Muncie Post-Democrat, Muncie, Delaware County, 26 April 1946 — Page 2

THE POST-DEMOCRAT £ Democratic weekly newspaper representing the Democrats of Muncie, Delaware County and the 10th Congressional District. The only Democratic Newspaper in Delaware County. Entered as second class matter January 15, 1921, at the Post Office at Muncie, Indiana, under Act of March 3, 1879. PRICE 5 CENTS—$1.50 A YEAR ~ MRS. GEO. R. DALE, Publisher 916 West Main Street Muncie, Indiana, Friday, April 26, 1946. The House Has Produced a Great ‘What-Is-It?’ Some of the 290 members of the House of Representatives who voted for the phony draft bill on Monday were sincere. They thought it was the only kind of draft bill that could be passed and that it was better to have some law on the books than none at all. But we fear that the majority were thinking of the November elections, not of the country’s welfare and the world’s needs. They voted for a bill that could be all things to all men, a bill they can exhibit to the folks back home to attract and hold voters on both sides of the fence. If a voter who wants a strong army approaches, the Congressman san say: “Why look at this end of the animal. It’s got teeth. I voted to extend the draft for nine months.” If a voter who favors no draft at all approaches, the Congressman can say: “Why, look at the other end. It’s got no teeth. I voted to stop all drafting until after October 15, and I voted to stop drafting young men below 20 at any time.” The result may be the election of some patronage-hungry Congressmen. It will also threaten the country’s security and endanger our place in the world. As Rep. Thomason, Texas Democrat, pointed out, it was “not a draft bill but a demobilization bill.” As a spokesman for the War Department said, it would be better to have no bill at all. Prohibition of drafting of young men in their teens will mean that few will volunteer. Fortunately for the country, the House hasn’t spoken the last word. The Senate has still to act. The Senate Military Affairs Committee has approved a bill extending the draft for a full year from May 15, as the Truman Administration asks. The Senate is expected to approve the only good part of the House bill—raising of pay of both enlisted men and officers—and to fight for an honest extension of the draft. Cynics can say that the Senate can afford to be bolder because only one-third of its membership must face the voters this fall, while all members of the House are up for election. We hope the Senate and members of the House, when a compromise bill comes up later, will look around the world instead of watching pressure groups at home. They will see no peace anywhere. They will see country after country where the U. S. must maintain troops to make sure we don’t lose what we’ve been fighting for. Congress must pass a win-the-peace draft bill, not a two-headed political monstrosity designed to please everybody.—Philadelphia Record.

Stop Inflation In Its Tracks The people of the United States must decide in the next few days whether the nation is going to have skyrocket inflation. The citizens must take the issue into their own hands because the National House of Representatives has demonstrated by its actions that Congress is not to be trusted on this vital question. The plot to kill price control can be stopped in the Senate—if the people will rally to their own defense. But they must speak now in clear and certain tones. There is not an hour or a day to lose. Members of Congress must be told that the real rulers of America are not the lobbyists and the profiteers, but the great consuming public, the customers of business. Let there be no confusion about this important matter. The House tried to create confusion. It did not have the nerve to kill the OPA outright. So, acting with complete hypocrisy, it tried to make that agency futile by hamstringing it with nullifying amendments. The around-Robin Hood’s - barn - methods employed by the House have served to dramatize the issue—and what the consuming public foresees is tragedy, if the conspiracy is not defeated. It is true that if the House bill becomes law a few will get large and swollen profits for themselves during the next year. But these profits will come out of the pockets of the housewives, school teachers, white collar workers and the laboring people. Inflation will hit the returned service man right between the eyes. He has to buy, because he needs so many things in order to live. Inflation will upset our entire economic system—now in such great need of stability— because it will launch a mad chase of wages after prices and of prices after wages. Paul Porter, the new price administrator, estimates that the cost of living might advance 50 per cent in the coming fiscal year if price controls are scrapped. Try to figure just what that would mean to the individual family of consumers. The prospects for the special interests which are fighting price controls are rosy if they will just keep their shirts on until production can get into full swing. Until that time they ought patriotically to play ball with their customers. Then when the danger of inflation is past, price controls can be safely removed. Why should a few itchy profiteers be permitted to kill the goose which will lay the

golden eggs? Ack your Congressmen and Senators to answer that question.—JournalGazette. Petrillo Law Sets Precedent The anti-Petrillo bill has become law. With President Truman’s signature affixed the law now frowns on union feather-bedding as practiced by the Musicians’ Union against radio, but in principle against all enforced “made work.” The specific legislation calls for a heavy fine or the imprisonment of any person who attempts to compel a broadcaster to hire more help than needed, to pay for services not performed, to pay for the use of transcriptions or who tries to prevent broadcasting of unpaid cultural programs (ghost of Interlochen, Mich.) or cultural programs originating in a foreign country. James C. Petrillo dug his own grave with his greed. His worst mistake was to incur the enmity of Sen. Vandenberg and other influential Michigan legislators a few summers ago by prohibiting the National High School Orchestra to broadcast its annual concert from Interlochen, Mich. Things have been breaking badly for Little Caesar ever since. It is unfortunate for the rank and file of the Musicians’ Union that they should have to share any of the stigma attached to Petrillo. Musicians have made economic gains under the union which they would not have attained otherwise. No right-minded person would begrudge musicians the right to better their economic conditions, for in most cases the accomplished musician is one who has spent his life and much money in reaching perfection. Their only slip was to delegate too much power to a man who became drunk with it. But the ills of feather-bedding are by no means confined to the Musicians’ Union. It is a practice that has been growing within labor organizations for several years. These fallacious economic devices only add to the bill eventually paid by the public. They may appear to create more employment, but in the long run they actually prevent it. The Petrillo law is narrow in scope, but its implications are broad. Wise union leaders will correct practices that might easily lead to more drastic forms of legislation.—Journ-al-Gazette.

Executioneers Light Terms for Jap The Japanese slayers of four American fliers who were members of the Gen. Doolittle raiding squadron have been sentenced to prison terms instead of death. The American military commission in Shanghai which sentenced tne Japanese has upset the precedent already established in the Philippines and in similar courts in Europe. The defense of the Japanese soldiers and officers was that tliey had no alternative and were forced to carry out the order of the supreme command which called for the Americans’ execution. In Europe one German general already has been hanged for ordering the execution of American paratroopers, dspit the general’s plea that his orders came from Hitler. The military commission sitting in that case ruled that no one is compelled to carry out an illegal order. That ruling, of course, is highly debatable. Soldiers of this nation—any nation—perhaps have wondered within themselves about the advisability of certain orders, but have carried them out because of discipline’s demands. But the plea that saved the lives of the Japanese war criminals has been rejected in Europe and is being rejected almost daily in the Nuernberg trials. Nazi leaders (with the possible exception of Hermann Goering) are desperately attempting to fix all responsibility for Nazi brutality on Himmler and Hitler. The wisdom of this defense is questionable and its success is doubtful. The trial of war criminals following World War II set a precedent in international dealings. Placing a defeated general in the role of a criminal stripped some of the glory from war itself. Making him responsible for his men’s actions placed a graver obligation on future officers. But a general’s responsibility does not mitigate the guilt of the men who carry out an execution order. If that were true only Tojo and perhaps Hirohito would be deserving of the death penalty in Japan and Hitler and Himmler in Germany. The Shanghai ruling is inconsistent with our new concepts of war guilt. War trials are being held to set examples for future aggressors. Light prison terms for men who lopped off American heads will not sit well with the public.—Journal Gazette. Emergency Food Collection Voluntary relief drives cannot take the place of government action in the world’s unprecedented food crisis, but they can be an extremely helpful adjunct. Accordingly we should prepare to give liberally through the Emergency Food Collection headed by Secretary of Commerce Wallace. The actual collection, of tinned foods and money to buy food, takes place next month. Meantime—under a distinguished national committee including Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt, Herbert H. Lehman and leaders of industry, labor and churches—local organizations are mobilizing for the collection. It is not too early for us to save for it, so that mountains of food will result. Despite the utmost which the government wheat program and voluntary action can now accomplish, famine will exact an appalling toll in Europe and Asia. But as Mr. Wallace urges: “If every American does his part in conserving wheat and fats, and giving foods canned in tin or money to buy food, millions now doomed will be enabled to preserve the flickering spark of life until they can help themselves.” This is a project in which all of us—out of simple compassion and decency —must resolve to perform greatly.—Chicago Sun.

POST-DEMOCRAT, FRIDAY, APRIL 26, 1946

Fight Famine Abroad As We Fought the War The fortunate peoples of the world who have enough to eat were told again last night how millions are living—struggling against starvation for mere survival. Perhaps a little more graphically than hitherto, the story was recounted by President Truman, by Herbert Hoover speaking from Cairo, after his survey of European food supplies, and others. Americans understand well the plight of starving peoples in Europe and Asia. It must perplex the people in this country to be repeatedly schooled in a lesson they understood thoroughly weeks ago. The American people don’t have to be sold on the idea of helping the hungry people of the world. They are sold. They know what is expected of them. They are willing and anxious to help. But the Government must take the lead. It must draft a realistic, sure-fire program which will produce sufficient food to meet our obligations to our fellow men abroad. Let’s spend less energy in describing the impending disaster of starving millions — and more in doing something to help them. XXX The Administration has made a grave mistake. It has relied on a voluntary system to acquire food for famine-stricken areas. If the public would eat less, there would be more to send abroad. So goes the appeal. President Truman recently suggested that Americans go on a low-calorie European diet two days a week. There’s one thing wrong with a voluntary ! system—it doesn’t work. It hasn’t worked. We are short more than 300,000 tons of wheat in promised deliveries abroad. It is utterly unrealistic, too much to expect of human nature, that the American people will methodically eat less without the guidance of an organized program, without assurance that their neighbors will sacrifice as much as they. We didn’t depend on a voluntary system during the war. The Army and the Navy could not gamble with their food supply by depending on voluntary civilian restraint at the dinner table. j Food was set aside at the top—at factory I and farm sources. And the American people I shared what was left through rationing. | That system was dropped last fall. We | realize, now, how premature it was. j We dared not gamble on a voluntary sys- | tern during the war, regardless of the tremendous appeal to patriotism. How much less we can afford to now, when that patriotic pressure no longer exists. We must not gamble with tens of millions of lives—-nor risk the political ferment and war which feed on mass hunger. J : 'J X X X If we are to go all out—and we must—the Government will take what is needed for abroad at the source, before it gets into the domestic consumption pipeline. It will take resolute steps to get hoarded wheat and corn off the farm, to reduce the use of those grains as feed for livestock. And the Government will ration the commodities that may be scarce as a result. That’s the fair way. And it will work. The American people are ready. Gallup Polls' show that 65 percent of the people are willing to eat less to feed the hungry abroad, 59 percent are willing to go back to rationing. What are we waiting for?—Philadelphia Record. Here’s the Way Congress Can Stop John L. Lewis Let Congress stop fighting Truman— And start fighting John L. Lewis. The coal strike will soon shut down a large part of American industry. That will throw millions out of work. Thousands have been made jobless already. Congress can stop John L. Lewis if it has the courage. By one simple measure: Speed through a bill prohibiting any employer from making any contribution to any labor union. Make royalties to unions illegal. We’d like to see Pennsylvania’s own Senators—Joseph F. Guffey, and Francis J. Myers —take the lead, and offer the kind of bill we suggest. XXX John Lewis has been sashaying around Washington with the demure pose of a doubtful debutante. Coy boy! He won’t say what he wants. He won’t say what he doesn’t want. But Secretary of Labor Schwellenbach makes it clear that the main point deadlocking negotiations to end the coal strike is Lewis’ insistence on a royalty to be paid to the United Mine Workers by the operators. Reported demand is 10 cents a ton. Ostensibly, that royalty is for a health and welfare fund, just as the royalty Petrillo blackjacked out of the recording firms was ostensibly to help needy musicians. Actually, the purpose is to make employers pay for running unions. In Petrillo’s case, the union alone handles the royalties. Nobody knows what is done with the money. Lewis wants it the same way. If Lewis were to increase dues just now, it might weaken his labor dictatorship. But he needs more money, not only for the UMW, but also for his war to control the AFL and smash the CIO. Who would pay this tribute? You. The American consumer. Everyone who buys the products of industries which use coal, or which use steel or other materials which require coal for their production. xxx The whole royalty idea is dangerous. It undermines the normal relationship between employers and workers. It destroys the foundation of collective bargaining. Just as company unionism was vicious

bcause it invited collusion between employer and union for the employer’s advantage, so royalties are vicious because they invite collusion between union and employer for the advantage of labor leaders. In the long run, the royalty idea will undermine the unions which resort to it. A union whose members are unwilling to pay enough dues to protect their own livelihood is a union which is going to pot sooner or later —one way or the other. Either membership indifference will wreck the union; or that indifference will open the door by which unscrupulous union officials may enter a corrupt partnership with management for their own gain. xxx President Truman tried to talk 4 sense to John Lewis and failed. ft wasn’t his fault. For Truman lacks power to do anything effective about Lewis. And Lewis knows it. Just as Lewis knew President Roosevelt’s hands were tied during the war. Congress has power to stop Lewis. Now is the time to use it. Instead of calling Lewis names, let Congress call his bluff, with a bill barring employers from making any contributions to unions. That would stop Lewis’ brazen scheme immediately.—Philadelphia Record._

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From where I sit Joe Marsh

Best War Memorial I Know

There’s an old war memorial in our town that I like to stop and look at now and then. Back in 1865, folks gathered up all the bitter relics of battle and put them in a pile: cannon, battered rifles, broken swords, and rusted bayonets. Some of them from our side, some captured from the enemy. They melted them down, and from this litter of war sprung a monument to friendship, tolerance and understanding—a promise that the bitterness and hatred were forgotten.

Since then, there’ve been all kinds of disagreements in this •country, big and little. Prohibition was one—and there was plenty of bloodshed, misery and grief until the problem was resolved. But from where I sit, it’s part of the greatness of America that we remain a united country. We may disagree as individuals—but, accepting that difference of opinion, we can live in tolerance and mutual respect.

Qce OKoaj^.

Legal Notice

Equal Rights Fight Ahead After 23 years of discussion and deferment, the , proposed constitutional amendment giving women equal rights with men, appears to be headed toward Congressional action. What the fate of the amendment will be is doubtful at this juncture, since it will precipitate a battle in both houses and it might fall short of the required two-thirds ratification by the states. Even various women’s organizations in the nation are divided on the proposal. Organized labor has been nominally opposed to it for years, and it arouses some natural opposition by the very fact that it wipes away the last legal difference between the sexes. The amendment would read something like this: “Equality of rights under the law i shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of sex. Congress and the several states shall have power, within thejr respective jurisdictions to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.” If the amendment is added to the Constitution, it will affect three broad classes of laws relating to the status of American women. They are laws which deal with the relative rights of husbands and wives, many of which are outgrowths of the old English idea of women’s inferiority; labor laws which regulate conditions under which women may be employed, and family support laws which have their basis on the traditional dependence of the family upon the father for support. There are so many good arguments on either side of the amendment, that no clearcut action can be expected for years to come. Some fear that women will be exploited in industry if restrictions are removed. Others fear for their jobs if women are given equal rights. But there are certain things that cannot be changed by Constitutional amendment. Women will continue to expect chivalrous treatment from their legal equals, and will resent a man-to-woman tap on the snoot. Neithei will the amendment alter the distribution of duties associated with the process of procreation. In short, the amendment would only legalize for the woman those things they have been taking for granted these past several generations.—Journal Gazette. i ~ r ' People’s Representatives? An avalanche of mail has struck Washington, demanding that the Senate reverse the House decision against price control. It is to be hoped that the Senate will respond better than the House did to the public’s demonstration of support for OPA. But more than mail will be required to alter the underlying factors of the conflict. Analysis of the House vote on a typical anti-OPA rider, the Gossett amendment, shows some interesting things. Of the 190 Republicans in the House, 150 voted against OPA on this typical test. Of the 236 Democrats, 71 voted against OPA. This was not only a triumph of the minority against the majority, but a vote of small ’ towns and rural areas against the cities. For every urban member who voted to denature OPA, four members from small towns and country districts voted that way. Does this mean that there is a division of interest between those who live in cities and those who live elsewhere? Not at all. It means that in the nonurban districts the most effective pressures on congressmen come from the organized business and commodity interests that have been fighting OPA, rather than from the public. The assault on OPA drew its main strength from the South and Middle West. On the average, 65 per cent of the. Southern delegations voted for’ the Gossett amendment, 70 per cent of the Middle Western delegations, 35 per cent of the Eastern and 43 per cent of the West Coast. But, here again, the Middle West and South have no stake in inflation. Their people share with all others a vast stake in controlling inflation, as the farmers themselves, by voting 70 per cent for OPA in current opinion polls, recognize. The Middle West and South, therefore, are not getting true popular representation from the Republicans and tory Democrats they have sent to Congress. They are getting representation of special interests. Basically, this can be changed only by changing the policies of the Republicans and the tory Democrats. And that is a job for the people at the ballot box.—Chicago Sun.

NOTICE OF PUBLIC HEARING ON AMENDMENT OF ZONING ORDINANCE

city council chamber in the City Hall city council chamber in the City Hall at 7:30 p. m., on the 6th day of May at 7:30 p. m., on the 6th day of May 1946, at which time and place any ob- ‘ 1946, at which time and place any objections to such amendment or change | jections to such amendment or change

will be heard.

The proposed amendment or change to be made is as follows: t To amend, supplement and change the present Zon-. ing Ordinance of said City of Muncie, Indiana, so as to transfer to the business district, to the six hundred (600) square foot area district and to the eighty (801 foot height district the following described territory in said City of Muncie, Indiana, to-wit: Lot Number Eleven (11) in block Number 230 in the Muncie Land Company’s Sub-division of a part of the Watson Tract as recorded in the record of plats of Delaware County, Indiana, in Book Number 2, at page 144. Located at 2618 S.

Madison St.

Said proposed ordinance for such amendment or change of said present Zoning Ordinance bas been referred to the City Plan Commission of said City of Muncie, and has been considered, and said City Plan Commission has made its report approving the same; Information concerning such proposed amendment or change is now on file in the office of said City Plan Commission, for public examination. Said hearing will be continued from time to time as may be found neces-

sary.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and affixed the seal of the City of Muncie, Indiana, (SEAL) J. Clyde Dunnington City Clerk, and Clerk of the Common Council of the City of Muncie, this 19th day of April 1946. April 19-26

Legal Notice NOTICE OF PUBLIC HEARING ON AMENDMENT OF ZONING ORDINANCE

Notice is hereby given to the citizens of Muncie, Indiana, that public hearing on an amendment to the Zoning Ordinance, which is now pending before the Common Council of the City of Muncie, Indiana, will be held in the city council chambers in the City Hall at 7:30 p. m., on the 6th day of May 1946, at which time and place any objections to such amendment or change will be <heard. / The proposed amendment or change to be made is as follows: To amend, supplement and change the present Zoning Ordinance of said City of Muncie, Indiana, so as to transfer to the business district, to the six hundred (600) square foot area district and to the eighty (80) foot height district the following described territory in said City of Muncie, Indiana, to-wit: •Lots numbered Four hundred thirtythree (433) and Four hundred thirtyfour (434) in Galliher’s Subdivision, and addition to the City of Muncie, Indiana. 1419 E. 7th Street. Said proposed ordinance for such amendment or change of said prepent Zoning Ordinance has been referred to the City Plan Commission of said City of Muncie, and has been considered, and said City Plan Commission has made its report approving the same; Information concerning such proposed amendment or change is now on file in the office of said City Plan Commission, for public examination. Said hearing will be continued from time to time as may be found necessary. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and affixed the seal of the City of Muncie, Indiana, (SEAL) J. Clyde Dunnington City Clerk, and Clerk of the Common Council of the City of Muncie, this 19th day of April 1946. April 19-26

will be heard.

The proposed amendment or change to be made is as follows: To amend, supplement and change the present Zoning Ordinance of said City of Muncie, Indiana, so as to transfer to the business district, to the six hundred (600) square foot area district and to the eighty (80) foot height district the following described territory in said City of Muncie, Indiana, to-wit: Lots numbered One (1), Two (2), Three (3), and Four (4) in Block Forty Six (46) in Rochester and Muncie Land Company’s Sub-divi-sion of the Rochester and Muncie Land Company’s Addition to the City of Muncie, Indiana. Said proposed ordinance for such amendment or change of Said present Zoning Ordinance has been referred to the City Plan Commission of said City of Muncie, and has been considered, and said City Plan Commission has made its report approving the same; Information concerning such proposed amendment or change is now on file in the office of said City Plan Commission, for public examination. Said hearing will be continued from time to time as may be found neces-

sary.

The largest county in Texas is Brewster, with an area of 6,208 square miles — six times the area of Rhode Island.

Miller’s Flower Shop FLOWERS for all OCCASIONS Closed Sundown Friday / to sundown Saturday. Funeral Work a Specialty RUSSELL MILLER, Prop. 5th and ’Vine Sts. Phone 8286

Legal Notice

NOTICE TO NON-RESIDENTS

No. 20857 State of Indiana, Delaware County, ss: Selsie E. Hall vs. Marie Hall In The Delaware Circuit Court April Term, 1946 Complaint: For Divorce Notice is hereby given the said defendant Marie Hall that the plaintiff has filed his complaint herein, for divorce together with an affidavit that the said defendant Marie Hall is not a resident of the State of Indiana, and that unless she be and appear on Monday the 10th day of June, 1946, the 61st day the present term of said Court, to be hclden on the 1st Monday in April, A. D., 1946, at the Court House in the City of Muncie, in said County and State, the said cause will be heard and determined in her absence. WITNESS, the Clerk and the Seal of said Court, affixed at the City of Muncie, this 8th day of April A. D., 1946. Jesse E. Greene, Clerk John J. Dodd, Plaintiff’s Attorney. April 12-19-26

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