Crawfordsville Review, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 9 December 1854 — Page 2

E E I E W

E S A W 8 S & S

KATUJiDAY MOIiXfNG, DECEMBER 9, 1S51.

PKINTED ANI) PUBLISHED EVKIIY SATL'R 'miiiii«*3)AY MORNING BY CHARLES II. nOWEN*.

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PRESIDENTS MESSAGE.

Fellow-citizens of the Senate

and of the House of Representatives'.

The past has been an eventful year, and will hereafter be referred to as a marked epoch in the history of the world. While we have been happily preserved from the calamities of war, our domestic prosperity has not been entirely uninterrupted. The crops, in portions of the country, have been nearly cut off. Disease has prevailed to a greater extent than usual, and the sacrifice of human life, through causaltics by sea and land, is without a parallel. But the pestilence has swept by, and restored salubrity invites the absent to their homes, and the return of business to its ordinary channels.

If the earth has rewarded the labor of the husbandman less bountifully than in preceding seasons, it has left him with abundance for domestic wants, and a large surplus for exportation In the present, therefore, as in the past, we find ample grounds for reverent thanlitulncss to the God of Gracc and Providence, for His protecting care and merciful dealings with.us as a

people. Although our attention has been arrested by painful interest in passing events, yet our country feels no more than the slight vibrations of the convulsions which have shaken Europe. As individuals, we cannot repivss sympathy with human suffering, nor regret for the causes which produce it. As a nation, we arc reminded, that whatever interupt-s the peace, or checks the prosperity, of any part of Christendom, tends, more or less, to involve our own. The condition of states is not unlike that of individuuals. They are mutually dependent upon cach other. Amicable relations between them, and reciprocal good will, are essential for the promotion of whatever is desirable in their moral, social and political condition. llcncc, it has been my earnest endeavor tomantain peace and friendly intercourse with all nation?.

The wise theory of this government, so early adopted and steadily pursued, of avoiding all entangling alliances, has hitherto exempted it from many complications, in which it would otherwise have becomc involved. Notwithstanding this our clearly defined and well-sustained coursc of action, and our geographical position so remote from Europe, increasing disposition has been manifested by some of its governments, to supervise, and in some respects, to direct, ouV foreign policy. In plans for adjusting the ballance of power among themselves, thev assume to take us into account, and would constrain us to conform our conduct to their views. One or another of the powers of Europe has, from time to time, undertaken to in force arbitrary regulations, contrary in many respccts to established principles of international law. That law. the United States have in their foreign intercourse, uniformly respected and observed and they cannot recognize any such interpolations tluri in, as the temporary intcrcts of others may suggest. They do not admit, that the sovereigns of one continent, or of a particular community of States, can legislate for all others.

Leaving the trans-atlantie nations to ndjust their political system, in the way they may tiiink best for tin ir common welfare, the independent powers of this continent may well assert the right to be exempt from all annoying interference on their part.— Systematic ab.siinenco from intimate political connexion with distant foreign nations, docsuot conflict wi.h..giving the widest jangc to our forcign ccmmcrce. This dishistory, seems lo have been overlooked-, oc dipegarded, by some leading foreign states* Our refusal to be brought within, and subjected to,

their

peculiar system, has,

I

on their pari, occasional acts of disturbing effect upon our foreign relations. Oar present attitude and past course gives assurances, which should not be questioned, 'hat our purposes are not aggressive, nor threatening to the safety and welfare of other nations. Our military establishment, in time of peace, is adapted to mantain exterior defences, and to preserve order among the aboriginal tribes within the limits of the Union. Our naval force is intended only for the protection of our citizens abroad, and of our commerce, diffused as it is, over all the seas of the globe. The government of the United States, being essentially pacific in policy, stands prepared to repel invasion by the voluntary service of a patriotic people, and provides no permanent means of foreign aggression. These considerations should allay all apprehension, that we are disposed to encroach on the rights, or endanger the security of other slates.

Some European powers have regarded, with disquieting concern, the territorial ex-^ pansion of the United States. This rapid growth has resulted from the legitimate ex1 1 ercise of sovereign rights, belonging alile to all nations, and by many liberp.V.v cxerciscd. Uuder such circumstances it could hardly have been expected 1'iat those among them, which have, within a comparatively recent period, subdued ^nd absorbed ancient kingdoms, planted their standards on every continent, :,nd now possess or claim the control of the islands of every ocean as their appropriate domain, would look with unfriendly sentiments upon the acquisitions of this country, in every instance honorably obtained, or would feel themselves justified in imputing our advancement to a spirit of aggression or to a passion for political predominance.

Our foreign commerce has reached amagnitudc and extent nearly equal to that of the first maritime power of the earth, and exceeding that of any other. Over this great interest, in which not only our merchants, but all classes of citizens, at least indirectly are concerned, it is the duty of the legislative branches of the government to exercise a careful supervision, and adopt proper measures for its protection. The policy which I have had in view, in regard to this interest, embraces its future as well as its present security.

Long expc' ience has shown that, in general, when the principal powers of Europe are engaged in war, the rights of neutral nations arc endangered. This consideration, led, in the progress of the war of our independence, to the formation of the celebrated confederacy of armed neutrality, a primary object of which was, to assert the doctrine, that free ships make free goods, except in the case of articles contraband of war a doctrine which, from the very commencement of our national being, hasbcen a cherished idea of the "statesman of this country. At one period or another, every maritime power has, by some solemn treaty stipulation, recognized that principle, and it might have been hoped that it would come to be universally received and respectsd as a rule of international law. But the refusal of one power prevented this, and in the next great war which ensued, that of the French revolution, it failed to be respected among the belligerent states of Europe.— Notwithstanding this, the principle is generally admitted to be a sound and salutary one so much so, that, at the commencement of the existing war in Etuope, Great Britain and France announced their purpose to observe it for the present not, however, as a rccognized international right, but as a mere concession for the time being. The co-operation, however, of these two powerful maritime nations in the interest of neutral rights, appeared to me to afford an occasion, inviting and justifying, on the part of the United States, a renewed effort make the doctrine in question a principle of international law, by means of special conventions between the several powers of Europe and America. Accordingly a proposition, embracing not only the rule, that free ships make free goods, except contraband articles, but also the less contested one, that neutral property, other than contraband, though on board enemy's ships, shall be exempt from confiscation, has been submitted by this government to those of Europe and America.

Kufsia acted promptly in this matter, and a convention was concluded, between that country and the United States, providing for the observance of the principles announced, not only ac between themselves, but also as between them and all other nations, which shall enter into like .stipulations. None of the other powers have as vet taken final action on the subject. I am not aware, however, that any objection to the proposed stipulations has been made, but, on the contrary, they are acknowledged to be essential to the security of neutral commerce: and the only apparent obstacle to their general adoption is in the possibility, thai it may be encumbered by inadmissible conditions.

The King of the Two Sicilies has expressed to our Minister at Naples, his readiness to concur in our proposition relative to neutral rights, and to enter into a conveniiov on that subject.

The King of Prussia entirely approves of the project of a treaty to the same effect, submitted to him, but proposes an additional article providing for the renunciation of privateering. Such an article, for most obvious reasons, is much desired by nations having naval establishments, large in proportion to their foreign commerce. If it

were

adopted as an international rule, the commerce of a nation having comparatively a small naval force, would be very much at the mercy of its eneniv. in case of war with a power of decided navf.I superiority.— The

bare

fear, created a

jealous distrust'of our conduct, and inducvd

statement of the condition in which

the United States would be placed, after havino-surrendered the right to resort to privateers, in the event of war with a beligerent of naval supremacy, will show that this govenment ceuld never listen to such a proposition. The navy of the first maritime power in Europe is at least ten times as large as that of the United States. The foreign commerce of the two countries is

nearly equal, and about

as

equally exposed

to hostile depredations. In war between tha^power and the United States, without resort on our part to our mercantile marine, the means of our enemy to inflict injury upon our commerce would be tenfold greater than ours to retaliate. We could not extricate our country from this unequal condition, with such an enemy, unless we at once departed from our present peaceful policy, and became a great naval power.— Nor "would this country be better situated in war with one of the secondary naval powers. Though the naval disparity would be less, the greater extent, and more exposed condition of our wide-spread commerce would give any of them a like advantage over us.

The proposition to enter into engagements to forego resoi 1 to pr.vateers, in case this country should be lorced into war with a grc-at naval po^er, is not entitled to more favorable consideration than would bea proposition, to agree not to accept the services of Volunteers for operations on land. When the honor or the rights of our oountry re-1 quire it to assume a hostile attitude, it confidently relies upon the patriotism of its citizens. not ordinarily devoted to the military profession, to augment the army and the navy, so as to make them fully adequate to the emergency which calls them into action. The proposal to surrender the right to employ privateers is professedly founded upon the principle, that private property of unoffending non-combatants, though enemies, should be exempt from the ravages of war but the proposed surrender goes but little way in carrying out that principle, which equally requires that such private property should not be seized or molested by national ships of war. Should the leading powers of Europe concur in proposing, as a rule of international law, to exempt private property, upon the ocean, trom seizure by public armed cruisers, as well as by privateers, the United States will readily meet them upon that broad ground.

Since the adjournment of Congress, the ratifications of the treaty between the United States and Great Britain, relative to coast fisheries, and to reciprocal trade with the British North American provinces, have'been exchanged, and some of its anticipated advantages are already enjoyed by us, although its lull execution was to abide certain acts of legislation not yet fully performed. So soon as it was ratified, Great Britain opened to our commerce the free navigation of the river St. Lawrence, and to our fishermen unmolested access to the shores and bays, from which t-hey had been previously excluded, on the coasts of her North Amorican provinces in return for which, she asked for the introduction, free of duty, into the ports of the United States, of the fish caught on the same coast by British fishermen. This being the compensation. stipulated in the treaty, for privileges the highest importance and value to the United States, which were thus voluntarily yielded before it became effective, the request seemed to me to be a reasonable one but it could not be acceded to, from want of authority to suspend our laws imposing duties upon all foreign fish. In the meantime, the Treasury department issued a regulation, for ascertaining the duties paid or secured by bonds on fish caught on the coasts of the British provinces, and brought to our markets by British subjects, after the fishing grounds had been made fully accessible to the citizens of the United States. I recommend to your favorable consideration a proposition which will be submitted to you, for authority to refund the duties and cancel the bonds thus received. The provinces of Canada and New Brunswick have also anticipated the full operation of the treaty, by legislative arrangements, respectively, to admit, free of dutv. the products of the United States mentioned in the free list of the treaty: and an arrangement, similar to that regarding British fish, lias been made for duties now chargeable on the products of those provinces enumerated in the same free list, and introduced therefrom into the United States a proposition for refunding which will, in my judgment, be in like manner entitled to your favorable consideration.

There is difference of opinion between the United States and Great Britain, as to the boundary line of the Territory of Washington adjoining the British possessions" on the Pacific, which lias already ied to ditliculties on the part of the citizens and local authorities of the two governments. I recommend that provision be made for a commission, to be joined by one on the part- of her Britunic -Majesty. for tlie purpoee of rr.nning and establishing the line in controversy. Certain stipulations of the third and fourth'artieles of the treaty concluded by the United States and Great Britain in 15-i-j. regarding possessory rights of the Hudson's Bay Company, arid property of the I'ugct's Sound Agricultural Company, have given rise to serious disputes. and it is important to all eonccrned. that nummary means of settling them amicably should be devised. I have reason to believe, that an arrangement can be made on just terms, for the cxtiniuishment of the rights in question, embracing also, the rights of the Hudson's Bay Company to the navigation of the river Columbia: and I therefore suL'trest to your consideration, the expediency of making a contingent appropriation for that purpose.

France was the early and efficient ally of the United States in their struggle for independence.— From that lime, to the present, with occasional slight interruptions, cordial relations of friendship have existed between .o governments and people of the count rks. The himlly sentiments, cherished alike by both nations, have led to extensive social and commercial intercourse, which, 1 trust, will not be interrupted or cheeked by any causal event of an apparently satisfactory character.— The French consul at San Fran.-is. was, not !cng since, brought into the United States district court at that place, by compulsory process, as a witness in favor of another foreign counsel, in violation, as the Frcnch government conceives, of his privileges under our consular eon volition with ranee. There be-in* nothing in the transaction which could imply uny disrepeet to France or its consul, such explanation has*boon made, as 1 hope will be satisfactory. Subsequently, misunderstanding arose on the*subject of the 'French government having, as it appeared, abruptly excluded the American minister u0 Spain from passing through France on his way from London to Madrid. But that government has unequivocally disavowed any design to denv the riijht of transit to the minister of the United States and, after explanations to this effect, he has resume 1 his journey, and actually returned through France to Spain." I herewith lay before Con err ess tlie correspondence on tins subject between our envoy at Paris, and the minister of foreign relations of the French government.

The position of our affairs with Spain remains as at the- ciose of your last session. Internal agitation. assuming very nearly the character of political revolution', lias recently convulsed that country. The late ministers were violently ox}«?lled from power, and men, of very different views in relation to its internal affair.-, have succeeded.— Since this chance, there has been no propitious opportunity to resume, and press on. negotiations for the adjustment oi serious questions ^of diificr.ity between the Spanish government and the United States. There is reason to believe that our minister will find the present goverment more favorably inclined than the preceding to comply with our just demands, and to make"snitab'e arrangements ir restoring harmony and preserving peace, between the two countries. ••••-. Negotiations are pending with Denmark to discontinue the practice of levying tolls on our vessels and their cargoes passing through the Sound. I do not doubt that we cau claim exemption therefrom, as a matter of right. It is admitted on all hands, that this exaction is sanctioned, not by the general principles of the law of nations, but only by special conventions, which most of the commercial nations have entered into with Denmark. The fifth article of our treaty of IG2GT, with Denmark, provides, that there shall not be paid, on th« vessels

of the United States and their cargoes when passing through the Sound, higher duties than those of the most favored nations.— This may be regarded as an implied agreement to submit to the tolls during the continuance of the treaty, and, consequently, may embarrass the assertion of our right to be released therefrom. There are also other provisions in the treaty which ought to be modified. It was to remain in force for ten years and until one year after either party should give notice to the other of intention to terminate it. I deem it expedient that the contemplated notice shouldjbe given to the government of Denmark.

The naval expedition, despatched about two years since for the purpose of establishing relations with the empire of Japan, has been ably and skillfully conducted ton successful termination by the officer to whom it was intrusted. treaty, opening certain of the ports of that populous country, has been negotiated and in order to give full effect thereto, it only remains to exchange ratifications, and adopt icquisite commercial regulations.

The treaty lately concludcd between ihe United States and Mexico settled some of our most embarrassing difficulties with th'at country, but numerous claims upon it for wrongs ??nd injuries to our citizens remained unadjusted, and many new cases have been recently added to the former list of grievances, our legation has baen earnest in its endeavors to obtain, from the Mexican government, a favorable consideration of these claims, but hitherto without success, if his failure is, probably, in some measure, to be ascribed to the disturbed condition of that country. It has been my anxious desire to maintain friendly relations with the Mexican republic and to cause its rights and territories to be respected, not only by our citizens, but by foreigners, who have, resorted to the United States for the purpose of organizing hostile expeditions against some of the States of that Republic. The defenseless condition in which its frontiers have been left, has stimulated lawless adventures to embark in these enterprises, and greatly increased the difficultyty of enforcing our obligations of neutrality.

Regarding it as my solemn duty to fulfil, efficiently, these obligations, not only toward Mexico, but other foreign nations, I have exerted all the powers with which I am invested to defeat such criminal proceedings, and bring to punishment those who, bv taking apart therein, violated our laws. 'The energy and activity of our civil and military authorities have frustrated the designs of those who meditated expeditions of this character, except in two instances. One of these composed of foreigners, was at first countenanced and aided by the Mixican Government itself, it having been deceived as to their real object. The other, small in number, eluded the vigilance of the magistrates at San Francisco, and succeeded in reaching the Mexican territories but the effective measures taken by this Government compelled the abandonment of the undertaking.

The commission to establish the new line between the United States and Mexico, according to the provisions of the treaty ot Jhe 30 of December last has been organized, and the work is already commenced. C-iOur treaties with the Argentine Confederation, and with the Republics of Uruguay, and Paraguary. secure to us the free navigatien of the river La Plata, and some of its larger tributaries but the same success has not attended our endeavors to open the Amazon. The reasons in favor of the free use of that river, I had occasion to present fully, in a former message and considering the cordial relations which have long existed between this government and Brazil, it may be expected that pending negotiations will, eventually, reach a favorable result.

Convenient means of transit, between the several parts, of a country, are not only desirable for the objects of commercial and personal communication but essential to its existence under one government. Separated as are the Atlantic and Pacific coast of the United States by the whole breadth of the continent, still the inhabitants of cach are closely bound together by community of origin and institutions, and by strong attachment to the Union. Hence the constant and increasing intercourse, and vast interchange of commercial productions, between these remote divisions of the Republic. At the present time, the rno^-t practicable and only commodious routes for communication between them are by the way of the Isthmus of Central America. It is the duly of the government to secure these avenues against all danger of interruption.

Ir. relation to Central America, perplex-in"-questions existed between the United States and Great Britain at the time of the cession of Calitornia. These, as wed as questions which subsequently arose, con­

cerning

inter-oceanic communication across

the Isthmus, were, as it was supposed, adjusted by the treaty of April 19, 1850 but unfortunately, they have been reopened by

serious

misunderstanding as to the import,

of some of its provisions, are-adjustment of which is now under consideration. Our Minister at London has made strenuous efforts to accomplish this desirable object, but has not yet found it possible to bring the negotiations to a termination.

As incidental to these questions, I deem it proper to notice an occurrence which happened in Central America, near the close of the last session of Congress. So soon as the necessity was perceived of establishing inter-oceanic communications across the Isthmus, a company was organized, under authority of the State of Nicaragua, but composed, for the most part, of citizens of the United States, for the purpose of opening such a transit way, by the river San Juan and Lake Nicaragua, which soon became an eligible and much used route in the transportation of our citizens and their property between the Atlantic and Pacific. Meanwhile, and in anticipation of the completion and importance of this transit way, a number of adventurers had taken possession of the old Spanish port at the mouth of the river San Juan, in open defiance of the

ilS

State or States of Central America which, upon th^irbecomingindependent, had rightfully succeeded to the local sovereignty and jurisdiction of Spain. These adventurers undertook to change the name of the place from San Juan del Norte to

Grey town, and,

though at first pretending to act as the subjects of the fictitious sovereign of the Mosquito Indians, they subsequently repudiated the control of any power, whatever, assumed to adopt a distinct political organization, and declared themselves an independent sovereign state If, at some time, a faint hope was entertained that they might become a staple and respectable community, that hope soon vanished. They proceeded to assert unfounded claims to civil jurisdiction over Punta Aienas, a position on the opposite side of the river San Juan,'which was in possession, under a title wholly independent of them, of citizens of the United States, interested in the Nicaragua Transit Company, and which was indispensably necessary to the prosperous operation of that route across the Isthmus. The company resisted their groundless claims whereupon they proceeded to destroy some of its buildings, and attempted violently to dispossess it. At a kter period they organized a strong force for the purpose of demolishing the establishment at Punta Arenas, but this mischievous design was defeated py the interposition of one of our ships of war, at that time in the harbor of San Juan. Subsequently to tins, in May last, a. body of men from Greytown crossed over to Punto Arenas, arrogating authority to arrest, on the charge of murder, a captain of one of the steamboats of the Transit Company. Being well aware that the claim to exercise jurisdiction there would be resisted then, as it had been on previous occasions, they went prepared to aesert it by force of arms. Our minister to Central America happened to be present on that occasion. Believing that the captain of the steamboat was innocent, for he witnessed the transaction on which the charge was founded, and believing, also, that the intruding party, having no jurisdiction over the place where they proposed to make the arrest, would encounter desperate resistance if they persisted in their purpose, he interposed effectually, to prevent violence and bloodshed. The American minister afterwards visited Greytown whilst he was there, a mob, including certain of the so called public functionaries of the place, surrounded the house in which he was, avowing that they had come to arrest him, by order of some person exercising the chief authority. While parleying wfth them he was wounded by a missile from the crowd. A boat, dispatched from the American steamer "North Light" to release him from the perilous situation in which he was understood to be, was fired into bjr the town guard, and compelled to return. These incidents, together with the known character of the population of Greytown, and their excited state, induced just apprehensions that the lives and property of our citizens at Punta Arenas would be in imminent danger after the departure of the steamer, with her passengers, for New York, unless a guard was left for their protection. For this purpose, and in order to ensure the safety of passengers and property passsing over the route, a temporary force was organized, at considerable expense to ihe United States, for which provission was m^de at the last session of Congress.

The pretended community, a heterogeneous assemblage gathered from various countries, and composed, for the most part, of blacks and persons of mii'ed blood, had previously given other indications of mischievous and dangerous propensities. Early in the same month, property was clandestinely abstracted from the depot of the Transit Company, aud taken to Greytown. The plunderers obtained shelter there, and their pursuers were driven back by its people, who not only protected the wrong-do-ers and shared their plunder, but treated with rudeness and violence those who sought to recover their property.

Such, in substance, are the facts submitted to my consideration, and proved by trustworthy evidence. I could not doubt that the case demanded the interposition of this government. Justice required that reparation should be made for so many and such gross wrongs, and that a course of insolence and plunder, tending directly to the insecurity of the lives of numerous travellers, and of the rich treasure belonging to our citizens, passing over this transit way, should be peremptorily arrested. Whatever it might be in other respects, the community in question, in power to do mischief, was not despicable. It was well provided with ordnance, smali arms and ammunition, and might easily seize upon the unarmed boats, freighted with millions of property, which passed almost daily within its reach. It did not profess to belong to any regular government, and had, in fact, no recognized dependence on, or connection with, any one to which the United States or their injured citizens might apply for redress, or which could be held responsible, in any way, for the outrages committed. Not standing before the world in the attitude of an organized political society, being neither competent to exercise the rights nor to discharge the obligations of a government, it was, in fact, a marauding establishment, too dangerous to be disregarded, and too guilty to pass unpunished, and yet incapable of being treated in any other way than a piratical resort of outlaws, or a camp of savages, depredating on emigrant trains or caravans and the

frontier

settlements of civ­

ilized states. Seasonable notice 'was given to the people of Grevtown that this government required them to

repair

the injuries they had done to our citizens, and to make suitable apology for their insult of our minister, and that a bhip-of-war would be dis­

patched

thither to enforce compliance with these

demands. But the notice passed unheeded.— Thereupon, a commander of the navy, in charge of the sloojt-of-war "Cyane," was ordered to rapeat the demands, and to insist upon a compliance therewith. Finding that nether the populaec, nor those assuming to have authority over them, manifested any disposition to make the required reparation, or even to offer excuse for their conduct, he warned them, by a public proclamation, that if they did not eive satisfaction within a time specified". he would bombard the town. By this procedure ho afforded them opportunity to provide for

their personal safety. Toi those abo who desired t» avoid loss of property, and tl» punishment abont ta be inflicted on toe offending town, he furnished thtf means of removing their elTects, by tho b'cats of his.own ship, and of a steamer -which he procured and tendered to them for that pnrpose. At length, perceiving ik disposition on the part of the town to comply with his requisitions lie appealed to

on

This transaction has been th« subject of complaint on the part ofso.ne foreign provvers, and has been chaTictcrized with more harshness than justice. If comparisons were to be instituted, it would not be dificuit topresent repeated instances in the history of states,J standing in tho very front of modern civilization, vhere communities, far less olfending: and more defenceless than Greytown have been chastised with much greater severity, and where not cities only have been laid in ruins, but human life has been recklessly sacrificed, and the blood of the innocent made profusely to mingle with that of the guilty.

Passing from foreign to domesti'cr affairs, your attention is naturally directed to the financial condition of the country, always a subject of general interest. For complete and exact information regarding the finanCC3, and the various branches of the public service connected therewith. I refer you to the report of the Secretaryof the Treasury from which will appear, that the amount of revenue during the last fiscal year, from all sources, was seventy three million five hundred and forty nine thousand seven hundred and five dollars and the public expendatures lor the same period, exclusive of payments on account of the public debt amounted tofifty one million eighteen thousand two hundred and forty nine dollara. During the same period, the payments made in redemption of the public debt, including interest and premium, amounted to twenty-four milion three hundred and thirty-six thousand three hundred and eightydollars. To tho sum total of the receipts of that year is to be added a balance remaing in the Treasury at the commencement thereof, amounting to twenty one million nine hundred and forty-two thousand eight hundred and ninety-two dollars and at the close of the same year, a corresponding ballance amounting to twenty million one hundred and sixtv-seven dollars of receipts above expenditures, also remained in the Treasury. Although, in the opinion of the Secretary of the Treasury, the receipts of the current fiscal year are not likely to equal in amount those of the last, yet they will undoubtedly exceed the amount of expeodatqret by at least fifteen millions oi do Wars 1 shall, theretore, continue to direct that the surplus revenue be applied,

fli»

commander of her Britanic Majesty's schooner,"' who -was seen to have, intercourse, and apparently!? much influence with the leaders among them,—Ut interpose, aud persuade them to take.some courser calculated to save the necessity of resorting to the extreme measure indicated in h're proclamation btrt that officer instead of acceding to the request, did nothing more than to protest against tho contem-^ plated bombardment. No steps of any sort woroi taken by the people, to give the satisfaction roquired." No individuals, if any there were, whoregarded themselves a* not responsible for the Bir»conduct of tho community, adopted anv means to senarate themselves from "the fit-i of tno guilty.— The several charges, on which the demands for redress were founded, had beon publicly known to all fur some time, and were again announced to them. 5 They did not deny any of these charges' they of-'*' forod no explanation, nothing in extenuation of their condnct but contumaciously refused to hold? any Intercourse with the commander of the 'Cyane.' By their obstinate silenec they wjemcd rather dasirftus to provoke chastisement than to escape it. iS There is ample reason to believe that this conduct of wanton ctef.anoc.

tlipir part, is imputabloi

chiefly to the delusive idea that the American £OV-i eminent would be deterred from ptinishing thrm,j through fear of disphasing a form idiible foreignpower, wliieh, they presumed Co think, looked with complacency upon their aggressive and insultinj deportmenti towards tho United States. Thr* '"Caync" at length tired uport the towh. Beforo? much injury had been done, the fire was twice suapended, in order to afford opportunity, for an ar-j, rangeinent but tins was declined. Most of th**buildings of the place, of little value generally/ were, in the sequel, destroyed but, owing to tho( considerate praeautions taken .by our naval Com-^ mander, there was no destruction of lifev

When the "Cyane" was ordered

td

Central America, it was confidently I hoped and expected that no occasion would arise for 'a resort to violence and destruction of property and losa of life.' Instructions to that eflect were given to her commander. And no extreme act would have been requisite had not the people themselves, by their extraordinary conduct in the affair, frustrated all the possible mild K. measures for obtaining satisfaction, A withdrawal lrom the place, the object of his visit entirely defeated, would under the circumstances in which the commander of the Cyan« found himself have been absolute abandonment of all claim of our citizens for indemnification, and submissive acquiescence in national indignity. It would have encouraged in these lawless men a spirit of insolence and rapine most dangerous tothe lives and property of our citizens at Punta Arenas, and probably emboldened them to grasp at treasures and valuable merchandise continualy passing over the Nicaragua route. It certainly would have been most satisfactory to me if the objects of the "Cyane's" mission could have been more consumated without any act of public force but the arrogant contumacy of the offenders rendered it impossible to avoid the alternative, either to break up their establishment, or to leave them impressed! with the idea that they might preserve with impunity in a career of insolence and plunder.