Muncie Post-Democrat, Muncie, Delaware County, 15 March 1946 — Page 2
POST-DEMOCRAT, FRIDAY, MARCH 15, 1946.
THE POST-DEMOCRAT Democratic weekly newspaper representing the 'Democrats of Muncie, Delaware County and the 10th Dongressional District. The only Democratic Newspaper in Delaware County. Entered as second class matter January 15, 1921, *t the Post Office at Muncie, Indiana, under Act of March 3, 1879.
PRICE 5 CENTS—$1.50 A YEAR ' MRS. GEO. R. DALE, Publisher 916 West Main Street Muncie, Indiana, Friday, March 15, 1946.
Make the Jobs Bill Work President Truman’s signature on the maximum employment bill should be the signal for all to get behind the measure and make it work. The machinery set up is useful even though the declaration of policy, hedged with reservations and ambiguous conditions, is weak. The difficulty with the policy statement is that a friend of the original full employment bill, like Representative Wright Patman, can interpret it one way while such an enemy as Senator Taft can interpret it quite differently. But President Truman has a chance to establish his own interpretation in the appointments he makes and the directives he issues. He can seize that opportunity to lay down the strongest possible precedents for broad and meaningful economic planning. A three-man Council of Economic Advisers is to be appointed. The council will help the President prepare each year an Economic Report, surveying the state of the union and recommending national policies that will promote “maximum employment, production and purchasing power.” This report will be referred to a special joint committee of Congress for consideration. It never was the intent of full employment legislation to commit Congress in advance to any specific action. What the bill does is to create the legislative authority for planning, all results of that function being subject to the normal legislative processes. Whether the economic reports are dull and futile or vital and provocative will depend upon the makeup of the Council of Economic Advisers. Mr. Truman should be content with none but the country's foremost leaders of progressive economic thought.—Chicago Sun.
Strategic Withdrawal Indicated Second-guessing statesmen is a full-time job for many writers, news commentators and other politicians and the current flurry over the appointment of Edwin W. Pauley for undersecretary of the Navy is furnishing the trade enough material for its daily grist in addition to several books.
-l-tu u«v Oj^iXg—
T OX tflll
the Pauley deal besides Mr. Pauley. Not the least of these is President Harry S. Truman. President Truman finds himself in an awkward position by reason of former Secretary Ickes’ denunciation of Pauley’s alleged oil dealings and questioned testimony. JNot even the appointment of Henry Wallace to his present Cabinet post caused such a furor. Protagonists on either side the Pauley brawl categorically deny the truth of the other’s assertions, so the press and radio lines up according to individual leanings with yie result that the truth will be hard to recognize when it comes into the open. The real truth about Mr. Pauley some day will be a matter of history and the majority of persons should be content not to prejudge
the case.
Meanwhile, it seems that President Truman could be excused if he took the sane course of withdrawing Pauley’s name and submitting that of some other person who is free from even thetaint of oil. The question is larger than one of personal loyalty. Granted that Pauley is absolutely innocent of all charges and that he is roved so publicly in time, the main idea of his appointment was to furnish an undersecretary of the Navy. Certainly, he is not the only man in the nation qualified for the position. It is one thing to be loyal to friends, and quite another to uphold the oath of President of
the United States.
If President Truman is concerned over political ramifications of the Pauley affair, he might well consider that some of the persons placed on the spot are the 17 Democratic Senators from states outside the Solid South who are up for re-election this year. These men will be in the fire regardless of their vote. A vote for Pauley’s confirmation might bring down the wrath of their constituents. A negative vote might curtail necessary support from the national com-
mittee next November.
It would seem that President Truman would please a majority of the people by accepting defeat on the Pauley issue.—Journ-
al-Gazette.
How to Liquidate America’s Atomic Research Attorney-General Tom Clark’s Justice Department has joined the hue and cry of American militarists for enormous fines and penalties against divulgence of atomic energy “secrets.” The department recommends fines up to $300,000 and prison terms up to 30 years. Powers for issuing “security” regulations, enforceable by such punishments, would be vested in a commission. Even if scientists were able to figure out tomorrow what is safe to say, and what felonious, the question mark of future, sudden regulations wopld hang over them. This Justice Department recommendation is made despite the fact that the vast American atomic project already is in process of disintegration because scientists, unable to work under military dictatorship, are leaving it in increasing numbers. We see, therefore, an exhibition of almost incredibly blind military jingoism, under-
mining both safety and prosperity. The nationalists start with the utterly false premise that important atom secrets can long be kept. Thus deluded, they proceed to plug for an American or Anglo-American monopoly that cannot be maintained. Tl^ereby they poison the search for world control to prevent production of atomic bombs by any nation—our only course of safety. And they accelerate the world atomic arms race, already precipitated by this country. Simultaneously, the crowning irony, they seek to impose staggering, permanent penalties for divulgence of “secrets”—and thus they drive still more American scientists from atomic development. This progressively weakens America’s chances of keeping ahead in atomic production for peace, or even for national armament in the event that nationalist chauvinism prevents U. N. O. control. The atomic scientists — loyal Americans who have achieved so much by years of toil at great tension and with little rest—know that they cannot progress as scientists without free exchange of information, and freedom from the Army gestapo which hounds them today. And, loyal and devoted though they are, they are human. They do not fancy going to prison for breaking some preposterous regulation devised by men who think they have “secrets” when few atomic secrets and no basic ones exist. The Justice Department’s amazing recommendation makes more urgent than ever that citizens who desire peace write to President Truman, urging that he fight for the reasonable McMahon bill for civilian atomic control, which the President has endorsed; and to Senator Brien McMahon in favor of his bill.—Chicago Sun.
o
Lessons of the General Motors
Strike
The primary lesson of the 113-day General Motors strike, which finally produced a compromise agreement subject to union ratification, is the futility and foolishness of the stubborn policies which made so bitter a fight
necessary.
There is every evidence that the General Motors management was genuinely disturbed by the union demand for a wage increase without corresponding price increases. There is evidence that the company felt “challenged” by the United Automobile Workers’ announced strategy of “blockading” one manufacturer, while helping its competitors, and picking G.M. as the first target. Yet a little more industrial statesmanship, a little more willingness to bargain reasonably in the early stages, might have avoided the strike or at least shortened its duration. The company's best wage offer in advance of the strike was a IS^-cent hourly increase board’s recommendations of 19cents, an not until Feb. 12 did it raise its offer to 18 l /2 cents. Both Ford and Chrysler meanwhile had peacefully negotiated 18 and 18i/2-cent increases, and 19y 2 cents for G.M. would still have left that company’s basic scales below the scales of its chief competitors.
o
It has been clear for two weeks that an agreement depended primarily on finding a formula to save face for both sides. The compromise allows the company to claim it granted only a basic 18^-cent increase and the union to say that the additional “equalization fund” makes up the full 19cents. What happened in the broad sense, however, is that the union proved its capacity to endure an extremely punishing contest and to win substantial gains—both wage gains and security clauses—to which, in view of U.A.W. agreements with other motor manufacturers, it was entitled. It was unfortunate for the workers, for the company itself, and for the whole country that they were
achieved only through a strike.
Industry faces serious problems as it moves into civilian operation, not least of which is the need to raise the production standards of its workers. But in our system, the best way—indeed, the only way—to settle such problems is through the frame-work of collective bargaining. It is urgently to be hoped that settlement of the G.M. strike will furnish the final impetus needed to produce agreements in the remaining disputes which are checking reconversion.—Chicago Sun. “
Full Employment Bill
It’s a dangerous thing to put gasoline in
the fire extinguisher.
It’s similarly perolius to take an enfeebled meaningless piece of legislation and call
it a Full Einployment Bill.
Senate-House conferees have agreed upon a “Maximum Employment Bill”—with min-
imum means of promoting it.
Generally it is in line with the emasculated House version of the Senate diluted Full
Employment Bill.
It does not commit the Federal Govern - ment to maintain full employment. It virtually commits nobody to anything Employment, and anything the Govern-
ment should do about it, are predicated on
if’s, and’s and but’s.
Why kid ourselves with that kind of
trash ?
It’s better to have no employment bill at all than to deceive the public into believing we have a workable law—which would be useless should the emergency arise.—Philadelphia Record.
Why the States Want USES Many reasons have been advanced for immediately returning the United States Employment Service to the states, but one motive for the campaign to do so is seldom mentioned. Approximately 60 per cent of the persons employed by the service have only temporary status, since they were added to the staff during the war. Return of the service to the states under the Dirksen bill, which has passed the House, would toss up these jobs for grabs. There is no need to add that state political machines, mostly Republican, would greet such a patronage windfall, in an election year, with glad little cries. If the case for retaining USES under federal jurisdiction rested solely on the patronage issue it would not be very strong. But there are compelling reason of policy which far outweigh the patronage question. To destroy USES as a federally integrated agency before reconversion is completed would disastrously disrupt its vital work of placing war workers and veterans in peacetime jobs without discrimination. Therefore the Senate should reject the Dirksen bill and substitute that sponsored by Senator Murray, which provides for transfer to the states in June, 1947. under reasonable standards calculated to preserve the agency’s usefulness.
Elect Jenner
According to newspaper reports, Republican committee chairman William E. Jenner “has resisted a lot of coaxing,” to run for the United States Senate. “He wants to be sure, first. Then he will shake off the restraint of the chairmanship and take off on a campaign, his supporters believe.” He himself, has indicated he would run if “drafted.” Now, it is said, the process of “drafting” has begun. Curiously enough, it has begun in his own office. Not in the proverbial grass-roots. Form letters are being mailed out to all the Republican county chairman of the state and (again quoting a newspaper report) “Jenner expects supporters in and out of the Republican State Committee believe enough of the ‘draft’ letters will be on hand to start off the Jenner ‘drive’ by February 13.” The date February 13 has been named, because Jenner “has accepted a heavy schedule of speeches for Jbincoln Day programs over the State. He accepted these invitations as State Chairman, and both he and his advisors feel it would be unwise to appear in a new role as candidate.” He will lose no time, after the Lincoln Day advance advertising, to declare himself, it therefore appears. .The reason he feels he must resign from the state chairmanship is that “party leaders are generally expected to support their elected representatives—in this case Senator Raymond E. Willis—and not to take the stand that their choice has proved to be wrong and needs changing.” Jenner’s running, indeed, amounts to a party repudia - tion of Willis. Heading the list of possible successors to Jenner as state chairman, is Clark Springer, who, as present patronage hander-out of the GOB machine, would seem a logical choice. He is also employed as a lobbyist for important railroads.
There is no doubt but that the general acceptance of rationing and price ceilings during the war years helped substantially to hold down living costs. A willingness to consumers to wait until production catches up somewhere on scarce goods will be the greatest single factor in determining whether prices and price advances will be kept within reasonable limits this year and further inflationary spirals prevented.—St. Louis Labor Tribune,
Chester Bowles and the People’s Bloc Chester Bowles has put his head in another lion’s mouth. The OFA Administrator gives advance notice that ceiling prices may be imposed on raw cotton this year, and thereby invites the wrath of one of the most powerful blocs in Congress. By all the standards of pressure-group politics, Mr. Bowles should be a dead ducK already. He has baited the .National Association of Manufacturers in its own lair. He has flouted the carefully organized automobile dealers. He has stood toe to toe and slugged it out with the real-estate boards, the steel and auto industries, the department stores, the textile manufacturers. Now he takes on the congressional cotton bloc. Yet what might have seemed self-immolation to an ordinary politician has proved the elixir of life to Mr. Bowles. He is emerging as one of the administration’s foremost leaders.
XXX
In the price battle—often a lonely one— Mr. Bowles serves two causes. First, of course, is the great cause of preventing a wild inflation and the depression that would surely follow. Mr. Bowles knows, and has the courage to act on the knowledge, that this country can shift to a peacetime economy of high employment without first going thru the wringer of inflation and deflation as we did after every other war. To make the transition, we need .public understanding that a boom-bust cycle is unnecessary, and public resolution to hold the price line. Mr. Bowles has contributed much to both the understanding and the resolution. But he also serves a greater cause. He is proving; that a man in public life can fearlessly fight for the common interest of all the people in the face of the organized power of economic groups. It has been said over and over that a modern industrial democracy must find the solution of its problems in the general interest of all segments of its economic life. Mr. Bowles is putting that maxprder of statesmanship than the mere balancim into practice. To do so requires a higher ing of one group against another. Instead of adding up the demands of each group' and hoping to arrive at a magic sum that will please them all, political leadership today must fix upon the welfare of the nation as a Whole, and draft its policies accordin^y. The case for substantial wage increases, for example, rests not on the claims of labor alone but on the whole country’s need for
sustained mass purchasing power to consume the product of a highly efficient economy. The case for controlled prices during the present emergency rests upon the common interest of all in avoiding a speculative orgy followed by catastroyhic collapse. XXX Mr. Bowles serves each interest-group best by serving none. The intelligence and fortitude witn which he fights the people’s battle is setting a pattern for political leadership of the future. That the people are beginning to sense the value of his struggle is apparent from opinion polls which show 72 per cent against abandoning price control. The task now is to translate that opinion into political action. The war against inflation demands legislation to stop runaway prices in housing and the stock market; and it demands immediate extension of the Price Control Act beyond June 30. Against the cotton bloc and all the other blocs, the public must rally behind Chester Bowles and the people’s bloc.—Chi-, cago Sun.
He Should Say So Senator Raymond E. Willis of Indiana, on his return to Washington, gave out a lengthy interview in which he attacked the administration for what he called “federal inaction. ” * ^ He should make such a remark—-consider-ing that he has been the do-nothingest of the do-nothings President Truman has had to contend with, in trying to get his reconversion program adopted.
One Strike Avoided The U. S. Conciliation Service scored one of its most notable recent successes when it produced a last-minute agreement canceling a nation-wide telephone strike. The settlement, however, depended primarily on the telephone company’s willingness to make a compromise which adequately met its work-
ers’ sense of need.
The National Federation of Telephone Workers is not affiliated with either the C.I.O. or A.F.of L. Some of its locals have been considered company unions; few of them have shown much militancy in the past. The pyramided cost of living presses as heavily on telephone employees as on other workers, however, and they depended on their unions to get relief. Their original demand was for $10 a week increases; a strike was avoided when the company raised its counter offer to a “pattern” of $5 to $8 increases. It was a happy result for the Conciliation Service, the company, the workers and the public.—Chicago Sun.
The AFL strongly encourages union par-
ticipation in solving social problems which require concerted action by all progressive forces in the community. AFL interests include full employment, housing, problems of health and welfare, the kind of school and playgrounds we want for our children, adequate facilities for adult recreation and cultural programs, broadening of clinic and hos-
pital services.—Colorado Teamster.
Adfi«rU»6ment
From where I sit... Jy Joe Marsh.
Our town has a » Housing Shortage
Yes, sir, there’s * real housing shortage in our town, as I guess there is in yours, too. Keefer Cole, for instance, is sharing his home with a brother-in-law from Connecticut. Six children and a dog in one family; four children and three cats in the other. I asked Keefer how they got along together — especially the grownups. Didn’t they get a little edgey from the noise and crowding? Keefer looks at me with a twinkle. “Sure,” he says. “And when
that happens, Sara and I just pass around four sparkling glasses of good beer... and that reminds everybody that there are still a lot of friendly, gracious pleasures that can help us make the best of things.” From where I sit, it’s great to be able to relax during this strain of postwar living with a beverage that’s truly moderate and wholesome, truly friendly. .'V
Copyright, 1946, United States Brewers Foundation
Legal Notice
NOTICE TO NON-RESIDENTS No. 20741 State of Indiana, Delaware County, ss: Vada B. Pruett vs. Russell Herschel Pruett In The Delaware Circuit Court January Term, 1946 Complaint: For Divorce Notice is hereby given the said defendant Russell Herschel Pruett that the plaintiff has filed her complaint for divorce together with an affidavit that the said defendant RusS r 11 .t? Iel S cheI Pruett is not a resident of the State of Indiana, and that unless he be and appear on Wednesday the 1st day of May 1946, the 27th day the next term of said Court, to be holdf” 011 Jhe 1st Monday in April, A. D., 1946, at the Court House in the City of Muncie in said County and State, the said cause will be heard and determined in ms absence. WITNESS, the Clerk and the Seal of said Court, affixed at the City of Mun1946 thiS 28th day ° f February > A - D., r i- T ^ , Jesse E. Greene, Clerk John J. Dodd, Plaintiff’s Atty. March 1-8-15
on the date of sale and will be furnished to the successful bidder at the expense of the City. Dated this 6th day of March, 1946. John D. Lewis City Controller. Mch 8-15
Legal Notice
NOTICE TO BIDDERS
Legal Notice
BOND SALE NOTICE CITY OF MUNCIE
Sealed proposals will be received by
Notice is hereby given that the City of Muncie, Indiana, by and through its Poard of Public Works and Safety will, at the office of the Board of Public Works and Safety of said City of Muncie, in the City Building of said City, on March 20th, 1946, at 2:30 o’clock, P. M. receive bids for purchase by, and the sale and delivery to, said City of Muncie, for its intended use, the fol-
lowing items:
Furnish and erect one self supporting Steel radio antenna supporting tower, two-hundred (200) feet in heighth painted and obstruction lighted. One-five (5) Kilowatt, single phase three (3) wire, 115-230 volt, generator Powered with a four (4) cylinder vertical gasoline motor. Alternate bids will be received on one ten (10) Kilowatt, single phase three (3) wire, 115-230 volt generator. Powered with a four (4) cylinder vertical gasoline motor. One-five (5) Kilowatt, single phase, three (3) wire, 115-230 volt automatic line transfer control panel or one ten (10) Kilowatt, single phase, three (3) wire, 115-230 volt automatic line transfer control panel. Eight (8) to twelve (12) -portable mobile frequency modulated transmitter
the undersigned City Controller nf the > and receivers to operate within the one Citv of t J, V ® ttle 1 hundred-fifty-two (152) ,to one hundred
yity of Muncie, Indiana, at his office
On February 26, Senator Robert A. Taft (R., Ohio) moved to< strike from the school lunch bill the item containing funds for nutrition education. Outstanding health authorities emphasize the value of such instruction. Senator Taft, however, sensed a government plot to tell “the parents of children in the various school districts what lunches they should serve the
children.”
“I do not think anyone who has studied the program, except the nutrition experts has any interest in this provision,” he said.
-o
Rep. Albert J. Engel, Republican, of Michigan, laid down a basic rule to his unheeding Party in the Congressional Record of February 6 (p. 1026). Said the Representative: “The Republican Party must learn that it cannot slap labor down twenty-three months and two weeks in every two-year period and then go out and make speeches during the last two weeks before. election and get the
labor vote.”
Senator C. Wayland Brooks (R., Ill,) has just returned from the Naval Medical Hospital, where he underwent a socialized gall bladder operation at the expense of the tax-
payers.
Keep your eye on the Senator when thej Wagner-Murray-Dingell health insurance bill comes up in the senate. We bet he’ll raise the rafters with a speech about the dangers and evils of “government medicine.”
“The Republican party has become a party wui 31 ^^!^ °dir^ct nc ^iiga-
without a clear program. During campaigns, its candidates try to steal the New Dealers’ policies, and in between the quadrennial appeals to the people, they try to block their adoption.” From an editorial,in the St. Louis
Star-Times, Jan. 28, ,1946.
the City Building in said City, up to the hour of 10:00 a. m. on the 25th day of March, 1946, for the purchase °i s . of said city designated, “Citv of Muncie, Mqnicipal Bonds of 1946 ” in the amount of $47,000.00, bearing interest at a rate not to exceed 4 per cent per annum (the exact rate to be determined by bidding), which interest is payable on January 15, 1948 and July 15, 1948, and semi-annually thereafter. Said bonds are to be dated as of March 15, 1946, will be issued in denominations of $1000.00, and will mature as follows: $4000.00 on Januaray 15, 1948; $3000.00 on January 15, 1949; $3000.00 on January 15, 1950; $3000.00 on January 15 1951; $3000.00 on January 15, 1952; $3000.00 on January 15, 1953; $2000.00 on January 15, 1954 and $2000.00 on January 15th each year thereafter to and including January 15, 1967. Bidders for these bonds will be required to name the rate of interest which the bonds are to bear, not exceeding 4 pfer pent per annum. Such interest rate must be in multiples of 1-4 of 1 per cent apd not more than One interest rate shall be named by each bidder. Said bonds will be awarded to the highest qualified bidder who has submitted his bid in accordance herewith. The highest bidder will be the one who offers the lowest net interest cost to the city, to be determined by computing the total interest on all of the bonds to their maturities and deducting therefrom the premium bid, if any. No conditional bid or bids for less than the par value of said bonds, including accrued interest from the date of said bond to the date of delivery, at the interest rate named in the bid, will be considered. The right is reserved to reject any and all bids. In the event no satisfactory bids are received at the time and on the date herein fixed, the sale will be continued from day to day thereafter until a satisfactory bid has been re-
ceived for said bonds.
All bids must be filed in sealed envelopes marked “Rid for City of Muncie, Municipal Bonds of 1946,” and each bid shall be accompaniad by a certified check in the amount of $1500.00 payable to the City of Muncie, to guarantee the good faith of the bidder and insure that the bidder will, if awarded the bonds, promptly accept delivery of the same in accordance with the terms of sale. In the event of the failure or refusal of such purchaser to perform in accordance with the provisions of his bid and the notice of sale, then said check and the proceeds thereof shall be the property of the City and shall be considered as its liquidated damages on account of such failure or refusal. The checks of all unsuccessful bidders will be returned immediately upon the ward of said bonds. The successful bidder shall accept delivery and make payment for said bonds within 5 days after being notified tlvat the bonds are ready for delivery at the office of the Treasurer, or at such bank in the City of Muncie as the purchaser shall de-
signate in writing.
Said bonds are being issued to provide funds for the following purposes, to-wit: 1. Acquisition and purchase of trucks and other equipment for the use pf said City in the collection of ashes, trash, garbage and other refuse of said City, 2. Acquisition and purchase of radio equipment for the Police Radio Station of said City of Muncie, Indiana, and, 3. Street and Sewer im-
“I am trying to get Lincoln’s party back to where I think Lincoln left it ... ” Rep. Charles M. LaF’ollette, speaking in the House, Feb. 1, 1946. That’s too far back for the boys in the back room, Charley—1929 is far enough back to suit them.
From a “Current Reading for Republicans” advertisement: “Stassen: Young Man Going Somewhere.” It may be. a pretty stale travelogue. Seems that we read about the same trip when Hoover, Landon, Willkie and Dewey took it. o “I have confidence in the good sense of the people.”—Andrew Jackson.
sixty-two (162) megacycle band. Each complete with all necessary cables, control equipment and antenna. Equip-
ment to be installed.
One (1) set offixed radio station frequency modulated equipment for transmitting, receiving and controls, operation within a one hundred-fjfty-two (152) to one hundred sixty-two (162) megacyle band complete with antenna and feed lines. Equipment tc be
installed.
Specification?! for the above equipment are on file in office of the Board of Public Works and Safety, Muncie, Indiana. Bidder may furnish their own specifications for the above equipment subject to the approval of the Board of Works and Safety. Bid forms, as required by law, upon which all bids must be made, may ,be obtained at the office of the Clerk of the Board of Public Works and Safety in the City Building. Bids to be accompanied with a certified check or bid bond in the amount equal to 2 1-2 per cent of the bid; made payable to the City of Muncie, Indiana. The Board reserves the right to reject any and all
bids.
W. M. Brock Clerk of Board of , Public Works and Safety of the City of Muncie, Indiana. 3-8-46—3-15-46
Legal Notice
NOTICE TO BIDDERS
tions of the city payable out of un limited, ad valorem taxes to be levied and collected on all of the taxable property in said city. The opinion of competent bond counsel will be on file
Notice is hereby given that the City of Muncie, Indiana, by and through its Board of Public Works and Safety will, at the office of the Board of Public Works and Safety of said City of Muncie, in the City Building of said City, on March 20th, 1946, at 2:30 o’clock, P. M. receive bids for purchase by, and the sale and delivery to, said City of Muncie, for its intended use, the following items: One (1) completely installed, gas fired incinerator of fifty (50) to one hundred (100) pounds per hour capacity. Incinerator to be capable of destroying small animals. Specifications for the above equipment are on file in office of the Board of Public Works and Safety, Muncie, Indiana. Bidder may furnish their own specifications for the above equipment subject to the approval of the Bo/ird of Works and Safety. Bid forms, as required by law, upon which all bids must be made, may be obtained at the office of the Clerk of the Board of Public Works and Safety in the City Building. Bids to be accompanied with a certified check or bid bond in the amount, equal to 2 1-2 per cent of the bid; made payable to the City of Muncie, Indiana. The Board reserves the right to reject any and
all bids.
W. M. Brock Clerk of Board of Public Works and Safety of the City of Muncie, Indiana. 3-8-46—3-15-46
Miller’s Flower Shop FLOWERS for all OCCASIONS Closed Sundown Friday to sundown Saturday. Funeral Work a Specialty RUSSELL MILLER, Prop. 5th and Vine Sts. Phone 8286
JEFFERSON FOOD MARKET
AT JACKSON AND KILGORE
730 W. Jackson St.
Phone 7714
