Banner Graphic, Volume 5, Number 309, Greencastle, Putnam County, 3 March 1975 — Page 4

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THt PUTNAM COUNTY BANNER-GRAPHIC, MARCH 3/4/1975

(C) 1975 New York Times News Service New York-When Sen. Howard Baker of Tennessee greeted Ambassador-designate Elliot Richardson at a recent dinner with the remark that “I expect we’ll be seeing a lot of each other in New Hampshire next year,” he was only drawing an obvious conclusion from the thesis he later stated to Christopher Lydon of the New York Times: “The value of incumbency has been greatly diminished by public financing and subsidies for primary candidates. You’re likely to see a lot more people run against a sitting president.” That is all the more likely for 1976, considering that Gerald Ford became a

£l)e panncr-(fsrapl)ic OPINION PAGE

Letter to the editor Ten varsity cheerleaders

To the Editor: I,et me say first of all that I enjoyed your special editon on the Greencastle Basketball Sectionals. I enjoyed reading about the teams and cheerleaders, and the records from previous sectional tourneys. You did, however, manage to pull through with a gross error that I’m sure was caused by a mere oversight on someone’s part. Greencastle High School has ten (10) varsity cheerleaders. In your story, you named only six. In addition to these lovely girls, there are four male cheerleaders who are just as much a part of the squad as the girls, and deserve the same recognition.

(C) 1975 New York Times Newsservice New York-The Republican Party is famous for its wings. It may be the only party in the world that is all wings and no body. It has a right wing, which is Conservative, and it has a liberal wing, which is Conservative. The suspicion that President Ford maybe joshing when he insists that he will run for re-election next year has alreadystimulated a good bit of wing motion in the party, for nothing inflames one wing so quickly as the fear that the other wing may steal off with the presidency. Thus we have the first jostling between those two aging symbols of Republican wingism, Ronald Reagan and Nelson Rockefeller, for the right to succeed Ford. Senator Goldwater, the beloved oracle of the right wing, has recently revealed his suspicions that Rockefeller remains a closet member of the liberal wing. It is a blow to Rockefeller, who has worked hard these past few years to nest down in the right wing, for the right wing invariably controls Republican” nominating conventions. If the grand old man denounces him for traveling under false feathers, his hopes for gaining his life’s ultimate prize are impaired. Can Goldwater be won back? He is a famous vacillator. On occasion he has even given Rockefeller his stamp of approval - “Goldwater inspected and approved right-wing Republican,’’-but never when presidential business was in the wind as it is now. We come to Ronald Reagan, the

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No off-season in presidential campaigning

sitting president by appointment rather than by election, and that he might well go into the 1976 campaign with 8 per cent unemployment, double-digit inflation, the biggest peacetime budget deficit in history and either an unsolved energy crisis or an unpopular program of driving up energy' prices (not to mention the possibility Ford himself keeps raising, of an increased involvement in Indochina). If that is so, not only Baker with his Watergate television exposure but Elliot Richardson, the hero of the Saturday Night Massacre certainly would be logical contenders in a Republican nomination fight - although an astute manager might advise Richardson to sit tight in London,

Having males on the squad is a unique facet of Greencastle’s athletic department and I feel that excluding these boys from your article is not serving justice to the amount of time and energy thattheyi have exerted this season. Thank you for your time! J.T. Route 4 Editor’s Note: The male members of the Greencastle High School cheerleading squad are:Stacey Spencer, Dave Hedrick, Kim Lykken and John Torr. Wc regret these cheerleaders were ommitted from our report on the squads from the schools participating in the Greencastle Sectional Tournament.

Russell Baker Wingism in the GOP

glossiest feather on the right wing. He has never given it cause to worry about his loyalty. When people make lists of great right wingers, Reagan’s name is always first. “Leading spokesman for the Republican right wing,’’ political reporters write after Reagan’s name. As the time for battle approaches ~ maybe - each wing cleaves to its own. And so, while Rockefeller holds the Vice Presidency, Reagan holds the emotions of the party’s President-making wing. Already in Washington Republican right wingers have had the columnists in for tea to inform them, not for attribution of course, but for publication, that Ford had better mind his step and not be seduced into the despised liberal wing under the mesmerizing sway of Rockefeller. Readers may ask at this stage whether this is not a joke, and of course it is, but the joke is on the Republican Party, and possibly on the country. Republican ab-

Joseph Harrison , Opposes direct primary

As the 1975 Indiana General Assembly session moves into its eighth week, close to 150 bills have received consideration by the Senate. One of the measures acted on last week provides for a direct primary to nominate candidates for U.S. Senator, governor, and lieutenant governor. In spite of the proponents’ claims that the direct primary will increase public participation in politics, I opposed the legislation. My main objection to this method of selection is the notoriously poor voter turnout for the primary election. I think the present party convention is a satisfactory means of nominating candidates. The party officials and precinct people seem to have sufficient pulse of what the public desires. The Senate also acted last week to create an Office of Judicial Administration to study the methods and systems used in courtrelated offices and make recom-

Tom Wicker

aloof from grubby primary battles to come in clean at the end to be everyone’s compromise candidate. After all, on the Republican side alone, it can be reliably posited that in addition to the Mssrs. Ford, Baker and Richardson, burning desire to serve the nation from the White House lurks in the patriotic hearts of Nelson Rockefeller, Ronald Reagan and Sen. Charles Percy. Others could surface at the slightest hint that Ford might quit. On the Democratic side, with not even an incumbent president to impose caution on the field, you have to categorize rather than merely list, dividing all gall into three parts: Positively running: Sens. Scoop Jackson and Lloyd Bentsen, Rep. Morris Udall, Gov. George Wallace, Former Govs. Jimmy Carter and Terry Sanford, Former Sen. Fred Harris. Positively interested: Sens. John Glenn, Dale Bumpers, Frank Church, Adlai Stevenson, Robert Byrd and Birch Bayh, Govs. Hugh Carey, Edmund Brown and Dan Walker, Mayor Kevin White. Positively not running: Sens. Hubert Humphrey, Edward Kennedy, Edmund Muskie and Walter Mondale. Counting those positively not running, since a politician doesn’t positively not run unless he positively can’t be counted out, this makes 21 Democratic conceivables. As many as a dozen of these might make some serious effort at the nomination, either as a candidate in the primaries or as one “available” at the Democratic National Convention. This cannot be charged entirely to Ford’s probable political weakness, since roughly the same field could have been put together a year or more ago. Baker put his finger on one reason - the availability oi federal campaign funds for 1976, a relatively recent development but foreseeable since the Watergate scandal developed. The other reason is the new proportional representation rule of the Democratic party, guaranteeing any candidate who makes a minimum showing a number of delegates roughly proportionate to his share of the vote in conventions and primaries. Even a marginal candidate can hope, under this rule, to go to the national convention with enough delegates to be a factor in the selection of a national ticket. While the Republicans have not gone anywhere near that far, Baker may well be right that, already, the “value of incumbency” has been lowered. Subsidies for primary campaigns and proportional representation even in one party plainly will make it easier for ambitious can-

sorption in wingism has almost nothing to do with the price of meat, or even the price of atom bombs. What we have is an obsessive case of a political party humoring its viscera at the expense of its reason. Even by American definition, in which a liberal stands somewhere to the right of Benjamin Disraeli, Rockefeller is a conservative. What is called conservatism in the United States is characterized by belief in the sanctity of property; by faith in a highly centralized state with strong police powers; by an aggressive and even bellicose foreign policy backed by an expensive military system, and by the conviction that it is foolish, bankruptive and dangerous to believe in the perfectability of man through political action. On the last of these points, Rockefeller may be a mite weak; on the others he is as staunch as Reagan. As political animals, neither man would seem to be an irresistible candidate.

mendations for improvement. The office will also publish a periodic report on the nature and volume of judicial work performed by the courts. In addition, the bill provides for the division of the state into eight geographical trail court districts. On the basis of judicial workload, the office may recommend the temporary transfer of a judge to another court. I opposed this bill for several reasons. Circuit court judges are paid at different levels in different size counties. A transferred judge might well be asked to conduct court for considerably more or less salary than the judge he had been sent in to help. Further, a county might be without a judge for an indefinite time at the whim of the administrator and it would, therefore, leave a void in the usual court business that must be handled on a week by week basis.

didates to challenge a President, particularly if that President seems politically weak. So presidential candidates are likely to proliferate in both parties, regardless of which one holds the office, and particularly in elections when the two-term limitation rules out the incumbent. This democratization of presidential politics, welcome as it may seem after two of one-ballot conventions, raises

William Buckley Third party perspective

I have lately done much reading, and much conferring about, the prospect of a new political party designed as a vehicle for Conservative American dissent. Those who are thinking about the subject are by no means unanimous irf their conclusions. They are my brothers, indeed in one case the relationship is biological. In the weeks and months to come we will be discussing the question with increased intensity. Mr. William Rusher, my colleague, has written a book which will appear soon, in which he states the case for a hew partyfor a realignment of the parties. And meanwhile, the momentum for a party will increase as the program of President Ford fails. It is, by the way, bound to fail because its premise is mistaken. Its premise is mistaken because the American public on the whole has for too long been accustomed to the notion that things can come to your door free of charge, and the rules are for other people to abide by. I was much struck by a recent recollection of Mr. PaulNitze, the brilliant strategic analyst who recently wrote an analysis of the direction - impotence - towards whcih the SALT agreements are taking us. He served under Dean Acheson as chief of the policy planning staff of the State Department. The time came to elaborate a sufficient strategic defense, and Acheson called him into his office and said: Look. What we really need is not

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difficult questions. Will it diminish “the value of incumbency” so greatly as to diminish the presidency itself, turning the office into a grander version of a congressional seat, in which an incumbent must constantly be running against his own party as well as the opposition? There already is grim evidence that presidential campaigning has become a year-in, year-out matter, with no offseason. That, plus hordes of candidates

something that we are by any means certain to get, because it will be whittled down by Congress and the public. But if we begin by whittling down what we think we need on our own motion, then it Will merely be whittled down further by Congress and the public. On the other hand, if we make out a case in which we truly believe, it will have the benefit of an internal cogency which, after all, is the final hope of a successfully self-governing republic. The Conservatives in America are no doubt deeply frustrated by a generation’s temporizing by the Republican Party. The most recent assault on Conservative sensibilities is the budget of Gerald Ford. He began by talking about inflation when he was inaugurated President, and now he presents us with a homeopathic budget. No matter what the intricate arguments, the fact remains that we propose to lick inflation by spending more money. When Congress was recently accosted with the extraordinary fact that 50 million Americans are now receiving free food stamps, it was impossible to round up more than a few dozen Congressmen and a half-dozen or so Senators who would go along with an effort to trim this absurdity. So it goes. The firemen in New York City, defenders of civic rectitude and practitioners of personal heroism, are actually willing to strike. They follow the precepts of their children’s teachers, who closed down the public school system in

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swarming from primary to primary, may repel the public rather than stimulate political participation. Duplicating candidacies suggest even greater emphasis on personality and image over issues. And that the new rules of the game might give George Wallace a commanding voice at the 1976 Democratic Convention is a reminder that “democracy” and “demogogue” stem from the same root.

New York not long ago in aetience of the law they are supposed to teach their students to respect. '. In the mid-196fl's we were preponderantly the . most powerful country in world. It is quite calmly projected that the Soviet Union, within five years, will have six times the throw-weight we have. I say quite calmly, because the only blip of protest my round-the-clock antenna has picked up is fired by such detumescent guns aS the Reader’s Digest and the American Security Council: both of them valiant organizations manned by patriots, and both, so far aS oiie can tell, utterly ineffective th mqbilizinigpublic Sentiment. In England the other day Mrs. Thatcher, on taking formal authority over the Opposition, announced that Englishmen yearned for princivle. I think this is true of Americans too. What I am by no means convinced of is that a majority of Americans yearn for principle. I distinguish, in other words, between thvse who desire a third party (or, as they prefer to say, a new second party) because that way victory at the polls lies; and those who desire a second party because they desire that the American Opposition should speak words, and think thoughts, worthy of the dignity of rational men, born with a heavy determination to be free in a sovereign state.

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