears that the amount of revenue received from all sources into the treasury during the fiscal year ending the 30th June 1857, was S68,031,513,67, which amount, with the ballance of $19,901,325 45, remaining in the treasury at the commencement of the year, made an aarrrerrate for the service of the year of $88,532,839 12

The public expenditures for the fiscal year ending 30th June, 1857, amounted to §70,822,724 85, of which $5,943,896 91 were applied to the redemption of the public debt including interest and premium, leaving in the treasury at the commencement of the present fiscal year on the 1st July, 1857, $17,710,114 27.

The receipts into the treasury for the first quarter of the present fiscal year, commencing 1st July, 1857, were $20,929,819 81, and the estimate receipts of the remaining three quarters to the 30 June, 1858, are $35,750,000, making with the ballance before stated an aggregate of $75,389, 934 08 for the scrvice of the present fiscal year.

The actual expenditures during the first quarter of the present fiscal year, were §23,714,528,37 of which $3,895,232,39 were applied to the redemption of the public debt including interest and premium.

The probable expenditure of the remaining three quarters, to 30th June, 1858, are $51,248,530 04, including interest on the public debt, making an aggregate of $74,963,058 41, leaving an estimated ballance in the treasury at the close of the present fiscalyearof €426,87567.

The amount of the public debt at the commencement of the present fiscal year was $29,60,086 90.

The amount redeemed since the first of July was $3,895,323 39—leaving a ballance unredeemed at this time of $25,165,154 51.

of estimated expenditures,

fcr the remiining"lhrt«3quarters of tfae£ presentfiscaLyear all probability be increasedifibm tjne'eanses set forth is the report offthc Secretary. Hisguggeitibn, therefore, that authority Bhould bis given to supply any temporary deficiency by the issue of alimitcd amount of. treasury notes Is approved, .and I accordingly recommend the passage of such a law.

As stated in tfiereport of the Secretary the tariff of March 3, 1857, has been in operation for so short a period of time, and %nder circumstances so unfavorable to a just development of its results as a revenue measure that I should regard it as inexpedient, at least for the present to undertake its revision. 1 transmit herewith the reports made to me by the Secretaries of War and of the Navy, of the Interior and of the Postmaster General. They all contain valuable and important information and suggestions which I commend to the favorable consideration oj Congress.

INCREASE OF TOE ARMY.

I have already recommended the raising of four additional regiments, and the report of the Secretary of War presents strong reasons proving this increase of the army under existing circumstances to be indispensible.

NEW WAR STEAMERS.

I would call the special attention of Congress to the recommendation of the Secretary of the Navy in favor of the construction of ten small war steamers of light draught. For some years the government has been obliged on many occasions to hire such steamers from individuals to supply its pressing wants.

At the present time we have no armed vessels in the Navyjwhich can penetrate the rivers of China."~ We have but a few which can enter any of the harbors south of Norfolk, although many millions of foreign and domestic commerce annually pass in and out of these harbors. Some of our most valuable points arc thus left exposed. This class of vessels of light draught, great speed, and heavy guns would be formidable in coast defence. The cost of their construction will not be great, and they will require but a comparatively small expenditure to keep them in commission.

In time of pease, they will prove as effective as much larger vessels, and often more useful. One of them should be at every station where we maintain a squadron, and three or four should be constantly employed on our Atlantic and Pacific coasts. Economy, utility, and efficiency combine to recommend them as almost indispensable. Ten of these small vessels would be of incalculable advantage to the Naval service, and the whole cost of their construction would not exceed two million three hundred thousand dollars, or §230,000 each.

The report of tho Secretary of the Inleror is worthy of grave consideration.— [t treats of the numerous, important, and diversified branches of domestic administration entrusted to him by law. Among these the most prominent are, the public lands and our relations with the Indians.

THE PUBLIC LANDS.

Our system for the disposal of the public lands originated with the fathers of the republic, has been improved as experience pointed the way, and gradually adapted to the growth and settlement of our Western States and Territories. It has worked well in practice. Already thirteen States and several Territories have been carved out of these lands, and still more than a thousand millions of aercs yet remain unsold. What a boundless prospect this presents to our country of future prosperity and power.

We have heretofore disposed of 363,862,464 acres of the public land. Whilst the public lands as a source of revenue are of great importance, their importance is far greater as furnishing homes for a hardy and independent race of honest and industrious citizens who desire to subdue and cultivate the soil. They ought to be administered mainly with a view of promoting this wise and benevolent policy. In appropriating them for any other purpose we ought to use even greater economy than if they had been covertcd into money and the proceeds were already in the public treasury*.

To squander away this richest and noblest inheritance which any people have ever enjoyed, upon objects of doubtful constitutionality or expediency, would be to violate one of the most important trusts ever committed to any people. Whilst I do not deny to Congress the power, when acting ijoxA FIDE as a proprietor, to give away portions of them for the purpose increasing the value of the remainder, yet considering the great temptation to abuse this power, we cannot be too cautious in its exercise. \ctual settlers under existing laws are protected against other purchasers at the public sales, in their right of pre-emption, to the extent of a quarter-section, or 160 acres of land. The remainder may then be disposed of at public or entered at private sale in unlimited quantities.

Speculation has, of late years, prevailed to a great extent, in the public lands.— The consequence has been, that large portions of them have become the property of individuals and companies, and thus the price is greatly enhanced to those who desire to purchase for actual settlement. In order to limit the area of speculation as much as possible the extinction of the Indian title and the extension of the public surveys ought only to keep pace with the tide of emigration.

If Congress should hereafter grant alternate sections to States or companies as they have done heretofore, I recommend that the intermediate sections retained by the government should be subject to preemption by actual settlers.

It ought ever to be our cardinal policy to reserve the public lands as much as maybe for actual settlers, and this at moderate prices. We shall thus not only best promote the prosperity of the new States and Territories and the power of the Union, but shall secure homes for our posterity for many generations.

INDIAN TRIBES.

The extension of our limits has brought within our jurisdiction many additional and populous tribes of Indians, a large proportion of which are wild, untractable and difficult to control. Predatory and warlike in their disposition and habits, it is impossible altogether to restrain them from committing aggressions on each other, as well as upon our frontier citizens and those emigrating to distant States and Territories. Hence expensive military expeditions are

frequently necessaryJojpi^rawe and chastise the more lawless and hostile. .. The present system of making them valuable presents to influence them to remain at peace, has prgvW indffectual. It is believed to~be the better'policy to" colonize them in suitable localities, where they can receive the rndimentsof education, and be gradually induced to adopt habits of industry. So far as the experiment has been tried it has worked well in practice, and will doubtless prove to be less expensive than the present system.

The whole number of Indians within our territorial limits is beliefved to be, from the best data in the Interior Department about 325,000.

The tribes of Cherokees, CboctaWS, Chickasaws, and Creeks, settled in the ter^ ritory set apart for them west of Arkansas, are rapidly advancing in education and in all the arts of civilization and self-gov-ernment and we may indulge the agreeable anticipation that at no very distant day they will be incorporated into the Union as one of the sovereign States.

THE TOST-OFFICE DEPARTMENT. It will be seen from the repert of the Postmaster General that the Postoffice Department still continues to depend on the treasury, as it has been compelled to do for several years past, for an important portion of the means of sustaining and extending its operations. The rapid growth and expansion arc shown by a decennial statement of the number of post offices, and the length of post roads, commencing with the year 1827. In that year there were 7,000 post-offices in 1837,11,177 in 1847 15,146 in 1857 they number 26,586.— In this year, 1,725 post offices have been established and 704 discontinued, leaving a net increase of 1,021. The postmasters of 368 offices arc appointed by the President.

The length of post roads in 1827 was 105,336 miles in 1837, 141,242 miles in 1847, 153,^18 miles and in the year 1857 there are 242,604 miles of post roads, including 22,530 miles of railroad, on which the mails are transported.

The expenditures of the Department for the fiscal year ending on the 30th June, 1857, as adjusted by the Auditor, amounted to $11,507,670. To defray these expenditures, there was to the credit of the Department on the 1st July, 1856, the sum of $789,599, the gross revenue of the year, including the annual allowances for the transportation of free-mail matter, produced $8,053,951 and the remainder was supplied by the appropriation from the Treasury of $2,250,000, granted by the act of Congress approved August 18,1856, and by the appropriation of $606,883 made by the act of March 3,1857, leaving $252,763 to be carried to the credit of the Department in the accounts of the current year.

I commend to your consideration the report of the Department in relation to the establishment of the overland mail-route from the Mississippi river to San Francisco, California. The route was selected with my full concurrence, as the one, in my judgment, best calculated to attain the important objects contemplated by Congress.

ECONOMY IN GOVERXMEJIT.

The late disastrous monetary revulsion may have one good effect, should it cause both the government aud the people to return to the practice of a wise and judicious economy, both in public and private expenditures.

An overflowing treasury has led to habits of prodigality and extravagance in our legislation. It has induced Congress to make large appropriations to objects for which they never would have provided had it been necessary to raise the amount of revenue required to meet them by increased taxation or by loans. We are now compelled to pause in our career and to scrutinize our expenditures with tho utmost vigilance, and in performing this duty, 1 pledge my co-operation to the extent of my constitutional competency.

It ought t5 be observed at the same time that true public economy does not consist in withholding tho means nccessary to accomplish important national objects entrusted to us by the constitution, and especially such as may be necessary for tho common defence. In the present crisis of the country, it is our duty to confine our appropriations to objects of this character, unless in cases where justice to individuals may demand adifferent course. In all cases, care ought to be taken that the money granted by Congress shall be faithfully and economically applied.

THE EXECUTIVE API'UOVAL OF CONGRESSIONAL KILLS. Under the federal constitution, "every bill which shall have passed the House of

-Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it becomes a law," b^approved and signed by the President aiff if not approved, "he shall return it with his objections, to that house in which it originated." In order to perform this high and responsible duty, sufficient time must be allowed the President to read and examine every bill presented to him for approval.

Unless this be afforded, the constitution becomes a dead letter in this particular and even wor.se—it becomcs a means of deception. Our constituents, seeing the President's approval and signature attached to each act of Congress, are induced to believe that he has actually performed this duty, when in truth, nothing is, in many cases, more unfounded.

Prom the practice of Congress, such an examination of each bill as the constitution requires has been rendered impossible.— The most important business of each session is generally crowded into its last hours and the alternative presented to the President is either to violate the constitutional duty which he owes to the people and approve bills which, for want of time, it is impossible he should have examined, or, by his refusal to do this, subject the country and individuals to great loss and inconvenience.

Besides, a practice has grown up of late years to legislate in appropriation bills at the last hours of the session on now and important subjects. This practice constrains the Presidenteither to suffer measures to become laws which he does not approve, or to incur the risk of stopping the wheels of the government by vetoing an appropriation bill.

Formerly such bills were confined to specific appropriations for carrying into effect existing laws, and the well-establish-ed policy of the country, and little time was then required by the President for their examination.

For my own

I part, I have deliberately de I shall approve no bill whicl

termined that

I have not examined, and it will be a ease Cincinnati and New York Market report*

of extreme and most, which shall ever induce me to dipart frori^ this talk 2^lherd^.jrfqDeetfuU^1)nt^ earnestly, reoomme^dj that tte two kovses would'aflow ihe Presidentatleast twodays previous' to ffil adjournment of each es« sion, within which no new bill shall be pro sented to him for approval.

Under the existing joint role one day irf allowed but this role has been hitherto so constantly suspended in practice that important bills continue to be presented to him tip till the very last momenta of the session

In a large 'majority of cases no -great public inconvenience can arise from the want of tune lo examine their provisions, becauste the constitution has declared that if a bill be presented to the President within the last ten days of the session he is not required to return it either with approval or veto, in which case it shall not be law.

It may then lie over and be taken up: and passed at the next session. Groat inconvenience would only be experienced- in regard to the appropriation bills but fortunately, under the late excellent law, allowing a salary, instead of aper diem,- tomembers of Congress, the expense and inconvenience of a called session will bo greatly reduced.

THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.

I cannot conclude without commending to your favorable consideration the interests of the people of this District. Without a representative on the floor of Congress, they have for this very reason peculiar claims upon our just regard.

To this I know, from my long acquaintance with them, they are eminently entitled. JAMES BUCHANAN.

WASHINGTON, Dec. 8, 1857.

THE REVIEW.

CEAWFOHDSVILLE Saturday Morning, Dec. 19, 1857

PRINTED AND PUBLISHED EVERY SAT UK-. W DAY MORNING BY CHARLES IT. BOWEN. 7

J3?~The Crnwfordsvillc Ilevicw, furnished to Subscribers at 91,50 in advance, or f.f, if not paid within the year.

I A I O N

IN*

LARGER THAN ANY PArER PUBLISHED Crnwfurdsville! Advertisers cull up niul examine our list of £gr SUBSCRIBERS.

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DEMOCRATIC

CONVENTION

The Old Liners of Montgomery County arc notified that there will be a County Convention held at the Court House in Crawfordsville, on Saturday, the 2Gth December, next, for the purpose of appoin-.* ing delegates to attend the State Democratic Convention, to be held at Indianapolis on the 8th of January, next.

BSPWc.arc highly gratified to learn that most of our enterprising merchants contemplate the future existence of a better state of affairs. Money matters arc already pretty satisfactorily arranged, and the pai.• ic over. Among the foremost of our go ahead dealers we are pleased to notice tlx lisplay being made by

LAYMON

BitOTHErts

& Co. They have taken the North room in McClclland's new Hall, and arc now receiving and opening the largest stock of (Jroceries and Liquors ever brought into the County. They say their prices shall be an object to all cash buyers. Speaking of liquors, their rule is, No liquor drank where sold, and no questions asked as to its uses. Give them a call.

JST"Dcmocrats, remember the Convention next Saturday.

LATER FKO.V UTAH. New York, Dec. 1G.

The Times has a letter from the camp of the army of Utah, dated Ham's Fork, Green river, Oct. 28th, being ten days later than Colonel Johnson's despatch.

On the 16th, a party of 100 mounted volunteens under Capt. Marcy, while exploring the country, and only two miles from the camp, came upon a party of 55 Mormons, whose captain declared it to be the purpose of the Mormons to resist any attempt on the part of the S. troops to advance and also it was by Brigham Young's orders that the trains had besn burned. After the parley, the Mormons were allowed to move aff unmolested. lieports from the East report snow falling fast to-day, from Boston, St. John, N. B., and northward to Montreal.

Nothing has been heard from the Canada, due at Halifax, or the North Star, duo» at this port, from Europe.

Case of Transfusion.

The delicate and interesting operation of transfusing blood from one place to another has again been successfully performed by Mr. S. Whcatcroft, surgeon of Cannock, assisted by Mr. J. Blackford and Samuel Whcatcroft. The patient was Mrs. Benton, of Cannock. When apparently expiring from loss of blood, about two pounds of blood were transfused from the veins of her husband into her veins, with the happiest result. In a few minutes after the current of blood began to flow, and the eb-» bing of life was checked—the circulation being established, and deliverance from., apparently certain and approaching dissolution secured.

The operation was performed on the 20th ult. Mr. Wheatcroft suggests the trial of this operatiou in the last stage of low typos and the collapse of Asiatic cholera, when all other means have failed.— Woi-, verhampton {Eng.) Chronicle. —i 19* We woold call the attention of onr readers to the new advertisements of F. M. Heaton and A. S. Hughes— also the late