Crawfordsville Review, Crawfordsville, Montgomery County, 3 June 1854 — Page 2

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C-R M.7T O nv 8V S

SATURDAY MORNING, JUNE 8, l«t

I'KINTED ANI PUBLISHED EVKRY SATURDAY MORNING BY CTIAS. II. now EN Sc B. F. STOVER.

r?TThc Crawfordsville Review, furnished to Subscribers at 81,50 in advancc, or 12, if not paid within the year. cT IJ A I ON LARGER THAN ANY PAPER PUBLISHED IN

Crawfordsville!

•'Advertiser*. call «p and examine our list of Z3T SUBSCRIBERS. J£J All kinds of JOB WORK done to order. *U

To Advertisers.

Kvorv advertisement handed in for publication. lioiiMhave writen upon it the number of time? the nl vcrtipor wishes it inserted. If not stated.it will ^|hc inserted until ordered out, and charged accord-

Wiy-

XW w« wish it distinctly understood, that we 'liavc now the BKHT and the LAKOF.HT assortment of •NKW and FANCY JoBTvPECver brought to this place. |Wc insist on tho«c wishing work doire to call up, nnd wo will show them our assortment of tvps. cuts,

A:o. We have pot them and no mistake. Work done on short notice, and on reasonable terms.

JOB PRINTING.

& As it if* now about the time when Merchant?' and •sotht-rs are wishing to have Circulars. Cards. 1 .steers printed, wo would respectfully- call their

s!ntt'*nti'n

to our extensive aKsortinent of tvpe. All

work executed at short notice and at the lowest "prices. Call and ace our facilities for doing work.

OitAWHuitnsvjLLE, May 5i9,1854.

To the Eds. of the "Review:", At a meeting of tlio delegates from the scvcni] S'cu' ties composing the Sth Congressional District,

Indiana, helu in Indianapolis, May 24th, it was a unanimously

decided

nomination

to hold a Convention for the

"of a Democratic candidate for Congress

•in that (tlio 8tli,).District, at Crawfordsville, Thursii dity, August 17, 1854. THE LAFAYETTE COURIER,

Has at length shown its hand. Its issue

of the 20th inst., contains along tirade, complaining bitterly of the State Democratic 'Convention. It endeavors to arouse a jealsousy between the North and South, and

says that the South got all the offices, and by strategy passed the resolutions relative to Nebraska and Temperance against the -wishes of the North. Then, to embroil the the slumbering factions—the partizans of ."Wright and the partizans of Blight—it

meanly declares the Convention "stocked," nnd vents its spleen heedlessly against Senator Bright. The folly of these things require no comment from us. But does the dull brained editor suppose his motives nil impenetrable? How comes it that he took no stand upon the Nebraska question until the arrival of Mace in Lafayette?— He hiinseif attended the Convention in person how happened it that he WBS nothing wrong in the resolutions adopted until the advent of that honorable gentleman? Or if he did discover the wrong, why wait the ^declaration of his hostility until that advent? O swallow-tail, what with the salt he besprinkled thee, the Maj. is a remark able man, and thou a no lessshnllow-patcd a bird! Only, how many pieces of silver

didst thou require? How long will the honest-hearted Democracy of Tippecanoe tolerate your abominable compound of stupidity, knavery and treason? When will they stop your nefarious work? W hon upset your abolition tripod, and, commencing a truly christian work, hove you from a third-story window of your office, in imitation of the casting out of devils? 0 swallow-tail! Pity 'lis you didn't get that goverment job, or rather, pity 'tis the

other fellow cut you out! It is necessary that Mace should have an organ, and from the bottom ofourstomuch we say, we'd rather you should grind for him than any other abolitionist of our 1 acquaintance. Him, however, we caution,

Let him watch well thy purse. Thou art never so near treason, as when thy purse is empty

NEW PARTY.

An Anti-Nebraska meeting, we are informed, was held in Lafayette on the 20th inst., at which Maj. Mace held forth, and a long string of resolutions were adopted. We have no space to notice the efforts of the Hon. gentleman. It was denunciatory of everybody who acted or thought in faSvor of the Nebraska bill. He spared not the President, Congress, or our late Democratic State Convention. We arc sorry the

Maj. has categorically declared he will not he a candidate for re-election. We would like the Democracy to have a chance to reward him. "5-f

Among the resolutions adopted by the meeting was one to call a convention of everybody opposed to the Nebraska bill, to nominate a ticket for the state,. -. \e Gods and little fishes, what a meeting it will be! Whigs, Democrats, Free-Soilers, Abolitionists, Maine Law-ites, men and women, white and black will all be there! and so will we to see the sight. ...

Then, however, the new, and as yet nameless party will be organized. Then wil? be a God-sent chance for every fellow who prefers "nigger liberty" to the Union and his country. Hurrah for the new party The blood of Batchcldor, the murdered Marshal/ will do fur its baptism.

f+T Our citizens are making arrangements for celebrating the approaching adversary of ourj National Independence.— It is designed to have an old fashioned jubilee and our country friends are ^respect­

fully invited to participate.

BLOODSHED IN BOSTON. There is a law, as everybody knows, providing for the recovery of fugitive slaves, —a law of Congress and of the land,—a law perfectly constitutional, and therefore

to be observed and enforced Under it a slave was reclaimed in Boston, and the trial was in progress on the 27th inst. During the day the court was surrounded by an immense mob, and that night a Deputy U. S. Marshal was shot dead. The assassination rpused the city the multitude increased the streets filled law and order fell away. The mayor read the riot act the military was called out but they were not sufficient, and the U. S. Marines were summoned to guard the court.

Now, here are two things to think of— the law was obstmcted, and an officer in the discharge of his duty was murdered.— When blood is shed, and bayonets are required to preserve order, is it not revolu­

tion and war? Who is responsible for this state of things? Whose work is it? Can any man doubt?'

The aV'tionists did it. And of them all no mar. is primary to Horace Greeley. The blood of Batche'uor, the dead Deputy, is upon his hands, and the souls of Parker and Beechcr, and the memory of "Uncle Tom" are not free from the. "damned spots." Yet, why will our countrymen persist in supporting the Tribune?

ANOTHER ONE OF 'EM.—"Rev." John C. Webber, one of the "immortal 3,000," who recently memorialized Congress, "in the name of the Almighty God," has recently eloped with a Miss Nancy Mead, leaving at home ?.n amiable wife and seven children, in a state of destitution! To be conturned.

£3tT The telegraph announces the death of Mrs. T. F. Meagher, wife of the Irish Patriot. She died in Ireland, where she was on a visit to her friends.

EiT Wheat was harvested near Augusta, Ga., on Thursday of last week.

&3T The New Albany Salem Railroad is rapidly approaching completion.

The connection will be made during the present month.

JfcsT We call attention to the able speech of Hon. W. II. ENGLISH, on the Nebraska question, a portion of which will be found on the first page of our paper. This speech will meet the warm approval of the Democracy of old Montgomery.

A FEARFUL WALTZ.—A correspondent of the London Times, in giving an accont of the bombardment of Odessa, says: 'When within about 2000 yards, each staamcr delivered the fire of her enormous guns, then

wheeled round in a circle of about half a mile in diameter, each taking up the fire in succession. Thus they kept wheeling and twisting about like so many waltzers. One of the English steamers was set on fire by the red hot shot from the fortress, but the fire was got out of her without much damage. The dock-yard, which was set on fire burnt for two days and nights, and a vast amout of naval stores must have been destroyed. During the fight a Russian frigate was set on fire, and blew up with, it was thought, a very great loss of life.

THE NEBRASKA CAMPAIGN.—The Cincinnati Commercial says that on Saturday last seven hundred and thirty Oenman emigrants passed through that city on their way to Nebraska and that these were only the ad­

vance guard of a large body of their countrymen bound for the same destination.

the

Our citizens are now luxurating

upon trout and white fish, brought fresh from lake Michigan. John Austin will be in receipt of a fresh supply this (Saturday) afternoon, immediately after the arrival of the Express train from the north.

ggT Last week we gave our readers a view of the platform of the Fag-End party whose strength and numbers are composed of the shreds and patches of all parties. Like wolves they have banded themselves together for the purpose of breaking down the Democracy The crocodile represents their hypocracy the whiskey barrel their hobby the coffin, their death in October and the balloon their present gas

works.

A Boston exchange in speaking of

the recent negro and abolition riot in that city, in which Mr. James Batcheldcr U. S. Deputy Marshal was shot while in the act of performing his duty in preventing the mob from entering the court house says:

During this struggle some thirty shots were fired bv the rioter?, and Mr. James Batchelder, a special officer, who was resisting the entrance of assailants at the shattered door, was shot dead. The weapon discharged at him must have been a blunderbuss, as its contents embraced many bullets, some of them of a very large size. His bowels were literally torn out, and he died almost instantly. He leaves a wife and one child.

£3T Look out for a great eclipse, in October. It will be visablv seen and felt throughout the Siitcby the Maine-law-itcs.

[For the Crawfordsville Review.

MAJOR MACE AND NEBRASKA. If any there be who do not understand the exact meaning of the word ''tergiversation," they can be made to comprehend it by following the course of onr worthy representative during the pendency of the Nebraska bill.

First, lie made along speech against the bill because it violated the Missouri Compromise. Pettit, however, took the wind out of that sail, then—

Secondly, lie opposed the bill because it did'nt give the people power to settle their own domestic affair.-'.

Thirdly, lie voted in favor of ending the debate upon the bill, though still professing cmnity. Fourthly, He actually moved to amend the bill by clothing the Legislature with power to establish or prohibit slavery in Nebraska.

Observe now, ye lovers of honesty and consistency. the bearing of these moves. The Missouri Compromise, as every body knows, prohibits slavery north of 36 degrees 30 minutes. For that Mace esteemed it very holy—

Finding that the Missouri Compromise wasn't as estimable in Democratic eyes as in his own. then he shifted his opposition to the second ground.— All of a sudden he discovered the bill didn't do what it professed to do—he was in favor—the jewel of a man—of giving the people power to settle '-the vexed question"—certainly, but the bill did'nt do it. Now, don't every man of an atom of brains seo, that, whether the question of slavery in Nebraska is settled by Congress, or by the inhabitants of

Territory, the Missouri Compromise is equally affected? In either ease, is not the old compromise a nullity?

But if the Nebraska bill is "a swindle." and he ITOXKBTI.Y thought so, why vote to close the debate? Give the people light, and they will see keenly and quick as the sharpest IIONORAKLE in Congress. If coNsciENTiorsLV opposed to the measure, he should by all possible means have continued its agitation he should have fought it inch by inch, never lending a smile, much less his vote and this not more to defeat the bill, than for his honors sake. "Who will deny, that when he voted tc close the debate, he did not at least help precipitate "a swindle," as some call it, against which he had sworn eternal war?

The most beautiful shift, however, is the fourth. Ilis proposed amendment, it must be recollected, was offered the very last day of the pendency of the bill. Long time had passed since Mr. Douglas proposed it in the Senate. Mouth and mail had carried to the Maj. how the people at home were in favor of the bill, BECARSE IT GAVE SOVEREIGNTY TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE TERRITORY. The people were in favor "of it but lie had opposed it—had spoken against it—had even tendered his resignation if his constituents disapproved his opposition— all this lie had done, because he thought popular opinion would blow that way. Horace Greeley had been his vane he had followed that celebrated "white hat" through tlio strife steadily, cs in the brave old legend Frenchmen followed the white plume of Ilarry of Navarro This was unfortunate ground—the Maj. was unhappy in his attempt to be HONEST—heliad'nt the nerve, and quailed but he's not the man to die easily. Janus had several faces so has the Maj. He's like a house with many fronts. Men said he was lost—he's against the people in favor of the Compromise. They said he's under the Nebraska thimble but in the twinkling of an eve—presto !—The little joker was tit there—HE'S WITH TIIE PEOPLE. SO far as he is concerned, the compromise may sleep where "Benton sent it in 1852—"in the tomb of the Capulcts."— Now, honest man and sincere patriot, he is actually in favor of giving the people power to settle the slavery matter! A happy man is the Maj. in a dilemma

Really, however, it looks a little, a VERY little inconsistent.

The

soul of the bill'was the giving

the people power he first opposed the bill, and therefore opposed its principle. Now, however, he's in favor of the principle, but against the bill-— Truly, a nice distinction How was the matter to be settled? To get back to Congress he must convince his constituents of his honesty—convince them that he is honestly in favor of giving ...the power to the Nebraska! tes.

This was not difficult lor a man of his peculiar us W at is ad it O he as a he rises in his place, offers to amend the bill in t.he manner we have already stated, and backs his amendment with a speech. The bill, he said, don't give the power to the people, but my amendment will and he offered the amendment, he further said, TO TEST THE SINCERITY OF THE FRIENDS OF THAT PRINCIPLE. Was the audacity of Catiline equal to this? HE test their siflccritj-!

Let us see, for one moment, the bill nnd the proposed amendment. Soc. 1. of the bill says—"and when admitted as a state or states, the said Territory. or any portion of the same, shall be received into tlio Union WITH OR WITHOUT SLAVERY, BSTHKIR CONSTITUTION may prescribe at the time of their admission." Who makes THEIR CONSTITUTION?— The people of the Territory, certainly.

Again: Sec. 6 says—"That the LEGISLATIVE POWER OF THIS TERRITORY shall extend TO ALL RIGHTFUL SUIJ.JF.CTS"bp LEGISLATION consistent wits the1 constitution of the United States and the provisions of' this act." Now the territorial legislature. under this, may establish or prohibit slavery, and their act would be neither inconsistent with the constitution or the provisions of the bill:

Again: Sec. 14 soys—"it being the TRUE intent and meaning of this act NOT to legislate SLAVERY into any TERRITORY or State, nor to exclude it there'rom, but to LEAVE THE PEOPLE THEREOF PERFECTLY FREE to form and regulate their DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS in their own way. subject only to the constitution of the United States." Is not this INTENT AND MEANING clear? Well might the Majthank his stars if his course was as Yee from suspicion Docs not the act declare its intention as to the TERRITORY as well us to the STATE? Does it not leave the people of this TERRITORY as free to regulate slavery as it leaves the same people when they become a STATE? If. as they have thus the power, the people of the TERRITORY saw fit to prohibit slavery therein, is there any other mode of doing it but by their LEGISLATURE. As a state they could do

it

by

their

HIBIT

CONSTITUTION and their LEGIS­

LATURE: but as a Territory they can only do.it.by their LEGISLATURE. Thus stands the-bill: now wlut is his amendment—his test? "Insert after the word "admission" in the first section: "And the LEGISLATURE OF SAID TERRITORY is hereby clothed with full power, at any session thereof, TO ESTABLISH OR PRO­

SLAVERY IN SAID TERRITORY." There it is. Wherein is the difference between the bill and the amendment? The bill left the Territorial legislature free, PERFECTLY FREE—to do what? Why. just what the amendment proposes. It left it free "to establsli or prohibit slavery in said Territory." In the name of sense, is there any use of the amendment? Verily, it looks as if there was none. But do not mistake. There is great use for it—so at least thought the ?tIajor. It was necessary to save his pliice_and influence. To prove bow EARNESTLY and HONESTLY he was in favor of sovereignty in the people, lie has only to refer to liis TEST. Oh, jou dear people, only question his honesty, and torthwiih you'll be s:ieuceu by hij his

written certificate of goodTDcmocratic charactcr We said the Maj. is a happy mau in a dilemma. It is possible he may sncceed in convincing SOME Democrats of his soundness. One has already fallen before him. The Editor of the Lafayette Courier is convinced—convinced, we presume, BY AS MUCH AS THE MAJ. IS OUT OF POCKET.

SO it is possible he may convince others. But the great heart of the Democracy will cast him out—from that heaven, at least, he will be a fallen star.

We know no man who with more truth than the Maj. can say with Macbeth— "I have a strange infirmity, which is nothing

To those that know me."

PROCEEDINGS OF THE DEMOCRATIC STATE CONVENTION.

The Convention met at Indianapolis, on Wednesday the 24th inst., at 10 o'clock, and was called to order by the Chairman of the State Central Committee.

After organization, the following persons were chosen as the regular officers of the Convention: President, JESSE D. BRIGHT Vice Presidents, Richard Raleigh, EHsha G. English, Jno. L. Spann, A. C. Pepper, B. McClelland, J. M. Gregg, J. S. Davis, Jacob Walker, A. L. Wheeler, J. C. Van Olman and Johnson Secretaries, C. B. Bentley and James Brulling.

At 2 o'clock P. M. the Convention went into the nomination of officers, which resulted in the choice of N. HAYDEN, of Rush county, for Secretary of State JNO. P. DUNN, of Perry, for Auditor of State E. NEWLAND, of Washington, for State Treasurer W. C. LARRABEE, of Putnam, for Superintendent of Public Instruction and A. P. HOVEY, of Posey, for Judge of the Supreme Court, for the 4th District.

The committee on an Address and Resolutions reported the following:

ADDRESS.

To the People of the State of Indiana. Fellow Citizens: A watchful vigilance is ever necessary on the part of the people, to prevent ambitious and designing men from misleading public sentiment, for the purpose of accomplishing selfish and partizan designs.

At no period of our national political history has a more strenuous effort been made, and more subtle and fallacious artifices been resorted to by the opponents of Democracy than since the commencement of the present session of Congress, by those men, both in and out of our national councils, who have been the ancient enemies of the Democratic party, and who have ever stood ready to assume any position and to assert any creed that would enable them to gain strength in opposition to democratic rule.

From the earliest days of this republic she has been guided by Democratic councils, and governed by Democratic principles, with very short intervals of federal domination. Aristocracy is the innate and inexorable enemy and active antagonist of republicanism, and has in this government always attempted and been willing to coalesce with any faction, to wed with any popular heresy, and to court any ism or vagrant party organization, which either directly or remotely promised to strengthen its numbers, or to detract from the efficiency of that party of the people, which has ever stood under the folds of the Democratic banner, and carried forward the great interests of a progressive and prosperous country, by strict adherence to established and constitutional principles.

It is only when the great Democratic party becomes apathetic or are carelessly relying upon the known strength and the acknowledged virtue of their principles, and then our industrious and insidious enemies attempt to make an attack upon them and so artful are they in their approaches, that many good and honest minded men are partially deluded by their specious professions, and their vaunted proclamations, and freijuently require the "sober second thought" before they can fully comprehend the position into which they have been beguiled. Every moral sense is appealed to, every chord of sympathy awakened, every generous feeling of the voter is invoked, with the deceitful intention of seducing him into the embraces of those who only coax to conquer and flatter to destroy.

Every citizen should remember that it is a part of his duty to understand arfd consider the political obligations lie owes to himself, to his country, and to posterity.— He s'hnuld be alive to the calls of patriotism and of duty, and although he may not be a professed politician, he should recollect that he is a sovereign of the land, and one of that people whose will makes the laws of the State, and that whenever he slumbers in security under the belief that others will attend to his duties for him, he is liable to be deceived, and ere he be aware of the fact, his liberties may be taken from him inch by inch, until he is reduced to a state of vassalage and loose the proud estate of an independent citizen.

The plain provisions of the Constitution should be our only rule of government, and our policy always has been and ever will be to confine our political action within the letter and spirit of the Constitution, and as we venerate the memory and cherish the glorious deeds of the illustrious sages and patriots of the revolution, solemnly adhere to our national bond of Union in a spirit of brotherly affection and of liberal generosity. We have no divided national honors to enjoy, we have no sectional character to lose or to gain. We are all one people, we are all Americans.

The political creed of the Democratic party requires no expansion or contraction. Virtue, morals, religion, truth, justice, and every attribute of national glory and greatness, have grown, flourished and extended under its fostering care. The sacred rights of the citizen in the pursuit and possession of life, property, liberty, and happiness, are safe under its shield and its protection, and no passing impulse or excitement should

induce us to weaken its power to do good, or to operate upon our passions in such a manner as to result in a wrong. fUnder our system of government, the rights of conscience, the modes of worship, the toleration of reiigious opinions, and the most liberal political franchises are sustained, guaranteed, and protected, and no system of legislation will ever be countenanced by the Democratic party of Indiana, which shall conflict with the cordial principles of our faith.

As a great Constitutional, permanent, and indissoluble party, while we progress in accordance with the circumstances which may surround us, we desire no new articles of faith, no interpretation of our creed, no addenda to our principles. They are reliable and time honored. Under them our fathers lived in peace and happiness, and under the belief that principles are eternal, we are satisfied with our decalogue and its requirements and restraints.

To the stranger, the down-trodden and oppressed, from other climes and other nations, w.e have on all occasions stretched forth our hands and opened our doors, and made them friends and citizens in our land. In the love of our democratic doctrines they have joined hands with us, and we have counselled together. No spirit of Native Americanism or bigoted intolerance has marked our course towards them, while on the contrary our adversaries have constantly resisted the approach of the foreigner to the privileges of citizenship and derided them for their ignorance and foreign birth. The cause of freedom in the Old World, has ever found friends in our members, and the cause of Democracy whether on the continent of Europe, or in the United States, must be upheld by the stout hearts and strong arms of the Democratic part)'.

In the approaching contest in Indiana, either Democracy or the coalition of isms must triumph. On which side can Democrats stand? Will any rational man abandon his old principles and friends to coalesce with the decaying and dissolving elements which compose the opposition? Will any sensible man be entrapped into the support of men and measure which are intended to overthrow the old line Democracy,—and give place, office, and power to its adversaries.

Whenever we have been united, success has crowed our exertions, and our policy has advanced the power, interests, and prosperity of the State. No state in this glorious confederacy is reaping a richer harvest of the good things of life, than our own Indiana. No business, no enterprise, no occupation, but is well rewarded, and the laborer and mechanic are exulting in the plenty that surrounds them. Capital is pouring her golden stores into our limits, and a most unexampled improvement marks the progress of the times. Shall Indiana change her policy and her politics, her rulers and her officers, or shall she continue in her present career, under democratic government and under democratic managers, who have so nobly labored for the welfare of the people and the honor of the country?

Under the conviction that every citizen of the State will calmly consider his own interests, take care of his own privileges, and attend to his own voting, we present our ticket for their support, with full confidence that no distractions will divide us, that the advice and intrigues of adversaries will not prevail, and that Indiana will stand erect in the support of her tried men, and her long cherished principles.

RESOLUTIONS.

Resolved, That the Democrats of Indiana fully approve of the principles of the act extending the laws of the United States over, and organizing the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas.

Resolved, That we concur in the opinion that it is not properly within the jurisdiction of Congress to determine the provisions of the Constitution of a State, farther than to require that it be of republican form, but on the contrary, that the people do possess the right and power to adopt such form of government as they may deem best suited to their views and wants and that this right should be recognized as one of the fundamental principles of self-govern-ment.

Resolved, That this Convention is distinctly* apposed to that provision of the Nebraska and Kansas bill, commonly known as the Clayton amendment, which made a distinction between native born and foreign inhabitants, who may be residents of the Territories, and feel gratified that the efforts of the Democracy have been successful in expunging that odious feature from the act.

Resolved, That intemperance is a great moral and social evil, for the restraint and correction of which legislative interposition is nccessary and proper but that we cannot approve of any plan for the eradication or correction of this evil that must necessarily result in. the infliction of greater ones and that we are-therefore opposed to any law upon this subject that will authorize the searching for, or seizure, confiscation, and destruction of private property.

Resolved, That we regard all political organizations, based upon the single idea of temperance reform, as dangerous to the perpetuity of our republican form of government, by withdrawing public attention from the great political principles upon which it is founded and that we most earnestly appeal to our fellow Democrats, throughout the State, to adhere, in the selection of members of the legislature, to the practice of choosing such men as will make these great principles of Democratic policy, under the influence of which this country has been brought to its present elevated and prosperous condition, paramount to all other considerations.

Resolved, That we have full faith and confidence in the wisdom, patriotism, and ability of Franklin Pierce, President of the United States, and that we fully approve of the principles laid down in his Inaugural Message, and his message to Congress, and that we most truly and cordially endorse the general policy of his Administration, as carried out in conformity with the

principles laid doWfi ia Said messages. Resolved, That Judge Douglas of the IV S. Senate, is entitled to, and receives our hearty thanks, for so ably advocating tho principle of non-intervention, as contained in the Kanzas and Nebraska bill, and that we cordially endorse the action of our Senators and Representatives in sustaining the same,

Resolved, That the Democracy of Indiana, still adhering to the Constitution of the Confederacy openly and avowedly condemn any organization, secret or otherwise that would aim to disrobe any citizen, native, or adopted, of his political, civil, or religious liberty.

HARTFORD, May 27.

The church bells tolled for an hour last evening at sunset on account of the passage of the Nebraska bill.—Telegrayhic Dispatch. I

The tolling of bells on account of tho passage of a bill in favor of popular sovereignty, we should think "sweet music" tc? the denizens of a city where was held the great blue light convention of the opponents of the war of 1812. This is the best evidence we have yet seen that the Nebraska bill is right.—Sentinel.

Thos. II. Benton in a recent speech delivered in Congress, made the following remark in reference to the Abolition bugbear, that slaves will be introduced into the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska:

"Not a single slave will ever be held in Kansas or Nebraska under it (even admitting it to be passed.) Though adapted to slave labor in two of its great staples, (hemp and tobacco,) I do not believe that slaves will ever be held there. The popular vote will expel them. Kansas is contiguous to middle and southern Missouri, where slave labor is profitable, and slaves held in great number—a single owner within two hours ride of the line holding one hundred more than the five hundred of Randolph of Roanoke and five thousand in his country alone but the holder of slaves will have but one vote and will be beat at the polls by the many who have none."

ONE ANSWER TO SIX QUESTIONS—Where are the prophecies that the annexation of Texas would divide the Union?

Where the prayers for a Bank of the United States as the only way to save the country from bankruptcy?

Where the poverty, the beggftry, and the devastation, that were to follow the passage of the tariff of 104G?

Where the evidence that California is not worth a dollar? Where the reality of the prediction that the fugitive slave law would be repealed?

Where the thousand anticipations of hatred and revenge called into life by the compromise measures? t.

They arc buried deeper "than plummet ever sounded. They arc forgotten in that unfathomable abyss wh(r!, in a few months, the present prognostications of tho enemies of the Nebraska bill will be buried and forgotten.— Washington Union.

TO TIIE DEMOCRACY.

The bill to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas is based upon a great American principle. Wherever applied, this principle has triumphantly prevailed.— It is opposed by the same whigs and thq .same aboliti nists that have from the first resisted the prineiples and the progress of the democratic party. Never yet have these influences helped the county out of trouble. In war and in peace, wherever tho rights or the interests of the masses have been involved, they have either been indifferent or hostile—too often they have been both. Such is their record. On the other hand, the men who support the Nebraska and Kansas bill are men whose achievements have reflected the highest credit upon the country in its march to a commanding position before the nations of the world. The men who stood by Jackson—the friends of all the great reforms in the financial nnd revenue systems of the government—the annexation of Texas and the acquisition of California—where are these men now?— Nearly to a man shoulder to shoulder for the Nebraska bill. The great body of the advocates of the compromise measures of 1850 arc on the same side. hat, in such a state of things, is the dutv of the democracy?— There is but one answer and that is, that they snould stand firmly by the bill, and unitedly and harmoniously labor for its speedy enactment into a law.— Washington Union. 'j

SECRETARY MARCY AND THE FRENCH MINISTER.—It is stated that the French Ambassador, on seeing the President's communication to Congress, touching tho affair of the Black Warrior and the Cuban authorities, at once obtained an interview with the Secretary of State, demanding an explanation of what he termed an extraordinary production on the part of our Government. He met with just such a reception as might have been anticipated from that sound thinking and far seeing statesman. Gov. Marcy promptly declined to entertain any communication or explanation with the Government of France, or any other authority save the representative of Sprun, and demanded to be informed under what shadow of right or usage the Government of France could pretend to interrogate him on a subject in which France was apparently uninterested.—Ball. Sua.

O^r Nicholas has called his brother-in-law, the King of Prussia, "an Angel of Peace." An angel—after the Russian \iew —has, of course, two win^s one of infant?.: ry and one of artillery.—[Punch.

POPULATION OF MINNESOTA. The St. Paul Democrat estimates the present population of Minnesota Territory at 25,0^0, and that the increase t'ni.? year will be 10,000. At the census of !C50. 'Ve number of white persons was 7,038. 1^ •, ays that the town of St. Anthony contains over 2,000 souls. IN it' contained 757.

A