Banner Graphic, Greencastle, Putnam County, 15 October 1974 — Page 3

James Reston

Kissinger says recognition of interdependence world peace key

Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger believes the nations of the world are now "delicately poised" on the verge of a new historic era, and that the next decade will either be "one of the great periods of human creativity or the beginning of extraordinary disarray.” Tn a long philosophic interview with the York Times before he left for the Middle East. Kissinger called for a "visible and dramatic down-turn in the arms race" and a new spirit of interdependence in order to avoid uncontrollable political, economic and social chaos. "If we do not get a recognition of our interdependence." he said, "the western civilization that we know is almost certain to disintergrate, because it will first lead to a series of rivalries in which each region will try to maximize its own special advantages. "That inevitabley will lead to tests of strength of one sort or another. These will magnify domestic crises in many countries and they will then move more and more to authoritarian models.” The Secretary of State has been criticized recently for his “domination" of U.S. foreign policy, his role in the attempt to overthrow the government of Salvador Ailende Gossens cf Chile, and his handling of the Cyprus crisis. He spoke of these things, and also of his hopes and fear for the future, under what conditions he would leave his job, and what he thinks the world may look like at the end of the century. This gave the interview the character of a summing up or even a farewell but he emphasized that it was no “swan song." Kissinger appealed to the Soviet Union and China, not only to bring the arms race under control, but to cooperate in developihg a world food bank. "I do not believe that over an indefinite future,” he remarked, “we can solve the problem of the world food reserves if the Soviet Union and Communist China do not accept obligations of their own. or if they simply

To the editor: How can we have a good police force unless we raise their pay? So many times we hear complaints about the police but surely they must have money to live on too. How can anyone expect them to do the kind of job we expect, work many long and hard hours, unless they get rewarded as others do these days We hear about carpenters and plumbers and now teachers, making high wages so why not pay the police. These are the days when the national crime rate is up, when policemen are

rely on the rest of the world’s production to solve their problems on an annual basis. "Countries that will not participate,” he added in what seemed a message to Moscow and Peking, “should not then ask necessarily equal rights to participate in purchases of reserve stocks. . .” Kissinger also discussed his regrets of the last five and a half years since he came to the White House. "What I regret,” he said, "is that so much of the time had to be spent on the Vietnam war. If we could have got that 'behind us more rapidly, we could have brought the more positive side of our foreign policy to the fore at a time when attitudes were less rigidly formed. "The real tragedy was Watergate, because I believe that at the beginning of President Nixon’s second term, we had before us-due to changing conditions-a period of potential creativity. Instead, we had to spend almost all of our energy in preserving what existed, rather than building on the foundations that had been laid. Even the year of Europe could have gone differently in a different environment. But you never know what opportunities may have been lost. The Secretary apparently also regrets, though he did not say so explicitly, that he was too willing to accept the political status quo in his first five years, even it this meant aiding authoritarian governments whose internal policies he detested. For years, the annual foreign policy reviews by President Noxon, issued under the guidance of Kissinger, emphasized that the United States gave precedence to American "interests" rather than .American ideals. But after observing the fate of the military regimes of Portugal and Greece, he seems now to be having some second thought. Policy discussion in the state department he explained, still begins with analysis of American interests before

getting shot, as in Crawfordsville. As one who has a family, I would not be opposed to paying a little more so that I can have protection for my wife and children. On the many i.^hts that I work I want to besure of their safety-I don't want to think of our police officers letting down on the job because they are frustrated over low pay. I hope the city council will take this into consideration and at least raise the police pav as much as possible. M.S. Greencastle

getting to tactics. But he added that "pragmatism unrelated to a purpose becomes totally self-destructive." "One of the troubles of the western societies,” he added, “is that they are basically satisfied with the status quo, so that when you have governments lie the orevious government in Portugal and previous government in Greece, the tendency is not to change it. I think that’s a mistaken conception. The political base erodes invisible, and then when the change occurs suddenly, there is no real base for a democratic, liberal, humane evolution-or at least it can be put together with great difficulty. The Secretary of State said he saw the world as a historian and another way as a statesman. As a historian, he said, he had to be conscious of the fact that every civilization of the past had ultimately collapsed. History, he observed, was “a tale of efforts that failed, of aspirations that weren’t realized, of wishes that were fulfilled and then turned out to be different from what one expected.” But while the historian had to live “with a sense of the inevitability of tragedy,” he added, the statesman had to act on the assumption that problems could and must be solved," and that was his approach. Decline was usually traceable to a loss of the avoidable, he said. Kissinger did not see the question in advance, but seemed particularly interested in the relationship of policy to politics and public opinion. In foreign policy, he said, the most difficult issues were those whose necessity couldn't be proved when the decisions were made. To act on assessment that were guesses. Measures to avoid catastrophes could almost never be proved. For that reason it was essential for leaders to have a certain amount of support from the people, but in the last decade-a time of assassinations, the Vietnam War, and Watergate-it was difficult to establish a 1 "relationship of confidence." "There is undoubtedly a profound disillusionment in America with foreign involvement in general," he said. We have carried the burden for a generation. In fact, if you go back to the beginning of World War II, it doesn’t seem to end. "Most programs have been sold to Americans with the argument that they would mean an end to exertion. Now we have to convince Americans that there will never be an end to exertion. That’s a very difficult problem.” He seemed worried about the personal bitterness of some of America's foreign policy debates. It was hard to put forward a conception that didn’t immediately get ripped apart by an attack on personal motives, he remarked, so it was possible that we could fail to win effective support for the kind of foreign policy America and the world needed. “I don't think that those in key positions at this particular moment have any real choice,” he added. "At a minimum, we have to tell the American people what we think is needed. If they do not agree, at least they will know ten years from now, if there is a catastrophe, what happened. The Secretary was hopeful on many points, however. He thought there was perhaps more “strain” now than than a decade ago, but also more opportunities for progress toward a better world order,

\ <£l)c pnnncr-(!>r<ipl)k 2A TUESDAY. OCTOBFR 15. 1974 S > Letter-to the editor Police should have raise

partly because the problems of food, fuel and money were so serious that they could no longer be avoided. For example, he noted that when he came to Washington in 1969, it did not seem conceivable that there could be a world shortage of energy, and that, until 1972, it was assumed that there were inexhaustible food supplies in the world. Once Americans recognized problems of this magnitude, they were usually very good at solving them, and besides, we were now, he thought, a more mature people. “When one looks at the process of growing up,” he said, “It is largely a process of learning one’s limits, that one is not immortal, that one cannot achieve everything-and then to draw from that realization the strength to set great goals nevertheless. “Now I think that as a country we’ve gone through this. We were immature in the sense that we thought the definition of goals was almost the equivalent of their realization. Then we went to the opposite extreme, and I think from this point of view the Kennedy period is likely to be seen as the end of an era rather than as the beginning of one: the last great flowering of the naive version of American idealism." He added that he thought the American people had come through the crises of the last decade-the assassinations, Vietnam, Watergate-in "rather good shape,” and still had basic confidence in government. The worst of the student rebellion and the drug culture was behind us, he said. Maybe the intellectual and political leadership groups still had their doubts, but considering everything, there was, in his view, a remarkable sense of national cohesion. In the foreign field, he made the following points: -The correct policy for the United States in relation to the Soviet Union and China was one of “meticulous honesty with both of them so neither believes we are trying to use on against the other.” - The paradox of the present time is that precisely when the nations need to find common policies for common

problems, the spirit of nationalism and national identity has become very strong. When he leaves his present job, Kissingersaid, depends on several factors: on the confidence of President Ford, “about which I have no problem,” the degree of Congressional support, and the 1 degree of public support. If the debate becomes too partisan,” he said, "then I would have to look at the situation again, and I do not believe anybody is indispensable or should should develop a policy that makes him indispensable.” The secretary seemed troubled about the charges that he had been deeply involved in the central intelligence agency operations in Chile. An intelligence operation was essential to a great power, he said, but there was “a serious problem" when it becomes “operational and attempts to affect political events in other parts of the world.” This was obviously not his favorite subject, and he left it with the observation that there was a “gray area” between “the exerdse of diplomacy and the use of force,” and that it had to be strictley controlled by the excutive, and to the degree possible, by the Congress. Looking toward the end of the century, he said he hoped that the United States, Western Europe and Japan would have found a formula, not just for overcoming current economic crises, but for developing common policies to deal with common problems. The non-Communist and Communist worlds should finally have seen war an inconceivable, and greatlyreduced the cost of military arms, he said and hopefully, the now-developing countries would have gained a great deal more confidence and economic security. "I think any attempt at domination in a nuclear age (by either the Communist or Capitalist countries),” he observed, is going to involve risks that are catastrophic and would not be tolerated. If we remain strong enough to prevent the imposition of Communist hegemony, then I believe that transformations of the Communist societies are inevitable.” As for himself, Kissinger said that however long he stayed in his present job,

it would obviously be a "temporary episode,” which would not further his objectives unless he left behind a better public understanding of America’s place in the world. “I’d like to leave,” he said,“at a moment when it is still clear that my ambition and ' my vanity were geared toward doing something and where holding on to the job does not become the central preoccupation or the chief focus of public debate.” Secretary Kissinger said he wanted to do something, and would stick around as long as this was possible. He said he was not troubled by the recent criticism of his style. When President Nixon was in office there was “such a sense of horror at the disintegration of authority,” in Washington, he said, that he (Kissinger) had an easy ride. Now foreign policy was being subjected to normal partisan debate and this was all to the good, he insisted. But he did not look too happy about it. Kissinger the Historian understood the criticism, but Kissinger the Secretary of State is a sensitive and introspective man and obvioulsy was not too pleased. Maybe, he said, he could be “more reflective” about these big questions some years from now.

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William F. Buckley, Jr. Julie at the bat

Julie Nixon, as an instrument of Richard Nixon the monster, is-in the view of Nixon's critics-nothing more than a tentacle; soft, unmuscled, capable of nothing more than emitting a little squidlike stuff that clouds the vision not at all So why go after her" I hope the situation remains so. fear it will not. and therein lies a story. I went recently to Philadelphia, on an utterly professional mission, to talk about my experiences with the United Nations as a United States delegate, for the vulgar purpose of persuading people to take notice of a book I have written on the subject. Well, I arrive in Philadelphia and there . lot only Mr. Mike Douglas, the host of the television show that bears his name and one of the world s most amiable men, but also-Julie Nixon Eisenhower. She. I have been informed, is to serve during the entire week as the co-host of the program. I receive the news, to tell the truth, with some discomfort, because I know that Mrs Eisenhower has not been retained bytop management of the Mike Douglas Show to talk about my experiences in the United Nations, fascinating though they were. And. sure enough, it is obvious from the very beginning of the program what Mrs. Eisenhower has been hired for. To talk about her father About every aspect of of her father About what he does in San Clemente. About his illness. About his mood About the role Julie played, in the final decision to resign Inasmuch as the whole business of a loyal daughter’s relation to her father on being kicked out

of the White House is necessarily delicate. I sat glumly in what they call the Green-Room-that is where, before you go on yourself, you watch over the monitor, along with other scheduled guests, the show as it is proceeding. I hoped that the limits of tastelessness would be reached before my own appearance in the third segment. The answer to that question is that said limits of taste are unreachable on American television I give you the following. One segment of the program was devoted to what did Julie Nixon, freshly married to David Eisenhower, do when Richard Nixon, freshly inaugurated as President of the United States, announced on the telephone that he intended to fly up to Smith College on Air Force One to have dinner with Julie and David on Julie’s birthday’’ Well, said Julie in the best manner of Blondie-being-asked-suddenly-to-prepare-for the boss, she called someone in California and got a recipe, because, you see. she had never cooked anything before-accounting, by the way, for young David’s scrawny appearance during the intervening weeks since their marriage. So they recreated-the host, and the hostess, and a couple of extras-on the screen, the preparation of the chicken dinner for Richard Nixon. At which point one of the extras, who had been told to add a little salt, or garlic, or whatever, to the blend, objected: “Are you sure this won't give me phlebitis'”’ What can the most genteel audience in the world do. under the strain of such a

wisecrack, the day after Richard Nixon was wheeled out of the hospital with an infirmity that may prove mortal? What would 400 (the approximate size of the audience) daughters of Queen Victoria have done? I think they’d have done what this audience did. They laughed. So did Julie. Is that what it means to be a trouper? I’d have loved it if Julie had taken the chicken, with the spinach and the noodles and the garlic and the cheese, and smashed it in the face of the phlebitisguy, and told him maybe the recipe didn't have any historical connection with phlebitis, as far as she knew, but that it here and now had a historical connection with such jokes. But Julie laughed too. As. one supposes, Madame de Pompadour would have laughed, if she had signed on as a bit player for the Comedie Francaise, doing a stint on the last days of Ixmis XV's court at Versailles. How desperately can the Nixons misunderstand the exigencies of the situation? Sending Julie to fricasee chicken and receive cracks about phlebitis, just so she can have an opportunity to stress her father's innocence, any success in which line of endeavor merely hardens the public misgiving about Gerry Ford's act of pardon ...What is the matter with the Nixons, that they cannot understand’’ Or with American public, that it should stand by, and laugh? That, my friends, not the lousy oil shortage, was the great moment for the agrument against American commercials! ism.

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