Bloomington Progress, Volume 18, Number 25, Bloomington, Monroe County, 20 August 1884 — Page 1

mm PROGRESS.

X8TABU8HKD A. D. JS3.

JQEU8BSD E7E&Y WSS3ZSM7

BLOOMINCTOII, INDIANA.

JMBratfo Qfto. Tngm Hoc," Stmt ami CbHayt AwnK.

9

A Republican Paper Devoted to the Advancement of the Local Interests of Monroe County.

Established A. D., 1835.

BLOOMINGTON, INDIANA, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 20, 1881.

New Series. VOL. XVIII. ICO. 25.

A VALUABLE A5TOTC3

(freulstas lBMf the Best Msnroe Cnsl

And is Read toy Every MemtMf tf Each Family..

IT YUt Pat Mtdittnt AtmHm mUted to Oum CfcTm

She knelt with ber awwei hands folded; Her fair little bead bowed low; While dead vines tapped at the window And the air ws tblok with snow. Without, earth dumb with winter; Within, hearta dumb with care; And up through the leaden aUenoa Boa aaftly the baby prayec "Bls all whom I lore, dear father. And help me be food," she said. Then, stirred by a Hidden fancy. She lifted the fthlnhx? head.

Boms hint of the April green, fti ii lii mill nf Mm ainiiTliiiilliliniiiimii dxifta of the snow between? "The beautifnl trees," she whispered, SBm th orioles used to Mjnff-

Tber are tired of the oold, cold winter.

urn, oeip tnezn to grow in si And the flowers thai I loved I

" Lord, brill- them again in May, - The dear little violets, sleeping Down deep in the ground to-day.' Ah, earth may be ohlS with snow-flakes. And heaxtii may be oold with care, Bat wastes of a frozen alienee - Are bridged by the baby's prayer;

Ana bps tost were aamo ww sc

Im iubUant hone xnav ah

For when esrth ta wrapped In winter In toe heart of the ford tie suds

Hattie's lism BT SABA B. BOSK.

"Oh, girls, there is the loveliest fellowcoming bare to board; lie baa the -ariDmgest eyes, and the darlingest mustache; he is awfully rich, and one of

the sweetest lawyers in Chicago besides,

ao well hare some material thai is

worth our -while to practice on now," cried Eattie Linton, aa she came bound

ing into her boarding house parlor with

a satisfied sparkle in her big gray eyes. "la that so?" exclaimed Belle Lin

ton, opening her blonde eyelids a little

wider than usnai. 1 am glad of it. Starahfield Corners is f earfuDy dull this summer. Bat. what brings Adonia to this out-of-the-way place?"

"Squire Graham's big lawsuit!" said Hattie, breathlessly. "And be is the

handsomest man I think that I ever saw, and I have had aa introduction to him, too," with a triumphant nod. "But where did yon meet him? And what's his name?" inquired matter-of-fact Jessie Albright. "His name is Mr. Tlighme, and I met him at the station this morning. I went down with papa, you know, and he came in on the train. Papa had met him

somewhere before, and he asked papa

lor a good boarding place, and papa directed hira here, and he introduced him tome, too. I believe Hattie Linton has an understanding with her lather to make her acquainted with every masculine he meets, saM Martha Mason, with a little sneering laugh. "And I believe the two will never cease until some poor fell' w falls a victim." "I'll acquit Mr. Linton of any such fool intent," said Belle, a little spitefully. "He is as down on Hattie's onesided lore affairs as he can possibly be." Belle was Hattie's cousin, and therefore thought herself posted. "One-aided!" cried Hattie, in indignant scorn. "Just wait unto yon see Mr. Eighme, and then judge whether he admires me or not." "At this stage," cried Martha, Td wager a half million, Hat Linton, that you brought that stranger in your pony carriage from the station." "I did foiwa fact," replied Hattie, enjoying the girls' evident jealousy. "I was not going to leave the poor fellow to walk seven miles afoot this warm -morning." "Let him walk it in the stage, then," said Belle. "It was not at all proper of yon, cousin." Who cares for proper?" laughed

Hattie. "I am jutgoing for that hand-1

some lawyer, and yon, grria, cant get sear me, so try it, if yon dare." . "Hattie is pretty sure. She most have fascinated him somehow," said Jessie. "I have riveted him with my eye,' so, .girls' he is my property, and hands off, af yon please." So saying, Hattie ran upstairs to her mother's room to remove her hat and driving gloves. Hattie Linton was a light-hearted, gay young, girl of the period, who made flirtation the first aim of her youthful existence. She was an only daughter, and had been petted far more than was good for her, and as her father had business in the city during the week . and her mother was an invalid, she did just about as she pleased and sometimes what she pleased, would have aaWhwd arm not awapiamtwl with ffattfa Linton. 8he was very pretty and had managed to work np the girls where she boarded, including her cousin Belle, to a fever heat of jealousy, and now she kept continually goading them with exaggerated versions of her conquests, nta mora than one of them secretly bated her. The array of pretty toilets that evening ttld Hattie she was not the only knight who would enter the lists, but her daknty pink oostmne held its own against the fascinations of Belle's pale Una, Martha "a white, and Jessie's black tissue with gleams of nretcolored ribbon among her black laces. Hattie gave them a little nod as she entered, as much as to say, "I defy you," and then after introdueing the young ladies began an entirely original oenversation with Mr. Eighme. This gentleman was not at all abashed by his flattering reception, and deliberately scanned each of the four young ladies with those killing black eyes, bat gave to Hattie the victory by offering ber his arm when tea was announced, and seating himself by her at table. The old ladies at Mrs. Thompson's boarding house opened their eyes very wide when Hattie went out upon the street with the stranger that evening, leaving the other girls to their own de-

"Shall you be glad to see mo when I come down again Miss Hattie? Hattie's heart gave a great jump as she thought, "he is in earnest," and then said, demurely : "Very glad, but I thought your business was over f "And did yon think I should forget the charming acquaintances I have made here because my business was finished?" Hattie blushed and was silent; and he, knowing exactly what was in her mind, strove to make the parting as pleasant aa possible, without saying anything definite, went on : "Would you drive, down to the station for me on Saturday afternoon if I were to come out on that day?" "I usually drive out Sal urdays. I had as soon calf for you as not" "Many thanks my charming little charioteer," said he, smiling, and then he bade her a pleasant adieu, leaving Hattie with an odd little feeling in her heart. "Not much to tell of," she mused. "But I can tell it in such a way that the girls will think it is a great deal more than it is, and I think he will come to the point by and by. But I dont care much whether he does or not. I like Fred Norwood twice better." Poor Fred, whom she had treated so shamefully, and who had ever been so kind to her and always ready to shield her in any scrape she might get into. But here the door was burst open and the whole group of girls assailed her. "Ill wager my new gros gram silk that he never popped at all," cried Martha Mason, gleefully. "Ah! would you? However, I shall not tell all my private affairs, Miss," "Of course not, but if you were engaged to him you would publish it in the daily to-morrow." "You'll never see him again," said Belle, laughing. "Wont I?" cried Hattie, in a rage, "he is coming down next Saturday." "I dont believe it unless he has business," said Martha.

"Yes, dear," said Hattie, inwardly raging, but outwardly pleasant, "he has business, but it is with me." "Well, if you have met yonr fate I am glad of it," said Jessie. "For now the rest of us will get a chance at Fred Norwood. He is coming back soon did you know it. Hat?"

"Of course I did. Don't Fred and I

correspond?" asked Hattie, with great superiority. "There she goes again," said Jessie, laughing. "One can't speak of a young man bat Hat is right after him. I shall send word to Mr. Legality." This was a name the girls had applied to Mr. Eighme on the sly. In fact, Hattie had been the first one who

had dubbed him thus.

"What care I?" said Hattie, careless- . "True love will never notice tri-

"Did you ever?" cried Mrs. Mason, ht . a shocked tone. "I would teach Hattie Linton something if she was my KM." "She means nothing," said Mrs. Thompson, who-was not a gossiping landlady, bat she gave Hattie a hint of what had been said, only, however, to make the willful girl more bent on plaguiiig them than ever, and she exerted all her powers to fascinate the handsome lawyer, who, in return, made flattering speech, and eyes pathetic enough to impress a heart of polished steel. Hattie related with a great deal of "poetie license" all of these compliment and idle flattery to the jealous girls, who in torn talked it over with their equally jealous mothers, until there was a quiet undercurrent going the rounds ready to break: oat any tmspieioas moment into s fulsome tide

Hattie was greatly elated at the

"I wonder how many times Hattie has been engaged, 13Said Belle, slyly. "When I first came here it was Charlie Craig, then it was Billy Sanders, and

then it was Fred Norwood, and now it

is Mr. Albert Eighme, Esq., attorney and counselor at Taw, from Chicago, all of whom she stoutly affirms are her own true lovers stuL What are you going to do with them alL Hat?" "Oh, I shall get rid of the poor fellows some way, " said she, with unbearable vanity. "I dont think there will be anything serious about it, at least I hope not." "I dont think there will either," said Martha Mason, with unpleasant emphasis. "It does sound so silly to me; I don't believe one of them would have

yjaang way you could fix it, Hat

8sf savin er the three slurhted ones

tJurst into sarcastic laughter and ran

out of the room.

Hattie laughed a little to herself. The girls are awful mad" she thought

and she resolved to make as auch out

of her flirtations as possible. During the next week Mrs. Mason

and Martha' visited Chicago, and when they returned they were in the possession of a little secret which they kept carefully to themselves, only they were more than usually kind to Hattie Linton. Mr. Linton, who had been at home that week, had heard something from Belle about Hattie's flirtation with the Chicago lawyer, and when his daughter, principally for the effect it would have on the girls, came into the sitting room and said, "I want the pony and carriage to go down to the depot for my fellow, papa," he frowned savagely, and said: "The pony is in-use, Harriet." "Yon can get me some other rig, then, cant you? I've promised, and I am going." If your fellow' wishes to come here, he can get here without your help," said Mr. Linton, with decision. Mrs. Mason and Martha looked at each other with a sly smile, and Hattie, furiously angry, left the room, closing the door with a violent slam behind her. "I will have a horse at the livery," she said, a half hour later, to the ladies, when her father had gone up stairs. "You may take my horse and carriage if you wish to go for yonr lover," said Mrs. Mason, questioningly. "But I would not go after him if I was not engaged to him." I shall marry the man I am going after," said Hattie, unthinkingly, in her rage. Mrs. Mason turned to the others, after Hattie had left them, saying: "Ladies, I do not know what to think of that girl. Albert Eighme is a mar-s ried man; my sister lives near him in Chicago. Hattie Linton cannot be very much if she knows it, but it is possible he has deceived her, and she thinks him single." "Perhaps she did not go after him," said Mrs. Thompson, aghast. "Oh, she did," said Martha. ".She has been .talking about him all the week." "She is always joking, you know," said Mrs. Thompson, No one said anything, but behind the landlady's back the tongues wagged like wildfire, and poor Hattie's good name was being handled with all the venom which lies underneath the tongues of jealous women. Meanwhile Hattie's driving was like unto the driving of Jehu, and she arrived at the depot just as the train came in; but where was the expected lover? He had not come. Quickly it dawned upon Hattie's mind that be bad used this means to set rid of her without her suspecting it.

and an awful shame mingled with her

awfully like a ride into Chisholm; the stage is not here." "I shall be glad of yonr company," she said, scarcely knowing her own voice. Fred chatted along pleasantly without her understanding a word he said, until he remarked: "My brother-in-law, Albert Eighme, told me all the news from Chisholm. He said he met you," "Your brother-in-law," gasped she. "Yes, didn't he tell you, he married my sister Nettie." Hattie had been terribly excited during this little experience, and she burst into tears, and Fred, who dearly loved the willful child who sat by his side, soon had the whole story from her lips. "I never can go back to that place in the world," she said at last. "The girls will laugh about it, forever." "Hattie," said Fred, gravely, "did you love him?" "No," said Hattie, laughing, "I just did it to make the girls jealous." "Hattie," said Fred, again in a moment, "you know I love you. Could yon ever possibly become my wife, loving me as a wife should her husband?" "Yes, Fred,I could," said Hattie drying her eyes. "Then,darling," said he, delightedly, "just tell them we have been engaged for six months, and 111 fix the rest. There was great disappointment among the ladies that evening, when, after he had spoken to Mr. Linton, Fred announced their engagement, and, on the very first opportunity, Mrs. Mason said : "You did not know of Hattie's flirtation with Lawyer Eighme, a married man, a week ago, did yon, Fred?" "No!" said he. "Who did you say?" "The lawyer from Chicago, Albert Eighme." "What a joke," said he, laughing in her face. "Albert Eighme is my brother-in-law. They were selling you, Mrs. Mason." The look upon her face was laughable to behold. But it was a lesson to Hattie Linton,, for Belle told her how narrow had been her escape, and she never flirted nor exaggerated again.

Anecdote of Garfield. When Gen. Garfield was on his way to Washington to be inaugurated President of the United States, John B , a well known public man from Ashtabula, boarded the train. He had been one of Garfield's pupils when the latter taught in a little log schoolhouse in the backwoods. As the teacher boarded with Mr. B- 's mother, they had been more intimate than is usual with master and scholar. Many significant stories were told when they met which illustrated the hard struggles of the future President in his youth. One was, that on some occasion he was invited to a country party, but on the very day that it was to take place he split at the knee one leg of his trousers. Ho had but one pair of very coarse jeans, and no money to buy another. Garfield had set his heart on going to the merry-making, and was bitterly disappointed. "You go to bed," said the hostess, "and let me see what I can do." The teacher obeyod, and in an. hour received his trousers so neatly darned that it was impossible to find where they had been broken. He thanked her so earnestly, that the good woman cried out: "Never mind, Mr. Garfield, when yon are a great man in the Ohio Legislature, nobody'll ask how many pairs of trousers you. had when you taught up here in the Reserve!" This little incident recalls a story of our other martyred President In 1830, a traveling peddler camo one evening to a cabin in Illinois, and asked the farmer's wife if he could stay at the house all night. "We can feed your beast," was the answer, "but we cannot lodge you, unless you are willing to sleep with the hired man." '"Let's have a look at him first," said tho peddler. The woman pointed to the side of the house, where a lank, six-foot man, in ragged but clean clothes, was stretched on the grass, reading a book. "Hell do," said the stranger. . The "hired man was Abraham Lincoln. When this poor teacher and farmhand died, the whole civilized world acknowledged their intellectual force and the noble service they had rendered mankind. We all know that in no country but this could such men have reached a height sufficiently lofty to command the notice of the world. Bnt it is a fact not so often recognized, that the leading men in this country and the most influential of her rulers have been, like Garfield and Lincoln, "country boys." Original force is sometimes diminished

by the friction of city life, which, in other respects, is an advantage to the growing mind. Youth's Companion.

Catherine's Quaint Set of Rules. There is the winter palace, and what thoughts does this give rise to. Within one is the Romanoff portrait gallery, where this sees the tablet npon which

are the rules that Catherine enforced at her conversation. These are quaint, and here is the tradition of them : 1. Leave your rank outside, as well as your hat, and especially your sword. 2. Leave your right of precedence, your pride, and any similar feeling outside the door. 3. Be gay, but do not spoil anything; do not break or gnaw anything, 4. Sit, stand, walk as you will, without reference to anybody. 5. Talk moderately, and not very loud, so as not to make the ears and heads of others ache. 6. Argue withouanger and without excitement, 7. Neither sigh nor yawn, nor make anybody dull or heavy. 8. In all innocent 'games, whatever one proposes, let all join. 9. Eat whatever is sweet and savory, but drink with moderation, so that each may find his legs on leaving the room. 10. Tell no tales out of school; whatever goes in at one ear must go out at the other before leaving the room.

jealous looks east upon her. and fully rage as me thought what those awful

wnw 11m moo vwu nn a jbbw . women woiuu amy.

"an offer" to tell of before Mr. Eighme

left, them, bat some way ho did not

bat on the last

"5S,i.. -.-pom- to. tt pomt;

An Ibn swfnl truth anrired thronorh

: her brain, she saw Fred Norwood running toward the little basket phaeton.

"Miss Hattie, are you alone? I would

Tough. "Here, waiter !" yelled Fitzgoober. "Yes, sah, boss. 1" "I can't eat this steak." "Why not, sah?" "Because it is so tough; a dog couldn't put his teeth through that." "I'll tek hit back, den, sah, an' fotch a piece what yo' can fling yo' teeth through, "-replied the courteous attendant, flitting away before Fits could paralyze him. Atlanta Constitution.

Fotrit hostile newspapers are more to be feared than a thousand bayonets.

HON. W. H. CALKINS.

Speech of the Republican Candidate for Governor of Indiana.

The Policy and Principles of the Rcmiuliean Party Eloquently and EffoctiTely Defended.

The Work and Purposes of the Two Great Parties Forcibly Contrasted,

How the Bepublican Tariff Laws Hare Increased Wealth and Increased the Means of Living.

Richmond (Inrt.) special Maj. Calkins, Republican nomineo for Governor, opened the campaign at Parker's Open House in this city. Tho buildiug holds about 2,600, and it was crowded. A procession escorted the Mayor and other city officials to the opera house. A glee club of sixty-four voices oponed the meeting with a campaign song. Hon. L. D. gtubbs. Chairman of the County Central Committee, presided. He rend a dispatch from CoL w. W. Dudley, Commissioner of Pension and Calkimi' competitor for tho nomination, expressing good wishes and cordial support. Mr. Calkins was introduced amid deafening applauso, which continued for several minutes. When quiet was restored tho speaker spoke substantially aa follows: In a country like ours history repeats itself frequently, Tho Bepublican party in engaged to-day in an effort to esvo the industries and tho labor system of the country from utter ruin. Tho Democratic party is engaged in trying to destroy both. In 1856 the Bepublican party opposed the extension of slavery ; in isco it refused to allow the dismemberment of the Union; In 1864 it refused to submit to a dishonorable peace ; in 1868 it insisted on the adoption of the constitutional amendments; in 1872 it repudiated insincerity; in M76 it opposed sham reforms; and In 1880 it was in favor of honest money, in all of which it was opposed by the Democratic party. So, to-day, tho Democratic party is engaged in an assault npon the industrial interests of tho country in as flaprrant and wicked a manner as it was to those questions in each of the periods I have named. The Bepublican party found an empty treasury, and now it has a surplus of $100,000,000. It found the credit of the nation so low that the bonds of the nation so Id at 12 per cent, discount, bearing a high rate of interest, and no sale for them at this ruinous price, while now its bonds bear 3 per cent, interest and are at a premium of 40 per cent. It found an incipient rebellion which ripened into a cyclone of war, which it

euoauoa ana maae mo union or states indissoluble. It found 5,001,000 of slaves worktop without pay, with the master's lash applied to bare backs, and labor force! from servile hands. It struck the shackles from their limbs and made them free. It fonnd the mother of the slavo children denied the risht of owning her own child. Tho Bepublican party placed her guardianship above that of tho master. It found lathers and busbands unable to protect tho virtue of their wives or daughters; it wrote manhood upon their face, and placed in their hands the power of the law for their full protection. It found slavery recognized in the Constitution, and it blotted it out by the thirteenth amendment It fonnd the months of witnesses closed in tho courts of justice, and it nnlockod their tongues and gave them the power to speak by tho fourteenth amendment. It found men born and reared in this country deprived of the right of suffrage, and placed tho ballot in their hands. I find among tho flrst enunciated principles of the Democratic party, according to their Chicago platform, a declaration that it is in favor of reducing all Federal taxation to a point so low that tho sum raised shall be exclusively for public purposes, and hall notoxceed the needs of the Government economically administered. The words used in this declaration are disingenons and crafty, but the Bepnbllcans are not left alone to put an interpretation npon them. Upon that question the Republican party makes Isane with its adverxary, and Imldly and fearlessly throws down the gage of battlo and chal-lcnge-t them to a discussion of the questions Involved. Tho declaration in favor of honest money, gold and silver coinage of the Constitution, convertible into a circulating medium without loss, is a departure from recent Democratic policy. We can concratulnto ourselves as Republicans that we have converted tho Democratic party from tho error of its Tiays on this subject , on many others of late years, and havo brought them back within constitutional bounds. The declaration by the Democratic convention relating to the question of sumptuary laws is misleading and deoep;ivc. Tho dcaign of the declaration was to capture the Gorman vote of the country, and in the word "sumptuary" they sock to practice a deception both npon tho German voters and cpon the honest temperance Democratic voteis. It is hardly necessary to remind the people that the Democratic party have always enacted sumptuary laws when they have been in power in Mils State. The control of the liquor traffic by a license is a sumptuary law. I now warn the German voters of this rtato that tho Democratic party will make nso of them just so long as they find it to their advantage, and the moment that they find it convenient, after having used them for tho purpose of getting into power, to betray them, they will not hesitate to do so. This has been the history of the Democratic party in its dealings with ail classes in the past. The most singular declaration fonnd in tho Democratic platform is in relation to the regard which the Democratic party has for law. Bnt when interpreted in the light of the resolution following its construction is not difficult. It first assures tho capital of the country that the Democratic party doesn't intend to play tho pirate and robber, and then it turns its face immediately toward the people and informs them that the Democratic party intends to forfeit all the railroad land grants for the purposes of homesteads. It is the old game of talk, with double tongues to different classes. The declaration by the Democratic party that it is the dntv of the V nitcd States to protect its oitlzens at home and abroad, when compared with its acts, is an anomaly. While the assertion contains a sentiment whloh vhonld be carriod out with scrnpulons exactness, yet the Democratic party havo never attempted to protect the American c tizen, either at home or abroad, whereby his rights might be entliely secured to him Such a declaration by tho Democratic party, while it withholds appropriations to build a navy or to construct guns, which are the only means that can be used to enforce the rights of American eitixeu abroad, is simply ridiculous. I am at a loss to know why the Democratic party of to-day referred with pride to the acquisition of Lonisianii, Florida, and the Mexican territories. Tho stab they gave the Keimb liean party for the acquisition of the territory of Alaska is in harmony with Democratic thought. In the Democratic State and national platforms will be fonnd vague allusions to eivilservioo reform. Exactly what is intended can not readily be under! food. We know that they are not in favor of the reform measures instituted by the Republicans. Mr. Hendricks' reoent declaration, in Ms speech after the Democratic convention at Chicago, dissipates all uncertainty on that question. And even if bis utterances were less sertain than they are. the recent overthrow of that distinguished Democrat in Ohio, Senator Pendleton, leaves no room for doubting tliat the Democratic party is utterly opposed to civil-service reform such as has been entered upon by Republican rule. While it pretends to love abstract virtue, the Democratic party hates concrete reform. It falsifies in its platform; it attempts a straddle on the tarilf; it condones cipher dispatches, nurses repudiation, commits fraud ontheballotbox, suborns witnesses, nurses forgery, defiles the jury-box, stains tho judicial ermine, degrades the citizen, dishonora statesmen, and di nanus the patriot. Its deviltry is seen in the utterances of its last platform, wherein it lauds tvio last Legislature for passing the metropolitan police bill, and yet cries with a loud voice for local self-government. In pretending to bo the soldiers and sailors' friend-, it makes an uncertain declaration as to what soldiers it desires to pension. By its utterances, also, in the State platform, it condemns the Chief Executive of this State for tho appointment of his own party friends to tho control of the oharitable, benevolent, and penal institutions of tho State, whereas his immediate predecessor had committed the exact acts tor whloh they assume to denonnco the present Executive. And tho Democratic legislature, in violation of all law and all the traditions of this State, in addition to its other oriinos, soueht to coerce the Executive into the approval of measures which did not meet his views by a threat to withhold the annual appropriation bills unless he should give his consent to their nefarious acts. All this tho Democratic party, in tliolr State platform, reafllrm and approve. In contrast with tne utterances of the Democratic platform, I rcspoctlnllv call attention to tho principles laid down in tho Republican platform and challenge a comparison of the acts of that party with tho principles avowed. It declares itself in favor of nrotectincr Amer

ican industry and American labor, it plodges itself to correct inequalities in the tariff lawsand to reduce excessive taxation. I'- recognizes the

importance of fostering sheen husbandry: de

clares itself in favor of an international nnit value between gold and silver; the regulation of commerce with foreign nations and railroad corporations between the States; the establishment of a bnreau of labor and the enforcement of tho atffht-hour law: the settlement of all auestinns

net ween nations Dy international aroitrationws

aaamst tne lmnoriauun ox contract or servile

laber,.and in favor of reform In the civil service. Itdeolares its opposition to the aquisltion of large tracts of the puhUo domain by corpora

tions or Individuals, and tho forfeUnro of all unearned railroad lands. It expresses gratitude to all the Union soldiers and sailors for the suppression of tho lato rebellion I de clares in favor of the Monroe doctrine! tho restoration of ouf navy ; tho rebuilding of our merchant marine, and the establishment of our commerce upon the seas; for the suppfesslon,of polygamy, and declares that the Government of the United States is a nation, and is greater than any of its parts; it denounces the fraudulent practices of bdlot-Uoi stufling, and declares itself at present, aa in tho past, in favor of liberal pensions to tho soldiers and sailors of the Union. Tho State platform is equally explicit. The history of the tariff in this country begins with tho adoption oi the present Constitution. Tiro first tariff act was passed by the fathers in 171)0. Tho constitutional questions as to the power of tho Government to lav imports upon foreign commerce, for tho double purpose of raising revenue and protecting homo industries, was in tho hrt instance thoroughly discus-'ed. Washington, Jefferson, Franklin, Madison, and Hamilton were among the men who advocated the doctrine of tariff for protection. Tariff laws from that time forward were constantly enacted, modified, amended, or recaled, until the year 1816, when tno Robert J. Walker act, or freetrade law, more properly sneaking, was enacted and become the policy of the Government until the year 1861. During tho recent session of this Congress a notable measure of free trado was brought forward by the Dcntocratio party in tho lower house of Congress. It is known as the Morrison taritT bill. Its titlo was a specious misrepresentation, for it pretendod to reduce war taxation, when, in fact, as Mr. Findlay, of Maryland, said, "It meant 20 per cent, off to-day, 10 per cent, to-morrow, not to get rid of war taxes, bnt to get rid of the protection part of the tarilf law." It was a step in tho direction of free trade, from which, If it had been taken, there could havo been no retreat save by tho repeal of the law. And, instead of its producing less revenue, its tendency was to increase it. So good a Democrat as the Hon. W, W. Eaton, of Connecticut, found it necessary, in the course of his remarks on the Morrison tariff bill in the Hottsc of Representatives, to notify those gentlemen from tse South who were clamoring for free trade that thev were not acting under the clause ot the Constitution of the so-called Confederate States, which had gone down in a bloody struggle, but were acting under the Constitution ef the fathers of the Republic, who had given an interpretation to the general welfare clause iu harmony with the protective system. Ib It not strange that a Connecticut Democrat shonld And it necessary to warn tho great bulk of his party against tho pernicious doc trincs which they had so recently fought to maintain? It is not surprising that he felt it Incumbent on him to warn this section of tho Democratic party that they must cease their warfare upon the industries of this country, and administer to them a fitting and proper rebuke for thoir attack upon the doctrine ot the fathers, that had brought to his State such prosperity and happiness. Mr. Eaton was not single in bis party in administering a rebuke to the free-trade wing of the Democracy, Hon. Sam 3. Randall and other eminent Democratic statesmen warned their party that, if they persisted in advocating that fatal policy, destruction would not only overtake them, but the country would be plunged in utter ruin. A few lacts, briefly stated, overturn tho charges mado by the free traders that protection is a robbery and theft on the farmer. An old saying is to the effect that figures won't lie. A useful lesson may be learned by the figures of our census table, showing the wealth of the farming community in 1860 and 18S0, for upon both ot these periods the estimated value was upon a coin basis. The number of improved farms in 1860 was a little over 2,000,000. The number in 1880 was a little over 4,000,000. The number of acres of improved land in 1860 was a little over 163,000,000, and the number, in 1880 was a little less than 285,000.000. So it is scon that the farms have doubled in number, and the acreage of improved lands has ulmo-t doubled between these periods, while the ratio of inhabitants during the same poriod has increased at a much less iter cent. A greater advance has been ma le in the product of the farms during these icriods. Corn advanced from a total product ot 838,000,000 bushels to l,754,oot,000, or HO por oont., while wheat wont from I73,00ii,o i0 of bushels to 460.000,000 bushels, or 165 per cent of increase. All other cereals from 1,239,000,000 of bushels to 2,697,000,000 of bnsliols, or US per cent Cotton from 4,670,000 bales in iaio, to c,950,0oo bales in 1882. Fifty years ago to per cent of our export trade was cotton; now it only amounts to onethird of our exportation. The consumption of cotton in American manufactories has increased in still greater proportion; from 422,000,000 pound iu lsco, we now consume over 7sn,Xfi,0iMl pounds, with a very rapid Increase since 1880, Our wool product in 18M) was four times as much as in 1860. Wo now produce about 300,000,000 J rounds of wool, and our manufacturing cstabishments pay to the farmers the enormous stun of more than f 100,000,000 for that product alone. Our wool product has become so enormous that we only import about ono-tilth of tho wool required for consumption in our manufacturing establishments, and almost all of tho imported wool is of the coarser grades, known as carpet wool, although a small proportion of superfine wool tor intermixture with onr products for the finer qualities of cloth is still Imported; but the amount is Inconsiderable. It is estimated that since 1800 our cattlo have been improved, both by breeding and in number, so tnat the value exceeds the total value of i860 by $287,000,000. Tho cattle exported in i860 averagca only $38 a head, while the exports of 1881 averaged $' a head. In I860 onr entire export ot animal products was (20,000,000. In 1880 it amounted to $175,000,000. I need not go further into quotations of statistics to prove the enormous increaso of our farm productions and tho advance of prices over the days of free trade. The facts are known to all Intelligent agriculturists. If the tariff laws havo produced robbery and theft, as Is so freely charged by the doctrinaires of tree trade, why is it that such unparalleled prosperity has been realized throughout the country? The answer is easy when the facts arocrutinized. We consume iu this country 90 per cent of our own farm products; we export but 10 por cent. The home market is always a better one than the foreign market The exportation of 10 per cent Of our farm products conclusively shows that we have not yet arrived at the full tide of manufacturing prosperity. There shonld be suoh a division of labor as that this country could consume tho entire product of tho farm and field. This is apparent to tno farmer when he takes into consideration the fact that his wheat, when oxported, comes in direct competition with tho wheat of the liakio and ot India. It is significant to examine the increase of tho product of wheat in some of the foreign countries in the last two or three years. These Industries have been stimulated largely in the last few years In Egypt, Algiers, Australia, the Argentine Republic and Chili. Add to this the product of the Baltic and of India, as given us by reliable statistics, and it will be but a year ortwo before the markets ot Europe will be shut in tno face of our farmors. I say, then, to the farmers of this country, that your only safe guide in the future is to look to the home markets . for the consumption of the surplus ot the farms. This can only bo brought about by increased and diversified industrial pursuits. Thirty per cent of the people Of this country will produce sufficient agricultural product for all. There is now engaged in agricultural pursuits about 42 per cent ot the people of tho country. Tho direct influence, therefore, which free trade will have upon the farms of this country will be, first, to force from tho workshop millions of operatives into the fields; second, to force the surplus raised for export into au overcrowded market and reduce the price of farm productions to so low a scale as to make thorn absolutely unprofitable, and the farm, to a greater or less degree, valueless. All past experience proves to us that . FOREIGN MANUFACTURERS are not conscientious in the price they charge us for their products, when wo are in their hands and helpless. If they succeed in abolishing fine and intermediary wools from the products of this country, there is nothing to prevent the pooling of the price ot foreign wool In the hands of agents on the seaboard, and compelling us to pay whatever price thoy desire to extort Wool 1b a prune necessity wo must havo it at any price and the pooling system would be resorted to the moment we were deprived of our wool product; and. Instead of the money being distributed to our farmers, it would go into the hands of the tiookmasters of Australia and South America, This has been the history of the prices of articles that we have relieved from doty, and which we were unable to produce on this continent. Plate glass, for instance, oould not bo purchased for less than $1.15 per square foot until our own manufacturers produced it; and, with an average duty of 45 per cent upon it, we ran now purchase the best quality at from f 0 to 90 cents in the markot I might enumerate articles which are familiar to all, to show that when we place ourselves in the hands of the foreign producers the price of the article, is enh anced in the market and sold at a higher price than the goods wo protect and produce at our own homes. Hon. William R- Morrison, Chairman of tho Committee of Ways and Moans of the House of Representatives, and leader of tho frco-trade Democracy on tho floor of tho House, as well as bis associates, all insist that a protective tariff is hurtful to the labor Bystem of this country. Their argument is that the tariff gives a bounty to tho manufacturer that is indirectly pafdr 6y the lauor that they employ. And, in tno noxt place, that the laborer is compelled to pay an increased price for his living In conseqnunco of this bounty. In answer to these assertions, I claim that capital and labor in tills country must go hand in band together; that tho downfall of cither ruins tho other; that, therefore, protection to the manufacturing interests of tlds country is protection fo the laborers, and that bounties to manufacturing establishments arc kept down by the labor unions, which aro nothing but protective societies uuong the wage classes. In the next place, I claim that protection to manufacturers Is a protection to tho laborer per sc; for capital is not compelled to seek manufacturing enterprises, while labor must have a market. Tho manufacturer could make as much money out of his products by a system of cheap labor as ho can by high wages, with protection. For example England Is a free trade courtry. Her mi aoturing interests arc In a flourishing condlt . Her manufacturers are making money, h how is it with her laborers? Aro they a lo to accumulate property and acqnlro homes? I assert that the English manufactnrers make money only because they have reduced tho pay of their wago classes to the lowest living limit We of tin designate it as "pauper labor." Rut whatever its designation my he.it ts certainly at the very lowest limit to which labor and physical endurance can be reduced.

Annually there is an fnfinx of Immigration to this country amounting to 800,iK0 people. These immisrairs coine with their families, and are laborers. They come to work and toll in our midst j to add wealth to onr nation. They left their homes in foreign countries for some cause. If free trade is so much better for the Wage and working classes than protection, why do they not seek tho friendly shores of England? Why do they not enter the workshops ot that freetrado Country instead of coming to America, with her high protective laws? Havo you ever hoard of there being an influx of immigrat on to Kugland or any other European country? The reason of immigration to this country is evident: Thoir friends who preceded them have told them by letter and otherwise that wages are better here) there was a better chance In the race of life on onr shores than in any other country In tho world. Hence their presence among us. Why is it if free trado is so much better for the laborer than protection, that ever since 1790, in every labor organization and society, whore they have had occasion to march in procession on publio occasions, thoir banners and transparencies have testified to tlis benefit of protection to tho American wage classes. I might multiply instances and continue to pro. dnce ovldence to prove tho assertion that wages are higher in this country than in any other, but 1 consider it a work of supererogation and an affront to the intelligence of tho wage olasses of this country to pile up further testimony on this point The assumption by our free-trade friends that tho cost of Uving is doubled or quadrupled under a protective system is not borne out by facts. As a test of what I say I -challenge anjr man to examine in tho city ot Richmond the books of a merchant as to tho price of woolen cloth, cotton goods, delaines, anH ginghams in 1860 and compare it with the priee for like articles at the present time. Upon making Inquiries any ono will find that prices of like articles wen) higher than they aro now. And this, although free trade existed in 1860, since which time wo have been living, and are now, under the protective system. As an illustration of what I say, I refer to the single article of woolen blankets, about which our free-trade friends haveexeroised themselves so much among tho laboring and wage classes. I doubt not that you have heard often, and will often hear again during the disoussions this year, that the farmer and laborer are taxed for their blankets from 1 to $5 a pair. It will be alleged that this enormous tax goes into the rockets of the manufacturer. Ideny that woolen blankets of any quality are as high in price to-day as they were In I860. The lowest grade of coarso blankets manufactured were sold; at $2 a pair in i860, whereas the same quality ot blankets today aro manufactured and sold at 1 1.26 a pair. The next quality, in i860, were sold at $2.50 a pair, and they ean now be bought for $1.80 a pair, and so on to the very highest grades which are manufactured and sold. These are tho wholesale prices; and you must remember that this is under a tariff which protects from 10 to 60 per cent. In other words, we had to pay from 30 to CO per cent higher for the same class and quality of blankets tban we do in 1881 under a protective law; and, what was worse for us, the "bounty" that we then paid went into the pockets of foreign manufacturers, and was not distributed among tho laborers of our own country. But under a tariff there can be no bounty distributed to manufacturers. The trades unions and workmen's organizations keep the price of labor to its highest limit, which is right, and gives to the manufacturer but a small margin; and competition among our own people brings the price down so low that we obtain tho article at a less rate than we could under a system of free trade. It is not confined td the article of blankets alone. Carpets show the same ratio In favor of American industry. So with our delaines, cotton fabrics, ginghams; and all that is necessary tor any one to do to become thoroughly Informed on this subject is to take time to investigate, A greater disparity exists in the values of iron mid steel, although we are constantly told that the iron interests of Pennsylvania are protected beyond tho bounds ot reason. If the freo-trader will take occcasiott to bunt up the prices of best refined bar rail iron In Philadelphia from 1855 to i860, and from 1680 to lU, he will find a large balance in onr favor as acainst the price during the froo-trade years. I desire to illustrate the theory ot an open market for all commerce by referring to Chinese cheap labor. As a principle, I believe the doors of this country should be opened to the settlement of all persons in the world, provided they make their home among ns for tho purpose of becoming a part of our citizens, and aro willing to assimilate with and become absorbed by our civilization. This was the theory of the fathers of the republic. But the exception which I urge is against a species of slave labor. I need not arguo with any intelligent mau that tho Chinese coolies, by many centuries of brutal treatment, have become inured to coarse and cheap living. While his power of endurance to perform physical labor is not reduced below one-fourth of that ot our own laborers, his diet and conseauent cost of living is disproportionately reuced below his power to perform labor. But the greater objection against this kind of laborer is that be docs not seek a home in this country, except for temporary purposes comes hero under a contract, and, having accumulated a few thousand dollars, Immediately returns to Ids native land. He takes no interest in our affairs, refuses the offers of Christianity or civilization, brings his idols with him, institutes in our midst a court of idolatry, and refuses to yield assent in any manner to the teachings ot our missionaries. The great fact remains that if they overspread and overrun this country, their labor will effectually and materially lessen that of our own wage classes, and reduce them by comnetition to tho verge of starvation, tor no laborer in this country can live upon what tho Chinese laborer will live upon and grow rich. If, therefore, the doctrine of free trade Is right, the Chinese coolies should not be prohibited from entering our country, because they would furnish to the manufacturing establishments cheap labor, to the farmers the simc, and would soon take the place of our domestics and crowd out tho busy hands of labor in the thousand vocations which our people now till. It is trno this would cheapen living and productions ot all kinds, but it would deprive onr own laborers of the means of earning a livelihood. More than half a century ago tho Monroe doctrine was explicitly announced aa the policy ot this nation. It has been rovored and respected by all parties and classes of men from that day to this. While it la true that Great Britain promised to refrain from the colonization of British Honduras, yet it is nevertheless true that, negatively, she agreed in the Bnlwer-Clay-ton treaty not to possess herself of further terrltoy on this continent That she has violated this treaty from time to time is also true. England has never refrained from violating any treaty where her commercial interests were at stake. The situation of our Government in reference to these matters is, to outward appearances, in a state of quietude and unconcern; but I assure you that such is not the actual condition of affairs. The construction of tho Panama Canal, and the contemplated Nicaraguan Canal is viewed by onr Government with anxious solicitude. The construction of one or both of these canals will unite the two oceans by severing the continent and will bring onr Atlantic seaboard nearer to the Orient than England or any ot the other foreign commercial countries. It will also shorten the distance for our navy betwen our two coasts 6,000 miles. The building of these canals is destined to piay an important part in the tranportatlon of commerce across our continent by rail. The question, therefore, which we, as a nation, must ask ourselves is, shall the band of Europe construct and control these tyro great water-ways, or shall the United States, by a reassertlon of the Monroe doctrine, notify the world that, as to this continent, the republic must be the controlling factor. These are delicate questions: questions which affect every citizen of the republic; which affect our material progress, our present and future Industries, our farm products, and onr manufaenring classes. The trade of the Spanish American republics belongs ot right to ns. The struggle of Great Britain is to maintain ber hold upon, them, and Franoe has entered tho field in competition with both England and America. I do not hesitate to say that the Republican party, if continued in power, will assert and enforce the Monroe doctrine. To tho young men of the State I desire to address a few words. You are just entering upon the duties of life. Very soon the duties and responsibilities whloh were committed by our fathers to ns will be banded over to you. There nover was a time in the history of the world when this Important epoch could be entered upon so favorably as now. I especially charge you not to connect yourself with any decayed or decaying party, whose past Is mildew and blight; whose mistakes have been errors little less than crimes; whose future promises disintegration, disturbance, and ruin; whose presence is pestilence; and whose supremacy would bo destruction to tho onward march of civilization. Tho reasons are obvious why Gov. Cleveland should not be elected to the high office ot President. As a public man, he was absolutely unknown until elected to bis present position two years ago. He was so obscure that I notice Judge Thurman in a recent speech in Ohio said: "I do not know Gov. Cleveland." He represents principles and practices whloh I bellevo to bo at war with the best interests ot this country. He should not be supported for other reasons. He vetoed important bills passed by the last legislature of New York, among whloh were those to firotoot children at tender ago from excessive shor In charitable and reform institutions. He vetoed tho bill reducing the fare on elevated railways, thereby oppressing tho working olasses, who desired to live iu the suburbs, away from tonenient-houscs. Ho vetoed a bill reducing the hours of labor of car-drivers. Ue vetoed a law giving mechanics an equal Hon upon real estate for tho labor and material which they furnished to enhance Its value. These publio acts of bis show conclusively that his mind does not run in a proper channel to bring the greatest good to tho greatest number. There aro many reasons why tho "Plumed Knigliff roin tho State of Maine should lie elected 1'restdcnt of the United States. For twenty-five years ho has been a prominent character In ail of the great measures which have been enaoted into laws by tho legislative depaitment of the United States. Fourteen years in the lower house ot Congress, six of which he served as Sprakor, two years in the Senate of the United States, where ho was the peer ot the greatest among them. As Seerotary of State, under Gen. Garfield's brief administration, he did more to work out a vigorous and healthy American policy In our dealings with other nation than any which had preceded It That he has been maligned and tradnoed is true, bnt who in publio stailons have escaped the calumnies and shafts of bitter and vindictive opponents? That ho has been successful In business affairs may be true, but that any dishonest act stains hit oharacter, either in private or puWloUfe, I

deny. tWien the character of 7amcs O. Blaine is weighed in the balance, It will be fonnd that he is fully np to tho higH standard ot America's best statesmen. . Mr. Hendricks ought not to bo eleCMd to the Offlee of Vice President ot tho United States because his position on publio questions in the past gives no promise of hope in tne future. In 1868 ho denounced Mr. Lincoln for waging the abolition1 war. OnewOrdor sentence from him in favor of the vigorous support of that war would have saved hundreds of Uvea and thousands of dollars. Yet he did not speak It, but on the contrary gave his voice and his influence in tho opposite direction. Later on, when he was called on In official life to secure the results of the war by constitutional amendments, he bitterly opposed all of tnem. He yielded his support to Mr. Greeley In the campaign in 1872. His position upon the resumption of specie payments and the rcatotalion of the currency of the Union to a coin basis was questionable and insincere. With the question he resorted to what Mr. Tlldon calls a "futile dalliance," and underwent the painful operation ot seeing the country resumo specie payments without bis aid and axalnat his protest He stumped the State of Ohio tor Gov. Allen npon a platform of repudiation. He was one of three Senators who voted for a proposition that no colored man should vote unless he was worth $260. He is opposed to civil -service reform, and has ever sat upon the fenco until every public question has swept past him before announcing his own opinion thereon. For these and many reasons, Hendricks should not be, in my judgment, elected Vice President of tho United States. Mr. Hendricks private life la unexceptionable, and Eersonally he is a perfect gentleman. It it to Is public utterances and public history that I object and ho has given, of late years, no sign of repentance for the political sins which he has committed. Gen. John A. Loaan, of Illinois, shonld be elected Vice President because he loved his country better than he did his party. H severed his connection with party alliances and buckled on his sword for the defense of the Unton in 1861. He is one of the few soldiers who, in the field, never surrendered to the enemy nor was vanquished in a fight His whole career as a soldier and as a statesman) since the war began has been without fault or blemish. He is a statesman and a soldier who can be trusted on all important questions, and whose thought and mind travel In the right direction. The mission of the Bepublican party cannot be ended till a better party is formed to take its place. This Is not expected nor will It be brought about by the Democratic party. That party cannot be remodeled and rehabilitated in the robes of political purity while It Is dominated by the leaders who have managed it for the last twenty years. But the Bepublican party has ever kept its face squarely turned toward the people; has responded to their demand; and has given evidence of keeping abreast of the times in which we live. To that party, then, the people of this country must look for reforms which they demand, and the execution of their will in the great departments of the Government - m TOO BITTER A DOSE.

Prominent Democrats Befusa to Support Cleveland. New York speeiaU A breeze prevailed in the Bichmond County Democratic Clnb last night when James Allen, a Democrat, and Chairman of the Finance Committee of the club, resigned, stating that he could not vote for Grover Cleveland for President. Fifteen other Democrats left the room with him, and tho meeting soon after broke up in confusion. Mr. Allon said: ' When flils club was first organized it was a Democratic club, Now it is a Cleveland club, and Cleveland is not a Democrat. Ben Butler is my choice, should he run. I do not say I wonld vote for Blaine, bnt I wfll not vote, under any circumstances, for Cleveland. I am against Cleveland." Present indications load to the conclusion that the proverbial Deruocratio majority for President in Richmond County will be reducedfrom 18,000 to 3,000. The Tammany vote, under tho leadership of Mr. James Allen and Mr. Thomas Kenncy (President of the Hibernian Society), has steadily increased in the county until last fall, when 2,450 votes were cast for 3. 3. Slevin, Tammany's candidate for State Senator. All those votes will this year be against Cleveland, as will those of the Clan-na-Gaels and Hibernians. Irishmen Opposing Cleveland. INew York dispatch. Chickering Hall was orowded at the meeting of Irish-born citizens who favor the election of Blaine and Logan. Austin G. Ford was chairman. He said it was strange to see 3,000 Irish-Americans assembled in New York city to indorse the nominee of the Kepublican party. The first speaker was Rev. George W. Pepper, of Ohio. He said they had come together to dofeat the candidate supported by the Iiondon Times. The Bepublican party bad always been opposed by the English Government, whose sympathies were with the Democrats. Free trade cripples every country into which it has been introduced. He predicted that in November next Gov. Cleveland would be buried so deep that tho sound of Gabriel's trumpet wonld never reach him. Not one in ten Irishmen in Ohio would vote for Cleveland. Tho Catholics there were all opposed to him. Honry Carey Baird, the next speaker, said tho only way to down England was to cripple hor industries, and this could be done by keeping tho Bepublican party in power. Judge Brennan, of Iowa, said he had come 1,400 miles to be r resent at the meeting. The Democrats had said for forty years that because they were Irish they must vote the Democratic ticket It was a poor time to say they would vote the Bepublican ticket for the same reason. The other speakers were P. T. Barry, of Illinois, and Capt. O'Meagher Condon, of Washington. ,A circular was distributed setting forth reasons why Cleveland should not be supported by workingmen. Elizabeth Oady Stahton and Susan B. Anthony as President and Vice Presrdentof the Woman Suffrage Association, have issued a political address in which they advise all persons who are in favor of the views of their organization to vote for Mr. Blaine. They refer to the efforts of the Prohibitionists to make the woman suffrage principle a tail to the prohibition kite as a defiance of the law of gravitation. They boldly declare that the bolting Republicans have bolted not to vindicate any important political principle, but to gratify personal pique. Curtis, Freeman Clarke, and Higginson are ridiculed for their course. They have "stepped from their high moral platform to swamp their votes with the Democratic party.'' Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony hold that the magnitude of the bolt bears no proportion to the virtuous pretensions of the leaders. They say there is no hope for progressive reform ideas unless they are championed by the Republican party. They speak of Mr. Blaine as the ablest statesman of the country. One of the few alleged Republicans in Boston whp cannot quite make up their minds to vote the party ticket asked another the other day who has been down to Maine if he really thought that Blaine could carry that State. The latter looked up in surprise. "Carry Maine?" he said. "Why, he will carry it by 25,000, and if you find any one who wants to put up a few dollars that this prediction will not prove true, send him along." Chicago Tribune. aaL L. p. Nelson, editor of the Swedish workingmen's paper, tho Svenake Arbeitaren, has rosigned his position as clerk in ,l, fUtiraami AVufor OffiM mthnr Ihftn Rim-

port tho Democratic candidate for the Pres-

gan. His own vote will be oast for them. Chicago Tribune. Representative Hisoook stated in WncViinormi tbn other dav that he was ab

solutely certain that Blaine would carry New

i orK. A no xnaepenaeiii movement, ne said, was greatly overestimated it w . 'Id

the workingmen to Cleveland was strong'

uuu gruwuig auvugtu unuj. Senatob Seweuu says New Jersey will give Blaine 10,000 majority. The defection of the workingmen and the Irish-Americans from the Democratie party is of large proportions. Blaine and Logan clubs have been organized in all the wards of Belleville, 111. The membership of these orgamzatioks is largely German.

A.

INDIANA STATE NEWS. John Maktsns, 88 years old, was ma ever by a loaded wagon, at Peril .and his light leg erushed so that amputation was necessary. W. H. Pro y, formerly Assistant General Passenger Agent of the Indiana, Bloomington and Western, has been appointed to similar service with the Cincinnati, Hamilton and Dayton, James Berry has been arrested at Greenfield for bigamy. Be was married to Miss Mary A. Shipley, of Hancock County, few weeks ago, and he now admit Ha he . has a wife and child in Jackson County. Sheriff Stewart, of Johnson County, while attaching some personal property belonging to Samuel Utter, was struck on the head with a hammer by the latter, and received injuries of a very serious nature. Utter shortly afterward gave himself np and was placed under bonds for his appearance. The largest sale of fat eattie (hat has been made in this county for some time was consummated a few days ago, in which S. Z. Lockridge, Esq., sold for the New York market near 400 head, averaging ever 1,000 pounds, at the price of six cents. There are some good lots ef Cat cattle in the county yet unsold. Putnam Banner. Albert C. Bra mbJay, of Dearborn Oouhty, a guard in the prison at Jeffersomvilla, underwent an operation for the removal of an enormous tumor in the Louisville hospital. The tumor weighed thirty pounds, and was removed in one hour. Emmenfc . Cincinnati surgeons had refused to undertake the operation. A young man named Sam Hensely, living near Liberty, while riding on the road perched on a steam thrashing engine, fell off. The engine wheels passed .over one ancle, mashing it badly, also crashing the left hand to a jelly, injured his back and head, and occasioned internal injuries. He was picked np unconcious and is in, a critical condition. On Sunday night an unknown man was found in his room at the Farmer's -Hotel, at Booneville, in an unconscious state. He died within a few momenta. He arrived ia town last Friday, but gave no name or residence. It is thought that he committed suicide. He was about 25 years old, five feet six inches high, of dark complexion, and his weight was apparently about ISO pounds. His remains were buried at the expense-of the township. His name is thought to have been George Malooe or George Souls, and he was probably from Louisville. A shooting affair occurred at North Salem, Hendricks County. John Gibson living near that town, was charged with larceny, and an officer, with deputies, went to make the arrest, whereupon Gibson tried to make his escape by running. Deputy John Wilson fired upon tho escaping man, as he claims, to scare him only, the ball taking effect in the leg. The wounded prisoner was brought to Danville and placed in jsftV where he has since been Buffering intense agony from lock-jaw. The attending physician reports but slight chance of recovery. Wednesday night a gang of ruffians helonging to an organization known as the "Knights of the Hickory Switch" visited the farm-house of Mrs. Salhe Tipton, in Harrison County, twenty-five miles went of New Albany, took the woman from he,beeV ' and tied her to a tree. They then be her with hickory sticks until she became insensible. They revived her by throwing water over her, and then again beat her into insensibility. They revived her again and then warned her to leave the place. The motive of the brutality is alleged to be thst the gang does not believe Mrs. Tipton to be virtuous. Further investigation shows that thto liabilities of the Commercial Bank at Brav. xil will exceed $200,000. The exvtf vain of the assets has not been deternriaed, hist it is known they will not be anything near the amount of the indebtedness. Tho -failure is an ugly one. Nearly all the public and private money of the district was lodged in the bank. The failure will lead to the stoppage of several public works which gave employment to the people of the place. Threats of personal violesu-o against the conductors of the bank continue to be indulged in. The report of Beoeiver J. C, 8. Harrison, of the Indiana Banking Company, was presented at Indianapolis, showing a deficit in excess of $95,000. He eUmed that the funds were placed in the bank, which was then solvent, and used like other deposits; that a panie wrecked the institution, and that.it was a physical impossibility for him to save the money. The Judge thought' the excuse a competent one, and urged that proeeedings in the matter should move slowly. Harrison has not yet sscurred tho $60,000 baa, and the general belief is that his bank was insolvent when he deposited the receivership funds ttenin. Thirty years age Warn MoOte Taylor, of Jefferson, then 15 years of age. adopted daughter of Benjamin and Mary Taylor, disappeared, and as no trace of her whereabouts oould be found, it was bette- ?d that she had been kidnapped or else drowned. Her disappearance created great excitement at the time. Tuesday she arrived in the city, surprising a number of people sho knew before she disappeared. During her thirty years' absence she led a loving life, having traveled all through' the Western Territories, and now comes back povertystricken to live out her days withtb woman who took care of her in her infanc'. A Series of horse-poisonirigjs in the -neighborhood of Taylorsvilla; a smalt town in fine northeast part ot Warrick. County, culminated in the assashmtioii of. John L. Bethell, a, farmer living near the -town. An old man named James Kt.m.iloy and one of his farm hands, John Ingram, were susplcioned of doing the poisoning, .. and they were notified by a committee of . vigilantes, composed of citiaens, to leave.'' the country within ten days. A reward of . $500 was also offered by the comtpittee for information leading to the arrest of the"

Tty. ;rc..ceeil datermihrdto sift the matter through and .earn the roward,-

Gettinj Ingram under jlhe influence of whisky one day hut week Bethell said he obtained the desired informatton Implicating Ingram and Spradley, On this inter, mation Ingram was arrested feat Monday. He gave bond and left the country apparently, though it is now supposed he has bean in hiding. . .