Crawfordsville Review, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 16 September 1854 — Page 1

[From tl.e Daily Suite Sentinel.] STEPIIEX A. DOUGLAS,

.1,' Delivered the following speech in Indianapolis, on Thursday Sept. ~lh 1854, before is a large and respectable audience, of some 15-

000 people. After the audience had become quiet, Hon. STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS was introduced by Hon. W. J. BROWN, Editor of the Indiana State Sentinel, and was received with .prolonged and deafening cheers, lie then proceeded to address the multitude.,

He commenced by saying that he knew -not that his voice would reach the extremities Of the vast crowd assembled, but he hoped, if silence was maintained, they would be able to hear the most of his remarks. He said this was a proud day of

Indiana—a glorious prospect now dawned hipon her. He said at no place had he witnessed so much determination not to be overcome by the enemy. They ivere glad ^to accept the issue of the Nebraska act.

Pr^s®P

loni nf (kin .«

ex ,s

^Democratic and the Ahnlitinn. the latter -.T

Democratic and the Abolition, the latter being composed of all the disaffected elements combined, and who were endeavoring to rally against the Democratic party, by an attempt to mislead the public mind, by mystifying the principle of the Nebraska act.

The first objection urged everywhere and on all occasions by the fusionists, was the charge that the object of the act is to legislate slavery into territory now free. Is it not BO? [Cries of yes, yes.] He asked how they attempt to sustain this charge?— By refusing to publish the act in question and then asking tbe people to take their word for their own version. Pie declared that any action either to establish or abolish slavery would be a plain violation of the principlosof the bill. [Criesof"it would."] The Democracy hold that they (the people of the territories) have the right to do as they please. [Cries of right, right.]

He proceeded to call their attention to one clause of the bill which no abolition paper ever dared to publish, viz: the 14th section of the act, entitled an act to organize the teiritories of Kansas and Nebraska. Mr. Douglas then read the section, as follows:

That the Constitution, and all laws of the TJnited States, which are not locally^ inapplicable, shall have the same force and affect within the said Territory Nebraska as elsewhere within the United States, except

He said, this section gave the lie to their assertions. He said, I will now say that if you hear any fusionists say it does legislate slavery into territory now free, show him this section, and it wdl brand the assertion as false. Multitudes of sermons1 had been preached, which, from their character, he had been forced to believe their authors had never read this section, for he

thought them, for the most part honest

So you see, he said, that it is not the in-1

A ir

make suoh^atv!: f\r tv// °neS

their

I Jk A VA1 A IJil^ the eighth section of the act preparatory to 13ut who opposed it in 1848? He answerthe admission of Missouri into the Union, the Anti-Nebraska men. This proposiapproved March sixth, eighteen hundred tion was voted down in the House. The and twenty, which, being inconsistent with whole abolition press had denounced him the principles of non-intervention by Con- then for his vote, and had his name enclos gress with slavery in the States and lerri-,

e(i

tones, as recognized by the legislation of'favor of adhering to the Missouri line, eighteen hundred and fifty, commonly call- Then it was a crime to stand by it. In '48, ed the compromise measures, is hereby de- there were three candidates for the Presiclared inoperative and void it being the denoy in the field. Van Buren, and all true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free tojbrm and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way. subject only to the Constitution of the Uuited States. [The reading of this portion of the bill was received with prolonged applause, and cries of "that's right, that's the doctrine."]

rC°

er!imC"t

as they choose, subject, only, to the Constitution of the United States. He asked, have not the people the right to regulate their own institutions? If they have not, who has? Every opponent must take the aground that the people have no right to make their own laws in their own wav.—

We claim our right to regulate our own af:fairs, and our opponents wish Congress to legislate for the territories. He asked, was this right, to make laws when the people had no voice? [Cries of No! No!] It is not Democratic doctrine, but the contrary "is Democratic, and it was a Democratic principle, older than the oldest man present a Democratic principle which gave rise to the Declaration of independence a Dempcratic principle, in defense of which, the

battles of the Revolution were fought" a Democratic principle, upon which the Constitution of the country was based. Great Britftin claimed the right to make laws for jgthe colonies, without their consent, and our fathers rebelled against it—protesting against legislation without representation!

This was insisted upon by the colonies prior to the Declaration of Independence, as the only condition upon which they would form a Union—that of the right to regulate their own local affairs, make their own local laws.in their own way. Now, he asked, are you willing to deny this right? [Cries of Jfo, No.] said, you cannot oppose this bill without questioning this right. [We don't oppose it.J

The fusion party had abjured the old whig party they denied the principles of the legislation of 185U, and their orators

w-. from? They would, no doubt, answer then allows them to fix the penalties, and wo par 'es

and interests, and the less you are qualified to act for yourselves. [A voice: "they must think we are Know-Nothings."

Mr. D. said he thought all who had not read this bill and say this, are Know-Noth-igs those who have read it and say it, are abolitionists, and falsifiers of the truth.— These forces, marshalled under the black Hag of fanaticism, when hard pushed, admit the principle as correct, but say you should not repeal the Missouri Compromise —an arbitrary geographical line, guaranteeingslavery south of 36 deg. 30 min., as much as it excludes it north of that line.— He asked: Are you in favor of re-establish-ingsuch aline? [Cries of no, no.] These abolitionists term it a barrier of slavery— they might as well call it a barrier of freedom. The objection to the Missouri prohibition is that it is unsound in principle, and legalizes slavery south as much as it prohibits it north. He was willing himself, to extend the line to the Pacific, to avoid difficulties of a serious nature prior to the passage of the compromise measures of 1850.

in black lines, as the only exception in

who supported him, standing on the Buffalo platform, were pledged to repudiate it. There was not a man who stood on that platform, who regarded the Missouri restriction as a sacred compact. They went for obliterating that line and establishing the Wilmot proviso.

They did not regard this, then, as a sacred compact but publically declared it an agreement with hell. He begged pardon for the profanity but he used their own language. Tbe Whigs run Zach. Taylor. Everywhere in the North the Whigs passed resolutions of similar import: to blot out the line. They then went for prohibiting

the

onSmator^

of tho

h°w

principle is correct, but slavery is such awzor- Congress to apply the liquor question?— cide for self ffovernment

from Kentucky, Pennsylvania, Ohio, New' to say what was a crime and what was not.

slavery on both sides of the line, and how for President. The Whig party also afcomes it they support it now, when they firmed Gen. Scott. Both Conventions deopposed it then? If it is bad faith now to• clared it as a final settlement. When the

,rcPea|:

Jthey are so horror stricken. That great Democracy, and our standard

bearer, Lewis Cass,"in his Nicholson letter

I down as our platform the resolutions as adopted in the Baltimore Convention, which

was to leave the people to legislate for themselves both sides of the line. Indeed all parties in '48 agreed, on all hands, that geographical lines were wrong and that Congress had no power to legislate on the subject of slavery they all agreed to the repeal but did not agree what to subsUute some advocated the Wilmot Proviso, but the Democratic party declared it to be the true principle to allow the people to fix it for themselves.

The truth is, there was not a fraction of a party in *48 in favor of the Missouri restriction. What one man now, he asked, in this vast assemblage, who is willing to restore this Compromise? If one, let him give his name. [Cries of "No—not one"— and cheers.] He asked, is there an abolitionist who is willing to restore this line?

Is there a Know-Nothing? If so, give us his name, for Barnum wants him. Any one can make his fortune by exhibiting him at a monkey show.

There being none in favor of it in '48, and none in favor of restoring it now, how can it be wrong to oppose it. If such is the fact, what do you mean when you accuse us of a great moral wrong—preaching it seven days in the week? What do you mean? If it is wrong to repeal it, why not restore it? It has to be proscribed in the night it won't do for daylight.— It is only a doctrine fit for secret conclaves.

Having now, he thought, satisfied every man—but he though they were all satis-

al wrong that they can't trust the people to Why don't they get up a Geographical He wished, in conclusion, that his hearlegislate upon it. Well, what shall we do? Compromise line to run between the North ers would bear in mind that the tendency of We have no other tribunal before which to and South, to permit the use of liquor on this agitation was disunion—to create a bring this question but ihe people. In mon- one side, and prohibit it on the other? He barrier between the North and the South, archial governments, where they deny the said he was afraid if that should be the They think that if thev can cut off the competency of the people to decide, they case, these Abolitionists would be in favor South they can put a fusion demajjOjrue have a King, a Czar, or some ecclesiastical of making the prohibition of its manufac functionary, to decide for them. Our op- ture to apply South instead of North of the ponents say the old States are capable of line. Congress never passed a criminal self-government. If so, why not the new. law for a Territory. It creates the legisHe asked those before him where they came lative government for the Territories, and

1 ir J- I .1. TJ i. in 1 •,

lork and New Lngland. Well, did those He hoped Congress always would do so. States send here all the ignorant and the) If they (the people of the Territories) vicious, and keep all the wise at home.— can legislate for all else, why not for nigDid you know any less when you got here gers? They admit the ability to legislate than when you started? Would not you for all other matters, but say they havn't know as much in Nebraska as you know sense enough to make laws for negroes.— here? [Cries of guess we would—we think Does it require more intelligence for this so. They say the more you know about a than other matters? If they are not cacountry, the less you know about its wants pable of making their own laws, they

should not have a legislature at all. If they have this (capacity, why appoint a guardian for them?

Abolitionists say our Congress is made up of drunken blackguards. If so, why will you trust it to legislate for Nebraska? If they believe the calumnies against Con-gress-men, why arc they willing to turn the question over to them? The reason why, in his opinion, abolitionists hate Congress, was because the people Avould not send them there. They opposed popular sovereignty because they had forfeited the confidence of the people. The Democracy believe that this republic is founded on the principles of self-goveanment. If evils grow up, the people can remedy them.— An appeal to them is never in vain. If the people can't be trusted who can? They are the judges. The unholy alliance of factions are organized against this doctrine.

Having, he said, shown that the bill was right, he would proceed to give the reason for its introduction. The repudiation"1 of the Missouri Compromise, iu '48, by all parties, gave birth to the compromise measures of 1G50. Gen. Taylor dared not to do what he promised, viz: to apply the Wilmot proviso. Mormonism was good enough for them then. Every Whig and abolitionist in Indiana and Illinois, predicted that slavery would go into California and New Mexico unless the Wilmot proviso was applied. Aud their predictions was not fulfilled.

He said that he would not try to depict the scenes of 1850. All knew how the eyes of the nation were turned to the great Clay and Webster. Party ties were disolved, and all good and true men consulted together as to the best way to settle this slavery question forever. It was ao settlud by the acts of 1850, and was so regarded and the bills forming the trrritories of Utah and New Mexico contain an express provision guaranteeing a finality. The policy of a geographical line was abandoned and that of non-intervention substituted.

In 1852 the Democratic party affirmed in Convention, the Compromise Measures of 1850, and nominated Franklin Pierce

,Uis80»ri. Compromise they are Whig Convention done this, did they mean

that we would never have any more new States or Territories. They certainly did not. They meant that the act of 1850 should be carried out, and in 1852, they and we were pledged to allow the people to do as they pleased. The Nebraska bill is a copy of the Compromise Measures of 1850, so far as slavery is concerned. Every Whig, who did not spit on the platform and who voted, for Scott in 1852, stands pledged for the Nebraska bill. The Democrats are carying out their pledge.

He wished Democrats and Whigs to look at this and see what this fusion party wants. This hue and cry is merely gotten up for political purposes, for organizing a great' sectional party on the slavery question.— Do they expect to carry a single slave

A DEMOCRATIC FAMILY NEWSPAPER—DEYOTED' TO POLITICS, IfETVS, MISCELLANEOUS LITERATURE, MECHANIC ARTS, &C.,

VOLUME VI. CRAWFORDSYILLE, MONTGOMERY COUNTY, IND., SEPT. 16, 1854. NO. 10.

talked about tbe Nebraska bill legislating porter]—as he takes it for granted that they with you. There can be no national party A Ucnmifnl Epitniih. slavery into territory now free but they are all in favor of that great fundamental without this bill. None of you, he said' The Hermitage, near Nashville, is om never read the 14th section of this bill, principle of doing as they please—that the will be able to find a person in two years of the places where Americans take a mel which declares it to be the true intent and principles of the bill were right, he would who will acknowledge that he ever opposed uncholy pleasure in visiting. It is kept in meaning of this act not to legislate slavery ask, why not put it in practice? this bill. If you want to see one then, fine order—a servant stands ready to take into any Territory or State but when it As he had said before, they admit that you must catch him and brand him now, your horse, and another is always at her was read to them they would not hear it, the principle is right except in relation to for then a special constable could not find post—being a female—to show you the but turned their backs, and stopped their slavery but demur a{ that, as they think it is one by even beaten the bushes. garden and the tombs. The tomb of Genears, as it gave the lie to their assertions, a great moral wrong. Is it the only moral' He said that he had the same confidence eral Jackson oniy records his name and They don't want you to understand that wrong we have in our midst? Some of that the people of Indiana would

they are opposed to self-government, but you think that the manufacture of liquor is this question rightlv, that he had in the words—is recorded on every true Ameriwhen hard pressed, they admit that the a great moral wrong. Why not petition

Arc not their appeals constantly made to the North, and to sectional prejudices. He alluded to the warning given by the Father of his Country, to beware of secon a pa as a re Indiana prepared to cut every chord that I binds them to the South. If this lusionism is to prevail if this line is to be the mark, what is the Union worth? All the argu ments used by them were sectional. They dare not cross the Ohio river and make the same appeals that they do here. A Demo-, crat says nothing here that he would not say iii Lexington, in Nashville, or New Orleans—in New York or Boston. We talk) in

fied before—he never appealed to ladies—• the Nation are upon you. You lind Dem- ficers, who served on the coast of Califor[there were quite a number present—Re- ocrats everywhere, coming up to the work nia during the Mexican war.

the same language in ermont and in all EXTENSION OF THE BOUNTY LAND LAWS. other places. We speak only the truth,1 One of the acts of Congress, at the last sesand that is applicable everywhere. What sion, extends bounty lands to those who we say is based on the Constitution, Iu- served in Califoruia, under Col. Fremont, sion is all things toalliaen. [Cheers] Choose during the Mexican war, who were not embetween. [A voice: we will.] braced in the previc us bounty land law.—

It did him good to hear the response of The same act also grants bounty lands to all the Democrats of Indiana. The eyes of seamen, marine', and naval and marine of-

In these days of Buntlineism, and Abolitionism, when a niir^er has trot to be better than a white man, these medicaments are invaluable, and will undoubtedly have an extensive sale in Indiana and Ohio.— GREKLY will hail them as the elixir of life.—

bour, Abe Hendricks, et id onine genus that!

Some of these worthies would require but

'j two or three applications of the blessed bal-[

som, to finish the work already so be^un.

that the exterior—so the sojnerthe 'ni"-tcer'l

decide

abiiity of the people of the Territories to de- can's heart.

into the Presidential chair, and by this means get into office. He thanked them for their attention, and retired amid great and prolonged cheering. Three cheers were then proposed for STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS, which were given.

EXTENSION OF TERRITORY.

eminent, we need have no apprehension of danger Irom an extension of our territorial limits I is truly remarked by the Washington Sentinel, that "the absence of any colonial svstem in the United States, makes the accession of territory by this government itself—developes in the people of that territory a patriotic love for their adopted government, and destroys at once any of the enmity which is ever latent in the breast of the dependent towards a haughty superior."

It says also: "the great evil which has resulted from an extension of territory in other governments, is due to the centralizing tendency of those governments, to the fact that the active government is located at

Keeping up as we may, the proper rela-

dmission.—Dem

MANCFACTURE OF NEGROES.—Dr. Vanhouse, of Mississippi, says the Eutaw Whig, writes to the West Alabamian, that a Dr. Lieburg has discovered a tincture or ointment, which, if applied by certain rules, will in a few days, change the fairest skin on earth to the real African hue, and that the children of those thus blackened will be a a a as it a re a that all the soap in the world cannot wash it off. The Doctor also composed another wash, which makes the hair as kinky as that of the real African. The end of it all is, he can make a negro.—Xashvillc Tenn.) Paper.

If the principle of "Popular Soverigntyj her piety went hand in hand with her beand State Rights," prevails and becomes nevolence, and she thanked her creator for the established policy of the General Gov- being permitted to do good

some central point, while the other portions' sents a beautiful contrast with the Iowa of the empire are mere dependencies of its side—the former being much bolder and the scenery more variegated.

power, and mute servirors of its will." James Madison, in answering an objec very rich. Ten

tion to our form of Government drawn the river, there is an extensive belt or praifrom the extent of the country, wrote as ne land, varying from one hundred to one follows: "that the General Government is hundred and fifty miles in width, with timnot to be charged with the whole power ofj ber along the streams. making and administering laws its juris- The valley of Platte fiver is beautifully diction is limited to certain enumerated ob-, timbered, the soil fertile, and towns are jects, which concern all the members of the springing up along the banks. The names Republic, but which are not to be attained of five of these towns were mentioned as by the separate provisions of any. likely to become points of importance,

The subordinate governments which can namely: extend their care to all these other objects,' "Fort Kearney, near the division line of which can be sepertitely provided for, will Kansas, below the mouth of the Platte, retain their due authority and activity." "Belleview, three and a half miles above

In this connexion we would ask, is not the mouth of the Platte, on the I'apio. It slavery a subject of local jurisdiction and is situated on a high table land which asunder the above definition, it is not without cends, with a series of natural terraces from the scope of legislation by the Federal Gov- the river. There is a steam ferry at this ernment?

tion between the States and the General placed by the Indians on the 0) is situated Government, we prevent the evils of a opposite Council Bluffs, ten miles above centralization of power, and at the same Belleview. There arc two brickyards time insure to every section of the Union, here. A large building is about to be erectcentral and distant, its own legitimate funct- ed here for government purposes, with the ions recognizing each State as a sovereign-i expectation that it is to become the seat of ty, and resisting every attempt on the part government. There is a steam ferry here

of Congress to assume any prerogative also, and a newspaper is about to be start-

we cannot give Dr. Lieberg's address, to disappointed. They belong generally to a enable them to procure an early supplv.—

ass

tical experience to enable them to encoun-

ter ie

nigger' in face, and

at heart can be made a in fact, the better for him and for the country.—Bern. Platform.

age. His epitaph—more glowing than in

That of his lamented wife

most beautiful and appropriate, and is as follows: "IIERE LIE THE REMAIN'S OF

S A E A S O N jixyi Wife of President Jackson, Who died December 22d, 18i!8,

ATLED (J 1.

"Iler face was fair, her person pleasing, her temper amiable, and her heart kind she delighted in relieving the wants of her fellow creatures and cultivated that divine pleasure by the most liberal and unpretending methods. To the poor she was a benefactor, to the rich an example the wretched a comforter, to the prosperons an ornament

"A being so gentle and yet so virtuous, slander might wound but could not dishonor. Even death, when he tore her from the arms of her husband, could but transport her to the bosom of her God." —jDem. Platform.

A GLIMPSE OF NEBRASKA. We are indebted to an intelligent gentleman, now in our city, who has just returned from a brief visit to Nebraska territory, for the facts in the following article in relation to this interesting Territory: "The shore of Nebraska along the Missouri, ten miles up from the mouth of that river, is a bold bluff. A strip, six or seven miles in width, of indefinite, length, is covered with timber. The Nebraska shore pre-

the scenery more variegated. The soil is

very rich. Ten or twelve miles back from

pomt. <Omaha City> (the accent of this word is

whatever, belonging to the people in their ed here. I he he imprisoned for four vears." State capacity, we may add, ad infinitum, It ^r Quarters, eight miles above, and

<Winter Quarters>, eight miles above, and

to cur territorial limits, and while each ac-1 tort Calhoun, a few miles further, are points cession of territory will increase the resour- spoken of but our informant did not visit cos and strength of the confederacy,—it them. ried than we do horse theives. will itself be entitled to all those rights re- ihe country is settled along the Platte, I served by the constitution to each of the with substantial farmers, and emigrants an —.—rv—i ,—r thirteen original States, when it applies forf rushing in with great rapidity. The emi-

gration is principally from the northwestern

-.••r.-**" 1:1 II _.1....... I lowed to preach their union-hatmg doctrine*

States, and our informant, like all others who have visited the country, thinks there in [sic] not the remotest possibility of slavery ever being established in Nebraska. He saw nothing of the ferry where strangers suspected of being Yankees, were a«ked to pronounce "cow" before they passed over, but, on the contrary, thinks the general sentiment of the country is hostile to slavery even if it were not precluded by the character of the soil and climate.

The Indians were all out on a grand hunt.

friendly to the whites so far, though it is

Wc regret, for the sake of David Ilolloway k'a as there was from California, and is from Dan. Mace, Geo. W. Julian, Lucian Bar-!

many who were coming back to the States

The tribes consists of Sioux, Omahas, Otoes,:said, in reference to the hnglisti: Pawnees, Pottawattomies and Sacs. Theyj "The ma re ,el me from tl are constantly fighting among themselves,'

far, though

apprehended that there will be dfiiculty be-' tween them and the squatters upon their territory. The chiefs offer, however to guarantf and protect a squatter's claiin Urad. before I cease t0 upon their lands tor the sum

ten dollars.

There is a return of travel from Nebras-

new territories. Our informant saw

who were coming back to the States

class without means, and without the prac-

went

We believe in the Swedenborrrian doctrine I glowing accounts of some writers, to find

5emse ves ,n

35 1 I'l .» I .'.I fnc.llrrh 1\A It'll' 3D

paradise like that described by Claude Mel-,

difficult to avoid God's universal decree

artizans [sic], farmers, and indeed all who do not expect to live without work, will find their toil well rewarded and a happy home upon the virgin soil of Nebraska, and that it will speedily become a State, with many of the elements of political and commercial power developed.—-<N. W. Argus>.

KANSAS TERRITORY.

The following letter indicates the rapidity with which the eastern frontier of Kansas is becoming settled.

KANSAS TERRITORY, July 23. A short historical and statistical account of my present abode, the town of Westport, will, perhaps, enable you to judge better of the present condition of the frontier than in any other light I can present it.

Eeighteen years ago this location was selected by a company of traders as a locality for Indian trade, and the present prosperous and flourishing condition of the place is proof that they made a happy selection. Its population is now twelve hundred.— All branches of trade and business are fully represented. Six blacksmiths with their forges ever burning cannot meet their demands for business; two tinners, two jewellers, three tailors, three saddlers, twelve stores, six doctors, and <no lawyers>. No lawyers! That virtue of itself is sufficient to atone for a multitude of sins. All of these craftsmen and tradesmen, during a great portion of the year, are overrun with business. Demands cannot be supplied.— The are two hotels, one a very superior one: two churches and three schools. For a small country village, here is indeed, a fine array of industrial pursuits, as well as education and religious advantages. The business of the place is with the Santa Fe traders, amounting annually to $700,000; with the Mormons, amounting annually to $300,000; with traders upon the plains, Indian traders, adjoining Indian nations, together with a large floating emigration, droves of stock and domestic trade, amounting annually to $500,000.

The business seasons are in September, October and November, in the fall; April, May and June, in the spring. In 1853 the Shawnee nation received from the Government seventy-six thousand dollars, for all land claims and annuities of this sum, fifty thousand dollars were expended in Westport for stock, provisions and furniture.— Since war was declared in 1846, the place has been steadily upon the increase. The old trading houses licensed by the Indian Department and established among the Indians, are fast losing their popularity and trade, the Indians becoming jealous and losing confidence, prefer coming here for supplies. The price of land, lumber, labor and provisions is very high. Building lots are worth twenty dollars per foot here, lumber forty dollars per M. Adjoining tillage land thirty-eight dollars per acre, and labor from $1.25 to $2 per day.

Such, then, is a brief summary of what the frontier now is, adjoining the Kansas territory. Although the flourishing condition of Westport may not be a fair index of the whole frontier, still, along the whole border there are very many settlements, that have lately sprung into existence with a thrift and industry equally as flattering as this I have just described. C. C. S. -----

Heary Seiilciir: against Lienor Dealer.. "CAMKKIDI.E, MASS., Aug. 12.—Tho case of Porter which has been up for somo time, has been concluded. He was clian'-O nuorlaw. The sen-,

lence in hiin js th il lc a finc of

irec uim red amI

fifIV dollars, and that-

ls this tb(J kjnd jf th( prohibitio:1

men of Indiana want? Imprison a man for violating the liquor law for a longer pe-| I'aoli Ea-1

Douf}rV."C»ro

ua lu

JuSVi

and

^hUon*},

were a!

at Chicago without molestation but -ludg»'i Douglas, the Senator from Illinois, and one of the intellectual giants of the afc. was ret used a hearing by the abolition blackguards of that city. When such things can occur, is it not. time for the lovers of' the Union to look about and ask ihenikHves and one another to what will these things tend?—X A. Ledger.

jC-sTThe Emperor \i• is is "ettinu'- savO reported to havu

allies.

He is

thev may

IC inube take posmay force

('^ndstad,

5es S rg

they

me to retire from Mo-cow but they must, drive me from the wilds of Siberia, or tako me prisoner in the mountain passes of tho strive [jr the position I have taken."

A PRAYERFUL JOKE.—The Dayton 6-V zette mentions the following anecdote of DICK, who was executed on Friday:

His confidence in quibbles was immoveable, and while he indulged it, no serious

J™Pre?a.!,on

cou ma

rough and tumble of pioneer life.— mind. An anecdote is toll of him, the

probably expecting from the whichits partia.hy'atoned lor oy !ts

:Wlt lavin

another Utopia, or an earthly i"

lhou rh he

notte to the credulous Pauline, as her fu-' roU*stant ministers. About a week beluiu ture home. Thev found instead, a new his execution, one of thefe gentl. man—a community-, where, of all others it is mo*t "™lhy

hin1.'

de to take foot bin

been.brought up a Catholic,

nv other reli.

was occasionally visited in jail by

irul

talented clergyman—calb-d on

and lfter

that man shall live bv the sweat of his brow.! subjects, asked the question: "Have you But there is little doubt that indusstrious

an'

conversing a while on serious

objection to my praying with vou?"

"I guess not," he said "every little helps."

iE5?"The dry weather has operated very detrimental to the potato crop in this section of the country. There will not be a half crop. They are now wouh •Sl.oO in our market for a good quality.—Lafayette O'a:(t'.e.