Crawfordsville Review, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 10 June 1854 — Page 1

NBVIRA.SKA AND KANSAS.

Speech of Hon. W. H. English, OF INDIANA, 4 IN THE HOUSE OF KEI'RESEXTATIVES,

MAT 9TH, 1854.

f.i, .*• Concluded. Sir, a portion of my constituents will, no doubt, desire to emigrate to these Territories—many of them, perhaps, should the homestead bill, which we have passed, receive the sanction of the Senate and the President. Why will they leave the home of their fathers, "and sever the ties of early associations, to endure the privations of a frontier life? Why, sir, they will go with the praiseworthy motive of bettering their condition, of securing homes for themselves and their children. Does that make them less intelligent, less patriotic, or less entitled to participate in the affairs of the goverpment under which they are to live than they were before?

With what propriety can I say to a constituent, whose vote, perhaps, aided in sending me to this hall, that if he goes into Kansas or Nebraska he shall no longer exercisc all the rights of a free American citizen? Shall I deny him a voice in framing the laws and institutions under which he is to live? Shall I deny to him the privileges which ho and I have heretofore exercised in common? Shall I lend my aid to further that policy which King George attempted in vain towards the people of the American colonies? Shall he be taxed to support the government, and yet not have a full voice in that .legislation which is to govern him? 1 know, Mr. Chairman, that in certain quarters these frontier men are not held in the highest repute. They are contemptuously called "squatters," and have never received much consideration from the leaders of a certain party in this country.— They have been denominated "land pirates and their right to form their own institutions is now sometimes spoken of, in terms of derision, as "squatter sovereignty." Such men are especially in bad odor with the codfish aristocracy. They are not sufficiently cultivated and refined to suit the exalted notions of these gentlemen, who probably regard them as the connecting link between savage life and civilization, as the orang-outang is between man and the monkey tribe and I am not sure but a few years ago they were in the habit of sending

books, and still Jess of the cold forms and refinements of what is termed fashionable society, but they have a knowledge of a far more practical and useful kind. They have read the great volume of Nature— they have studied men and things, and, after all, sir, Pope was not far wrong when he said: proper study of manltind if man

The gentleman from Ohio [Mr. CAMPwell said: "1 havo known men in the West, sir, who were born in log-cabins, rocked in su-gar-troughs, and educated by the light of hickory-bark torches, in winter evenings, who came here and made their mark upon this age, and have been recognised for their talents, and virtue, and statesmanship, and patriotism, all the world over.— In due time we will send you more of them from Wisconsin, and Minnesota, and Nebraska."

Yes, sir, these men of the border, these pioneers, these "squatters," if you so choose to call them, who have, gone forth to subdue the wilderness with the rifle and axe, have done as much to advance the prosperity and glory of the republic as any other class of society. "Princes anil lords may flourish and may fade, broath can make them as a bronth bus made

Hut a hold yeomanry—onr country's pride— Whm nnoo destroyed can never be supplied." It is this class of men, more than any

other, who arc developing the resources

Mr. Chairman, I do not choose, upon this occasion, to express any opinion as to the power of Congress to legislate for the Territories, because the impropriety of exorcising such power is so clear to my mind as to make the consideration of the constitutional question entirely unnecessary.

I am willing, as I said upon a previous occasion, to trust the people with the pow-

1

nbiding faith in the honesty of purpose and bill a cordial support, because it vindicates soundness of judgment of these rugged men: his principles! Why, sir, the very cornerof the frontier. They may know little of stone of the democracy has always been a belief, to the fullest extent, in the capacity and right of the people to self-government.

0{

the attributes of a free citizen in Indiana, or any other State, loses none of his powers of self-government by emigrating to a Territory. Is he less virtuotts, less intelligent, less imbued with the spirit of patriotism and love of country because he resides in a Territory and not in a State? Is he less an object of government regard because he has gone into the wilderness to endure the hardships of frontier life, in pre-

My respected colleagues, who have spoken against this bill, [Messrs. CHAMBERLAIN" and MACK,] took occasion to let this House know they were active participators in the great contest of 1848. We were told that one "canvassed the State to its furthest borders" in ivorof the CASS platform and the other "took the stump in behalf of General CASS, taking for a text, as to the question of slavery, the position which he occupied in his Nicholson letter."

Sir, what was that position, and what the position of the democratic party upon that occasion? Why, Mr. Chairman, no article in the democratic creed stood out in bolder relief in that canvass than non-intervention on the part of Congress with the subject of slavery in the States and Territories and how gentlemen, at heart in favor of the elevation of General CASS to the presidency in 1848, can oppose the leading features of this bill, and retain their consistency, I leave for others to determine. The position of General CASS and the democratic

out missionaries to Christianize and civilize' so much zeal in 1848, if they disapproved. 1 appeal to them to consider well whether these hardy sons of the "Far West," as of this great leading measure of that memo-1 this is not only a democratic measure, they are now presuming to dictate to the

representatives of the people, in the name that this bill does not contain the doctrine. is not, under existing circumstances, a parof the Almighty, how they ought to vote on of CASS'S Nicholson letter? Then they ty necessity for its passage. Without inthis question. Sir, I thank God that I par- have grown to be better judges of the CASS tending it, I much fear they are playing into take of none of this feeling. I have an doctrine than CASS himself, for he gives the the hands of those who would glory

It was no new position even in 1848, but coeval with the existence of the democratic party. General CASS was selected as a candidate for tbe presidency by the democracy of the nation with a full knowledge and approval of his opinions upon this subject, as I shall proceed to show.

In December, 1847, he wroto his celebrated Nicholson letter, in which he clearly and unequivocally avowed the principle which

constitutes the leading feature of this bill. In that letter he said, in reference to slavery in the Territories: "Bv going back to our true principles, we go back to the road of peace and safety. Leave to the people who will be affected by this question to adjust it upon their own

And again he said: "But certain it is, that the principal of interference should not be carried beyond the necessary implication which produces it. It should be limited to the creation of proper governments, acquired or settled, and to the necessary provisions for their eventual admission into thc Union, leaving

their own way.

the great West—a region, sir, which will Sir, this letter was circulated and comprobably one day govern America, and menied trpon in every part of the United possibly the world!—a region, contemplat-! States and when the Democratic Convening the future, of which the eloquent Web- lion met, in the month of May afterwards, ster said, with prophetic words: "Nobody can overlook the face of this

country at tho present moment—nobody position, and, 1 am happy to add, but very can see where its population is the most few who did not give it full and hearty apdensc and growing, without being ready to' proval. Sir, I had the honor of being a admit, and compelled to admit, that, ere' delegate in that convention—as were two long, America icill in the valley of the other members of my family—and I know ^Mississippi."

there was not, I apprehend, a delegate in that whole body ignorant of General Cass's

that General Cass's positron was well understood and fully approved by an overmajority of the delegates then whelming

promote their welfare and happiness igfAnd, sir, I am surprised that in this republic, in the year 1854, any party should be found to deny the privilege to each organized State and Territory of the Union of regulating their domestic institutions in their own way, subject to the constitution, and more particularly that such anti-repub-lican doctrines should be advanced by any one claiming to be a member of the demo- entire whig delegation from the North, and cratic party

party was so emphatic and so distinctly un derstood that I cannot conceive why my leagues, like myself, are party men. They •worthy colleagues exerted themselves with I were sent here by democratic votes alone.

rable canvass. Will the gentlemen say right in principle, but whether, also, there

responsibility and in their own manner, and any officer who can exercise jurisdiction we shall render another tribute to the original principles of our government, and furnish another guarantee for its permanence and prosperity."

tt, in thc mean time, to the people inhabiting were but a band of emigrants, fleeing from them to regulate their internal concerns in

er of regulating their domestic institutions of the convention, vindicated the same leading division between the federal and will come back upon the Democratic platin their own way, not only under State liberal principles. This doctrine was not republican parties, is, to some extent, an form at "a more convenient season," and government, but through their regularly ©nly announced by General Cass before issue between tbe parties of the present will probably be the loudest advocates of constituted territorial legislature. I hold the couvcntion met, and approved of in it day, and is certainly involved in the bill the principles of the bill, and I shall not that if tbe people are of sufficient numbers by his nomination, but was reiterated by now under consideration. be much surprised to see the day when and importance to merit a territorial gov-j him in his letter of acceptance, in which he1 Sir, the democratic party has always even the Whigs will claim the paternity of ernm^nt at alU tiiey are capable of govern-1 said: (prided itself upon its fidelity to the consti- the measure, aud place it p,s a prominent ing themselves. A man who has cxercised1 "Thc rerv first artidt in th* democratic tution and the rights of all thc States and article in their creed.

paring a way for that tide of population, government has exerted a marked influence I On the other hand, the whig party of the civilization, and empire, which still flows to upon its actions and opinions. Here is the free States will oppose them, and, to a great the West? Sir, such men can be trusted \very starting-point of the difference between extent, becomo abolitionized. LikedrownI would refer the question of slavery and the two great parties which divide our coun-

all other questions to them—to that best try. All our differences are but subordinate upon this, and upon every ism and issue and safest of all tribunals—the people to be and auxiliary to this, and may, in fact, be .that can be devised, to disturb and break governed. They are the best judges of the resolved into it. "P the organization of the democratic parsoil and climate and wants of the country! This, sir, was the language of Generally. The effort is now being made to unite they inhabit they are the true judges of: Cass, and these the principles to which the, the odds and ends of every party and of what will best suit their own condition and democracy subscribed, and which were every organization, in order to confuse, disubstantially incorporated in the compro- vide, and overthrow the democracy. If miso measures of 1850. These were the designing leaders can accomplish their ends, principles inscribed upon the banners under it will be a mingling of which my worthy colleagues so gallantly fought in the canvass of 1848. But alas! sir, I fear they are not remaining "steadfast in the faith."

Here is a measure which contains the same principles, which is opposed by the

by the free-soilers and the abolitionists ev erywhere, but which is the leading measure of this administration, receives the unqualified sanction of the President, the support of General Cass, and a vast majority of the democracy of the nation. How can my respected colleagues consistently oppose it? In doing so, are they not abandoning the principles of 1048.^ Are they not deserting

General Cass, and fraternizing with the very men who basely betrayed him? Is not the effect of their opposition to weaken the administration, endanger the democratic ascendency by division, and thus strengthen the hands of the common enemy? Do not my colleagues see that, whether we will or no, this question must be met in the free States as a democratic measure, and that we must sustain it too, or have the party overwhelmed by a coalition between the whigs, free-soilers, and abolitionists? Sir, temporizing will not do. We have had too much of'it already. This question must be boldly avowed and defended as a party measure, if democratic ascendency is to be maintained in the free States. My col-

But my colleague says the bill does not provide for the ekction of the governor and judges by the people of the Territory.— True but is that any objection to him, when he denies them the power of electing

over this subject? Under proper restrictions, I would vote to amend the bill so that even the governor and judges should be elected by the people but my colleague well knows he would not support it if it was so amended.

It is said too, that the character of the territorial institutions will depend upon the first band of emigrants who may happen to settle there. Well, suppose that be true, it does not follow that their action will necessarily be unwise. The Pilgrim Fathers

the persecutions of the Old World to the wilderness of the New and yet we look with admiration upon their acts, and the glorious results which have ensued. Besides, if the first legislature should adopt unwise laws, it does not follow that they are to be unalterable, like the laws of the Medes and the Persian?. They would not be final, but, like bad laws everywhere else, would be altered and amended until made to conform to the wants and wishes of the people. -Mr. Chairman, the principle of non-inter-vention on the part of Congress with the domestic concerns of the States and organized Territories is no interpolation upon the

and there assembled. Noprinciple seemed democratic creed. In one shape or other ciples of the bill and, sir, let the feeling of to be more applauded. it is as old as the creed itself. From the the moment be what it may in certain loThe President of the convention, in the earliest days of the republic there has been calities, in the end they will be sustained by adjourning speech, declared "that the very a party favorable to the increase of the "the sober second thought of the people." spirit of democracy consisted in the right federal government, and another based Even that portion of our dissenting brethand power of man for self-government and,upon the rights of the States and the su- ren, not o^tirely carried away into the the resolutions, and the whole proceedings1 premacy of the people. That was the' whirlpool of Whiggery and Free Soifism,

A DEMOCRATIC FAMILY NEWSPAPER—DEVOTED TO POLITICS, NEWS, MISCELLANEOUS LITERATURE' MECHANIC ARTS, &C.

VOLUME 5. CRAWFORDSVILLE, MONTGOMERY COUNTY, IND«, JUNE 10, 1854. NO, 49.

creed teaches that the people are competent the men of the South have never appealed to govern themselves it is, indeed, rather an in vain for a vindication of their constituaxiom than an article of political faith.— tional rights to their democratic brethren of From the days of General Hamilton to our the North. days, the party opposed to us—of whose Such, sir. I believe, will be the result of principles he was the great exponent, If not the present issue. The great mass of the founder—while it has changed its name, the democracy of the north will stand firm has preserved essentially its idenity of by the side of their southern brethern in character and the doubt he entertained support of the principles of non-intervention and taught of the capacity of man for self-

aQd

Jn see-

ing the democracy prostrated in the dust What a significant sign it is, Mr. Chairman, that the Indiana Journal, the organ of the whig party in that State, is so well pleased with "the aid and comfort" beingrendered by my colleague in this crisis, that it declares he ought to have no whig opjiosition in the approaching congressional canvass! And this is said by one of the high priests of whiggerv of a representative in Congress elected exclusively by democratic votes and who justly boasts upon this floor that he canvassed the State of Indiana in 1848 to its "furthest borders" upon the Cass platform. Truly, sir, "strange things are continually happening, and wonders will never cease."

of popular sovereignty.

(iD£

men

1

catching at straws, they will seize

"Black spirits and white, Ulue spirits and gray"

not altogether unlike the witches' compound in the play of Macbeth: '•Eye of newt, and toe of frog,

Wool of bat, and tongue of do?, Adder's fork, and blind worm's sting, Lizard's leg, and owlat's wing, For a charm of powerful trouble, Like a hell-broth boil and bubble." But, sir, this is an old device of the common enemy, and I doubt not, will result like many previous efforts to the same end. Will any true Democrat allow himself to be drawn off from the support of his principles and his administration by any such tactics?- Will he not rather exclaim,

"Black spirits and white Blue spirits and grey Mingle, mingle, mingle, You that mingle may"—

but for myself, I will stand firm upon the great Platform of Democratic principles. Sir, there are two-edged swords which cut in opposite directions, and I trust our northern whig friends will find that this is one of them. Many of that party will revolt at the idea of being made ingredients in any such coalition compound as that to which I have alluded they will not allow themselves to be abolitionized and, in spite of the behests of party leaders, will stand by the Constitution and the right of the people of each organized State and Territory to govern themselves.

We have been told by the gentleman from

once be erected, and that the North will return a delegation to Congress almost unanimously in favor of repeal. "The wish," sir, "is no doubt father to

proud consciousness of having done right,

and of deserving, at ieast, a "glorious po-

a fair chance ot beinjr made chiex stones in

the political corner. ~lr I do not anticipate that Congress will be overwhelmed by any such avalanche of Whigs, Free Soilers, and Abolitionists, as the gentleman from Illinois seems to anticipate. Sir, the same kind of game was at-

tempted in relation to the compromises of

1850, (of which this act is but the confir-j

mation,) when, as well known, the agita-

Sir, strike out the Clayton proviso, perfect and pass the bill! Then let the gentleman from Illinois erect his standard of repeal, and cry "havoc, and let slip the dogs of war" against the Democracy of the North. It will be about as successful as the efforts of a school-boy to storm Gibraltar with a pop gun. At all events we may safely promise to meet the gentleman with his repealing forces, at Phillippi and then

"Lay on Macduff

And damn'd bo him that first cries, Ilold nough,''

Sir, the Democracy will meet this crisis as they have every other in which tire country has been involved. They will not falter, or lag behind to catch the popular breeze. They will prove themselves equal to the occasion. A few frail brethren may shrink from the responsibility, with "fear and trembling," but the great mass of the

party will stand firm in support of the prin-

Illinois, [Mr. 1 ates,] and others, that if. founders of our republic-the Supreme Court thi3 bill pass, the standard of repeal will at

the thought." I anticipate no such result.1hear

The measure will wear well, and become

0f

,, ,, the free States to one who will go from the out hope: but It will be, fir with the

meal resurrection and, in rny opinion, lurge s,svehold(^( for the wealthy the men rejected for this cause only stand

Mr. Chairman, before I conclude, I desire

In voting for this bill, I do not vote to give it legal existence where it is not.— The people of these Territories will never adopt the institution but if they should, it is their fault, and not mine—it is their right, with which 1 eannot justly interfere, any more than slaveholders could interfere to force slavery into the community where I reside. 1 believe that this portion of my constituents, and every other, are willing to stand by the constitution of their country.— I deny that under it slavery could exist in the Territories without tho sanction of positive law. But suppose the reverse to bo true: is not the question then entirely beyond our reach? A multitude of Missouri compromises and Wilmot provisoes, piled up mountains high, would avail nothing, because all such laws would be in contravention to the supreme law of the constitution, and therefore void. If the claim has a just foundation in the constitution, then it cannot be taken away by legislation if it has not, then no one pretends that, under the provisions of the bill, slavery could legally exist in the Territories without being first established by the people. So that, after all, if the question arises, it must be determined by that tribunal wiseley provided by the

United States, from whose decision there is no appeal

1 have said that, in my opinion, the peo pie of these Territories would never adopt the institution of slavery, and 1 have vet to

a member

oxpress an

more and more popular as its principles are discussed and better understood. I do not believe that those who aided in passing it: Nebraska a slave State need fear going before the people on the

issue. Their cause being just, tl.ey wi II go

"thrice armed, and even if overthrown, t-1 j. ,. ,• '. ,,

1

for the time, in some of the JNorthern mi, .i them in this respect. I here will go at least States, by thc waves of fanaticism, they ,,

... ., three emigrants into these .territories from will not go down as those who "fall with- .,

Soull nnd cycn a on of Ule

s|a

'•There are more things irr heaven and earth, Ilora- out opposed ttf the institution of slaver^,Than are dreamt of in your philosophy." [tio, three will bo foreigners, with like opinions,Sir, vindicate the sovereignty of the peo- two wil! be from the South, with no particuple by the passage of this bill, and the lar love for the institution, and otic may bo waves of political agitation will soon sub- an likra southerner, who deems slavery the side it will silence faction, and ultimately best institution in the world, after repubremove, to a great extent, the exciting lican and reliffion! question of slavery forever from these Halls. Besides, it will terminate at a blow, the weakly, lingering life of the Whig national organization, and leave the Democracy, for a time at least, the only great national party existing in this country. 'Tfs a consummation devoutly to be wish'd.''

to make a remark or two for the ear of that cilitate the spread^ ol^free institutions. Irf portion of my constituents who have petitioned against the passage of this bill They are few in number, but, as far as I know, are gentlemen and ladies of high respectability, and for whose opinions I entertain entire respect. Some of them, I believe, have been induced to this course from an imperfect knowledge of the measure, and others, whose opinions were based upon the House bill, would have no serious objections to the bill proposed as a substitute. which I have no doubt we shall adopt. I say to them, that I do not like the institution of slavery, and fervently hope it may not be extended.

of either house of Congress

opinion to the contrary. It will

exist in neither. You could not devise a system of legislation that would make

Thc of fto frM arc w_

an It is not M'aUh.

South. I here is no comparison between

rr

c®

wjl| nM favQr tfie cst'abiis)uncn, of

jj „hu „n,

notslaves

0f

chance«

tors poured in petitions by the armful, pray-! bv the people. ing the repeal of the fugitive slave act and yet the great mass of the people have passed it by as "unheeded as the idle wind."

from the South?

and wcll.tcJdo bnt Mom emienrte and

emigrate,

when they do, they seek a climate, adapted to the great staples of cotton, rice, and sugar. Will the man who owns a few slaves take them into these Territories? No, sir, he cannot run the risk of losing his property. He knows that from the beginning he will be subjoct to litigation to determine whether or

can be held without the sanction

positive law, and he must feel that the

are that slavery will be excluded

Now, a majority of the inhabitants of the South do not own slaves, and many of them have no love for the institution, and that is the class most likely to go into these Territories from the South. If slave-owners go, they will leave their slaves behind them,— It will be such as have large families and but few slaves, which they will sell, and go to invest the proceeds in lnnd, where .it is cheap and of good quality or else it will be those who hate the institution of slavery ,and emigrate to get rid of it and I can assure gentleman there are many 6uch. As far as my knowledge extends, the most violent freesoilers and abolitionists in the free States emigrated from the South. Kentucky and thc Carolinas have set more sut:h characters into the region from which I come than all New England put together.

a

Now, is it not evident from whence the

mass oi the population of these Territories will be deprived, and what sentiments wilj been sold as a penal colony to be entertained by them in reference to the and we here deny and denounce institution of slavery? What citizen of

free State can entertain a doubt in relation refuge for escaped crimiaalo," to this subject, when he reflects that the cli-[ mate is wholly unsuited to slave labor that the white population of thc North more than doubles that of the South that even^a j^Jges

majority of the South are not owners slaves that many who do own them are not slave propagandists, and will emigrate without their slaves and last, that an immense tide of emigration will flow in from the countries of the Old World, every one of whom will oppose the adoption of slaver}*?-— Then, sir, how stands the case? Of every

Sir, in my Opinio^ there is just as muchr prospect of introducing sJave/y into the State' of Indiana as into Nebraska, attd lib morfi.—•' The North can lose nothing by the adoption? of the Senate bill with the nmefidments indicated. Its principles apply, not to Nebraska and Kansas alone, but to every other Territory, and caunot fail, iti the end, to fa-

tho language of Col. Benton's late speech I say, "the question of slater^ in these Territories, if thrown open to territorial actiort will be a question of numbers, anil a question of the majority for and against it. And what chance would the slave holder.? have in such a contest? Xo chance at all: The slave emigrants will be outnumbered and compelled to play at a rrt'ost unequa game, not onlj' in point of numbers, but also in point of States the slaveholder Stakcf?, his property, and has to run it 6ff or lose it, if outvoted at the polls. I sec nothing which slaveholders are to gain under tbirf bill—nothing but an unequal an£ venations coT)t6st, in which they tire to be thc loser."

Sir, we are a progressive nation, and \b seems to be our inevitable destiny to possess, in time, an ocean-bound republic, with/ in legal parlance, "the appurtenances thereunto belonging"—such as the adjacent islands. Give the North, With her superior population, free and uninterrupted compc-_ tition with the South, in the settlement of theso acquisitions, and slavery will never' be extended much, if any, beyond its present limits. But let that result as it may,the principle of this measure is right, anil both sections of the Union ought to be satv isfied with rt.

COLLISION IN THE ENGLISH CHANNEL— 180 LIVES LOST.—The Atlantic brings intelligence of a terrible catastrophe which occurred in the English channel'. At 2' o'clock on the morning of April 28, the' American bark Hesper, Capt. Jones, front Charleston, S. C., for Antwerp, came iri collision with the Bremen bark Favorite^, Capt. Hogeman, from Bremen for Baltimore, with 180 passengers.

The Favorite was struck on tho starboard bow, cut down to tho waters edgo and foremast carried away. The captain/ mate and four seamen of thc Favorite goton board of the Hesper during the collision/ and the remainder of the crew are thought to have taken to the boat, but have not since been heard of. At daybreak nothingwas seen of the bark, which, no doubt/ sunk immediately with all on board.

The Hesper also sustained damage, butproceeded on her voyage, havirtg sent tho survivors of the Favorite to Portsmouth by a pilot boat. The collision occurred off the' Start.

(£J~ A party of Indians have recently been visiting Washington City. Two of them fought against the Americans at tho battle of the Thames, and the reporter of the' Globe questioned one of them as to whether he was wounded or not, when he replied! in a characteristic manner, "No. When T&cumseh, he fall I got scared, run like the debbil."

0^7" The trustees of the Indiana University at Bloomington have determened to rebuild the college, and have employed W, TINSLEV and SON, of this city, as Architects. Messrs. Tinsley and Son have shown usdraughts of the front elevation and plans of tho building, the style of the architecture of which is elegant and tastful in a high degree, and suitable to the purposes for which it is intended.—Sentinel.

JEFFERSON* AND MADISON.—These two' illustrious Presidents spoke thus of theMissouri Compromise: "This Missouri question, by a geographical lino of division," said Mr. Jefferson,"is the most portentious one that I have C7er contem[dated." "I must own," said Mr. Madison, "tha£ I have always leaned to tho belief that the restriction was not within the true scope of the constitution."

jfgrln reference to a statement thatjMatf. Ward should in future reside on his plantation in-Arkansas, the editor of Helenw Shield makes the following indignant remarks: "We should like to know by what rigfifi or title thc people of Louisville make a Botany B-ay of our Stale, and order their evicted tenants to come here. We arc not aware that a single acre of Arkansas has

a plied assertion that Arkansas is

ten men emigrating to Kansas and Nebras- spirators have given bail and arc now av 1-:?., four will be from the free States, cut and large.

Louisville the im-

a

harbor ofi

EMIGRATION.—TFCA crowds of emigrants that are pouring westward to settle Nebraska and Kansas, is so great that good'

confiderlly e?)ect

these two Ter

ritories will become States in four years.— The emigrants are mostly young farmers and mechanics, among whom we notice a" little party of seven hundred Germans Two more Democratic State3 to maintain: "Squatter Sovereignty".—Brookville Dcm\

E3T All the Martha Washington con-