Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 24, Number 16, Indianapolis, Marion County, 24 November 1874 — Page 1

r

rt 111

Ml If

3ft

V" ir r ill

n 11

WW

INDIANAPOLIS, TUESDAY NOVEMBER 24; 1874. VOL XXIV KO. 10. WHOLE NUMBER 1.77G

GLADSTONE.

THS LEADER OF THE ENGLISH . LIBERALS IN A NEW. ROLE. . TAI' A L INFALLIBILITY V ERSU3 CIVIL ; ' ' ALLEGIANCE. ' IHE GREAT CONTROVERSY OF THE AQE ENQlAn CATHOLICS ONCE MORE ACTUSED OP i DisinrAtTT. .. . ' The London correspondent of the New "York Tribune writes as follows: - Since the appearance of Mr. Gladstone's paper a rltaalism in the Contemporary Review for October last.it has no longer been possibte for 'Any boacst man to repeat the stupid calnmny that the late prime minister of Protestant England wm a seciet convert to the Toman Church. r.rt.in mnuirM in that atticle roused the fury -ol Raman Catholic writers to an unnsnal pitch. Th attacks made by them on Mr. Gladstone have led hlra.to reply ta a pamphlet which will be out on Monday, and thenceforward Mr. Gladstone will have assumed the position of one of the most conspicuous antagonists of the court of Rome. Not. I should say at once, the position of an enemy to Tibman Catholics, or an assailant of their religion as such, but of the resolute opponent of that wlldambltlo.. which at home-not from the throne, but from behiud the thrr.neprompts the movements of the atican. Of The pope himself he sp-aks always with respect andkfndnes,andor the g'eat body of Roman Catholics with brotherly love and charity. The forthcoming pamphlet, to be published by Mr. . Murray bear the tide, "The Vatican Decrees, In ' tneTJ .rtng ort Ovil Allegiance: Apolitical Expostulation." Mr. Uladstone oddly denominates it a tract, and devote the first twelve pages of It to an explanation of its occasion and scope. In the Contemporary Review he was discusslng-at the momeni-the question whether a hsndrul of the fcuglish clergy are not engaged in an utterly hopeless and vl-ionary eflort to Romanize the church and peoyleof Rngtand; and this was his answer: . , , At no time elnce the bloody rehp of Mary has such a scheme been possible. But if it had been possible in the seveoteenth or eighteenth ceuturies.it would still have become lnipowlble in the nineteenth ; when Rome has substituted for the proud boast ot semper eadem a i olicy Of violence and change in faith; when sue has refurbisr.ed and paraded anew evry rusty tool she was fondly thoagUt to have disused; when no one can become her convert without renouncing his moral and mental freedom, and placing bis civil loyalty and duty at the mercy of another; and when she hM equally repudiated modern thought and ancient history. WHY MR. GLADSTONE WROTE UI3 PAMPHLET. This was what provoked the attacks to which he tb inks it proper to make some answer. But he insists that both the assertions and his present answer are defensive, not azsressive; that neither the abettors f the papal chair nor writers from a papal point ot view have a riht to remonstrate with the world at lur-'e" but it is the world at large that has the'fuUe-t right to remonstrate "first with his holiness, secondly with thr.se who share his proceedings, thirdly even, with such as paxtively allow and accept them." And the pamphlet L, in substance, what he calls it, a polittc.il expostulation. addressed mainly to KnglNh Roman Catholics, calling upon I hem to show bow, alter the recent declarations by the supreme authority of their church, they can rcoucile their aileglance to that church with the purity and Integrity of their civil allegiance; and setting forth, with insular clearness and power, the claims pat forth by Rome to override the obligations of civil al tgiance. In dolus this. Air. Gladstone eschews not only religious bigotry but theological controversy. With theology as such he declares he has nothing to do. It is only in Roma theology thrusting itself into the temporal domain, that tie recognize a topic of po.ltical discussion. This fact the fact that the pope of Rome is a trespasser on gruuud hlch belongs to ihe civil authority, and that he affects to determine bv B irital prerogative questions of the civil phere is the whole and sole cause of the mischief. Ko other Coristian body makes anv nach pretension. All others "contentedly and thankfully accept the benefltsof civil order; nev-r pretend that the stale is not its own master; make no religious claims to temporal possessions or advantages; and, consequently, never are in peril ms coulsion with the state." Of the raa.n of Roran Calholics, Individually, he would Bay the same thing. But not so with the leaders. It has ever occn made matter of Ooat that the Roman Chuieh is the only church or community proiestring to be a church which DOES NOT SUBMIT OR OBEY or hold its peace when the civil governors of the world command, and the boavt is by no Jess a person than Archbishop Manning. And Ahe pretensions of the church are not diminishing hnt in creatine-- In the middle siren Rome claimed universal monarchy. The Rome of to-aay nas nuauuuutu uuiuiug, icnavieu uuiu "By condemning (as will be seen) those who, , . 1 : 1 I I 1. 1 w H 1 ntna...A fr ä ml ii.l Hike DinillU Lu; 1Q AIM IOJU LUOl tl,7 lUT-UtCVA. . 1 . I . . - . i . . V. ....An.llt.n. nil.. JHJf tK wuu iuitrsoiou, sue uuuuuit ui .,-ur1f nncarl I maintülna trhat thu tro'luvii popes maintained. But ev-n this 1 not the naUoual churches and communities of the mil) lie ages, ivcrts w as uiish, iguruunuu . . J.tn .A V. .A .n ...... I . . J ,. an opposition which stoutly asserted its own oruicuuijr, WLicu uwaja ututcii iwh m ue respec -d, and which even sometimes gained the Mpper hand: now, 1 this nineteenth, century of ours, and while it J swAw jw t V let b o mo nrrri tlfin Vina lit .q' vVf vsuf tuwi "v v w v -ii , p iia-i ba put out of court, and judicially extinguished within the Papl Churen, by the recent persojos accepting t h osei ec rees justly to compliUn, .trhfcii sucu doenments are subjected in UUU AlllU IAI A HUltll CAallIlU.UU a- ICflbTtkö their compatibility Willi civil right and the .FOUR PROPOSITIONS DEFENDED. It Is imposnible, therefore, urges Mr. Gladstone, for persons accepting those decrees to com plain when such documents are strictly .examined tntKcJr nmnatibilitr withivll rieht and thA obedience of subjects. In defending his lanfiuvmH respo. iius LUCJU tlK3 kki' uuuiiuji uut : . . . J a I I. irnrrt 1 lit ,a aau era Inf f . .m p i- i . no jate nmnbered propositions viz: 1. That "iiame has RUbfcUiuted for t he proud rboaM of semper eadem, a policy of violence and change in laiuh." 2. 'lhatshe kas refurbUked and paraded anew every nuxy tool she was londty thought to have doused. - X Thatt ao ons can now become her convert Ti'-hout renouneing his moral and mental fredoti, and placing hia civU loyaaiy aud duty at the mercy ojinotoer. 4. That she i"lto.nae") has equally repudiated modern thought and anci-nt hlsury. The first and fourth ot these he considers together, and disposes of "ra'.hei Miraoiarily,'r because 4,they appear to belong to the theological domain." Thy refer to a fact and they reeord an opinion. The fact Is that in days within llr. Oladstone's memory, "the constant, favorite. And imposing argument of Itoraan controversialists was the uabraKen and absolute identity In belief or the Roman Church from the days of our Savior until now;" while now, and ever increasingly during forty years this I replaced by the Asseriksns of -a living authoilty evtr ready to open, adopt, and .shape ChrJsilau docttiiie, accordin to the times." Instead of the constant appeal to history, we have the unmeasured power of the theory of development. The opinion 1 that the recent papal decrees are at war with modern thougirt. whlvh Js a question of divinity, but undonbUdiy the opinion of the great majority of the liritisn public; and thut 01 lX-0 incurred the censure of "the tir.t livii g lueoiolun now within the Roman communion," Vr. Newman, In tli well known passage In which he denounced the "agirtKsive and insolent taction" who urged on that injuryPROPOSITIONS CONDEMNED BT THIS SEE OY ROME. Tasking to the lecond proposition, "that Rome has refurbushed.ind paradel anew, every rusty tool ihe was fondly thocsbtto havediscuf-sed," Is this a fact f asks Mr. Gladstone. Assuming that It la titnletf, he proceeds to enumerate the

following propositions, all the holaers of which have been condemned by the Hee of Rome during bis own generation, and especially within the last 12 or 15 years. 1. Those who maintain the liberty of the press. 2. Or the liberty of conscience and of worship. 3. Or the liberty of speech. 4. Or who contend that Papal Judgments and decrees may, without tdn.be dUobeyed, or differed from, unless they treat or the rules (dogmate) of faitu or rnotals. 5. Or who assign to the state the power of definii g the civil rights (Jura) and province of the church. ' ' ., . . Or who hold that Roman Pontiffs - and CKcnmenlcal Councils have transpreed the limits of their power, and usurped the rlgnts of princes. ' .. , ,

7. Or that tne cnurcn may u- eiuynjr x or th.i nnwpr. not inherent in theotlice of the Kpioopate, but granted to it by thecivi authoi ity, ma; bo withdrawn from It at the dls cretion ortnat aumon y. i n.ik.i iholimmnnllMl Civil Immunity of the church and its minister depends upon civil flliata -( To. Or that, in the conflict of laws civil and ecclesiastical, the civil law thould prevail. 11. Or that any methed of Instruction of yonth, solely secular, mar be approved. Li. or that knowledge of things philosophical and civil may and should decliueto .be guided by divine and ecc fcslutical authority. 1. r that marriage Is not la Its essence a sacii. Or'that marriage, not sacramentally contracted, has a binding frrce. Ij. Or that the abolition of the temporal power of the popedom would be highiy advantageous to the church. hi. or that any other religion than the Roman religion may be established by a utate. IV. Or that In "countries called catholic the lree exercise of other religions may laudabiyba allowed. , . IS. Or that the Roman pontiff ought to come to terms with progress, liberalism, and modern These condemned propositions (the holders or them also conaemnea; ure nuui mc w-j -"" of Gregory XVI., In 1S31, and of Pius IX, in jSt4. and from the "Syllabus" of 1361. The original text of each is given in the appendix, with references. With regard to THE MEANING AND EFFECT of the propositions, Mr. Gladstone remarks: "It may appear, upon a hasty perusal, that neither the Infliction of penalty In life, limb, liberty, or goods.or on disobedient members of the Christian Church, nor the title to depose sovereigns and release subjects from their allegiance, with ii hj .uirniiin Kimumnpicpii. has been an itiwiwn, u.-v t w 1 . here reaffirmed. In terms there is no mention of tnem but the substance or tue propositions, i frievetosaythey are beyond doubt included, or it isuotorious that they have been declared and decreed by Rome," councils; and the strln52nt condemnations of the fj llaous lcciuue an lUWS uu nom umt popes and papal councils (declared u-cumenica!) have transgressed the Just limits of th lr power r usurped the rights of princes. What have been their opinions and decrees about persecution I need Lardiy say ; and indeed the right to employ physical force is even here undit-guis-edly claimed. (No. 7)" Plainly, however.ls the third proposition which liaa ihn irrixitfiii! nrnr, im.l .mnnrlanre of all. and the greater p.irt of the pamphlet is occupied in maintaining "that no one can now become her CJtiverl without renouncing hlsicoraland menat freedom, an J placing his civil loyalty and duty at the mercy'ol another." Mr. Gladstone reminds us that those who. not being c-nverts, but lifelong tjathoncs, refus d assent to the doijinaof 1ö7 ), underwent the extreme penalty r rnmmnniiiitlnn. Amiin; them was"the most famous and learned living theologian of the Kornau communion, nr. von uoliinger, long . i . . i.. . r II me loreuiusi cuuiiijmuu ui uvt luuu u cudured his sentence with temper undisturbed and freedom unimpaired, and with him went many in Geimanv the country "from which Luther blew the mighty trumpet, lhat even now echoes through tue iana, and which "Still retains her primacy in the domain of conscience." Elsewhere.the fermentation lias in but few Instances come to the surface. The mass of men can not examiue such matters for themselves, and even lor the leaders "a change of religious profession is, under all clr cumsuncee, A ORK AT AND AWfCL THING. Much more is the question, however, between conflicting or apparently conflicting duties ar duous, when the religion of a man has been changed lor him, over his head, and with out the very least of his participation.' Hence Mr. Gladstone does not hold the members of the Roman Church In general responsible for recent innovations, inougn they submit to tu em, but he calls upon Lu gllsh lloman Catholics to replace themselves where they stood at the date of 'athlic emancipation In 1S3. When the question was debated of admitting Catholics to parliament, their opponents rested mainly on the all gation that no Roman Catholic could give an entire allegiance to the crown, the papal power claiming a mpreme authority In civil matters. Rut the highest Roman Catholic authorities in this country were appealed to for Information. Thev were asked, Lid the pope claim temporal jurisdiction, or pretcud to the power of deposing kings? and answers in abundance were obtained. tending to show that these doctrines were obsolete beyond revival. Rut something more wa wanted. The slate was strong euounh to be at ease about individual loyalty, but it had aright to know to what demands rrom the pope raiglih Catholics were liable. For. "The theory which placed every human being, lu things spiritual and things temporal, at the feet of the Romau Ponlitf, had not been an idolum specus. a mere theory of the chamber. Brain power never surpassed in the political history of the world had been devoted ior centuries to the sin gle purpose of working it into the practice of Christendom: had in tue est achieved for an ira possible problem a partial 'ucce-s, and had in the East puulhed the obstinate independent e oj ttiechurcn oy mat i-aun conquest or uonsiau linople, which effectually prepared the way lor the downfall of the Eastern empire and the es tablishment of the .Turns in Europe." it was essential then to ha.e an answer to such questions as these: "Dil the pope claim infallibility T oruiane, either without Infalil bully or with It (and it with It so -much the worse), claim an universal obedience from his flock? And were these claims, either or both, anirmed in nis cnurcn oy authority which even the least papal of the members of that church must admit to be binding upon conscience?" The first two, luckil, were covered by the ;at, ror practical purposes, ior to me first two VO SATISFACTORY ANSWER could be given. The popes had claimed dogmatic infallibility for nigh a thousand years, and claimed obedience from the baptized members of the church, but neither claim had been uni versally admitted by the church The Galilean ( hunch had asnied it, councils had failed to affirm It. and Sown to the close of the listcenturir the prevailing opinions of Cisalpine churchy had been a?inst both claims. The leaders of lloman catnonc opinion in ureat liritaln spoke out Draveiy in me same sense, uisnop j.Kvle, able &nd eminent, who more than other relate then represented his church, said in &: lhe ua.noiic pro.es-es to oney me- pope in mat terswnicn regaru ins rejig ous iu n, an in those matters or ecclesiastical discipline which have already toe i defined by the compeeuc authorities." And again, beisc asked. "Doea that Justify the objectiou ;hat Is made to Catho lics thak tueir aiitgiaoce is divided?" he an swered:"! do not think it dots In any wav We are bound to obey the pope in those things that I have already mentioned. But our obedience to the law. and the allegtaoce which we owe the sovereign, are complete, and fuG, and perfect, and undivided, inasmuch as they eitec-l to all politieal. legal and civil rivals of the klug or of his euhjacts. I think the allegiance due to the king and the alleeUncs due to lhe pepe are asd wt.ticcaDd as divided la thejr natuie as any two things can possibly be." 11 wis on uw Hirenjr.a ot sacn aeciarsHons, supported by equally explicit testimony (which air. Gladstone quotes) from the vicars Apostolic, and from the hlerachy of the Roman eomraunion, that Catholic emancipation was at that time obtained. Bat since that time, all thee pioposltions ha7e been reversed. The pope's infallibility, when he speaks ex cathedra on laith and moral?, has been dVclaretl, with the absent of the bishops ot the lloman Church, to bean article ot lai tu, binding on tue conscience of every Christian; his ciaiiu to the ooedieoce of his spiritual subjects has been declared in like manner without any practical limit or wrvo; and nis supremacy, wiihout any reserve of civSl rights, has beeu slnnllarly arlirmed to Include everything which relates to tneaiscipitue ana government of the cliurch throughout the wond. And these doctrioes, we no know on the highest authority, it 1 of necessity for salvation 10 believe. Socomp eie is the degradation of the Episcopal order in the Ijttln Chnrch that the claims to which Catholics now submit are not even BUictiy decrees of a council, but

DECREES PROMULGATED IN A COUNCIL,

Pins IX. legislating and decreeing. What he decrees ls.flrstj his own infallibility. :t is said that this is claimed only when he speaks ex cathedra, but this is a phrase of which there is no es tablished definition. Rut "there Is still ne person, and one only, who can unquestionably de o.are ex ca'bedra what Is ex cathedra and what is not, and who can deelare it wheu and as ne Pleases. That person is the pope nimsen. ine piavislon is, that no document he issues ßh all be valid without a seal;butthe seal reraalcs under his own sole loetc and icey." - it is ureed aeain that the Fupal claim dies not go. beyond matter of faith and morals; but what do not morals include, or where is the line to be drawn which thall exclude any Important part of human action from that domain? lume draws none. ".Sur.h a distinction would be the ntiwor'hy device of a shallow po:icy, vainly used to hide the daring of that wild ambition which at Rome not from the throne, but from behind -lh throne prompts the movements 01 the aticam lcaenot to ask if there be dregs or tatters of human life, such as can escape from the de scription and boundary of morals. I submit that duty is a power which rises with ns In the morning, and goes to lest wi h us at Light, It is co-fxiensive with the action of our In telligence. It Is the shadow which cleaves to us gowhf re we wiil, and which only leaves us when we leave the llbt of life. K then It is the supreme direction of us In respect to all duty, which the tontlff declares to belong to hitn sacroapprobauteconctlio; and this declaration he makes, not as sn otioseoplnion of the schools, but cunclls fldelibus ertdendam et tenendam." : THE CLAIM TO ABSOLUTE AND ENTIRE OBED IENCE. Nor is even the claim of papal Infallibility the most dangerous of recent nsurpat ions. There Is something wider still, and that is the claim to an absolute and entire ' obedience. The third chapter of the Vatican constitution has had less attention than the fourth, but is at least, Inks Mr Gladstone, of equal moment. Quoting the text of it, he says: "Kven, therefore, where the Judgments of 'he pope do not present the credentials f infallibility, they are unappealable and irre versible, no person may pass judgment upon them, and all men. clerical and lay, dlspersedly or in tne aggregate, are oounu truiy xooDcy them; and from this rule or Catholic truth no man can depart, save at the peril of his salvation. Surely, it is allowable to say that this third chapter on universal obedience is a formidable rival to the fourth chapter on infallibility. Indeed, to an observer from without, it seems to leave the dignity to the other, but reserve the stringency and efficiency to itself. The third chapter is the Merovingian Monarch; the fourth is the Carolipgian mayor of the place. The third has an overwinr bplendor; the fourth an iron gripe. Little does it matter to me whether my superior claims infallibility so long as he is entitled to demand and exact conformity. This, it will be observed, he demands even in cases not covered by his infallibility; cases, therefore, in which he admits it to be possible that he may I e wrong, but finds it Intolerable to be told so. As he rnuit be obeyed in all his judgments, though not ex cathedra, it seems a pliy hecouid not likewise give the comforting assurance that they are all certain to be right." Why this ostensible reduplica ion f Why, when faith and morals cover everything wonh having in the individual, put forth this other doctrine of obed.ence? In this lies THE VERY ROOT AND KERNEL " of the matter, "Individual servitude, however abject, will not satisfy the party now i"minant in the Latin Cliurch ; the state must als,, ea slave." The danger herein lnrking is energetically dragged from its concealment. The claim to absolute obedience In all t which concern the discipline and government of the church sweeps into the papal net whole multitudes of fnCts, whole systems of governments. And the warning reaches across the Atlantic. Kven in the United Mates, where the severance between church and state is supposed 10 be complete, a long catalogue might be drawn ot suojfcts belonging to the domain and competency of the state, but also undeniably afTVcunir thu government of the church; buch as, by way of example, marriage, banal, education, pil on discipline, blaspuray, poor relief, iucorporation. Mioitmsin. religious endowments, vows of celibacy, and ooeaieuve. in r.urope tn circle Is ar wid r, the points of contact and of interlacing almost l' unmerable. But on all matters respecting which any pope may think proper to declare that tt ey concern either faith, or morals, or the government, or disc pltneof the church, he claims, with the approval of , a co-mcll ' ULdoubtedly oecumenical in the Roman sense. the absoluie obedience, at the peril of salvation, of very member or his communion, to such claim as these the claims of the Syllabus and the encjc.ical it seems not to have been taougnt wise as et 10 pledge the council. That is probably to come. "In the meantime it is well to remember that this claim in respect to all things affecting the discipline and government of the church, as well as faith and conduct, is lodged In open day by and tn the reign of a pontiff, who has condemned free speech, free writing, a free press, toleration of nonconformity, liberty of conscience, study of civil and philosophical matters in independence of the ecclesiastical authority, marriage unless sacramentally contracted, and the defluinltlon by the state of the civil rights (Jura) of tne cnurcn; wnonas uemancuu ior toe cnurcn, therefore, the title 10 define its own civil rights, together with a divJne right to civil immunities, and a right to use piy leal force; and who has also proudly aserted that the popes of the middle ages with their councils did not Invade the rise bis of priucesx as, for example. Gregory VII. of the Emperor Henry IV.; Innocent III. of Raymond of Toulouse; Paul 111. of deposing henry VIII., or Rim V. In performing the like paternal oinoe ror r.iir.anetn. WHAT THE CATHOLICS snOCLD DO. Willi this spirited passage, Mr. Gladstone approaches the close of his demonstration of his third proposition. Under such circumstances, he thinks it not too much to ask his Roman Catholic fellow-countrymen to clear away the presumptive obligations under which they He to their ceiesiaticai ruiersaoroau. ana to tuinu the engagements in'o which their bishop at home entered lor them In l$. Vague assertions will not answer. What is wanted, ana that in the most specinc form and the clearest terras Mr Gladstone takes to be one of to things, that is to say either: 1. A demonstration that neither in the name of faith, ror in the name of morals, nor in the name of the government or discipline of the Church, is the Pope of Rome able, by virtue of the powers asserted ror him by the Vatican de cree, to make any claim upon those who adhere to his communion of mob a nature as can impair the integrity of their civil allegiance; or ' t. That if when such a claim Is made. It w 11, even although resting on the definitions of the Vaticin, be repelled and rejecud.just as Bishop Doyle, when he wa asKtd what tne itomau CaJiollc clerey woul t do if the pope interin edded with their religion, replied frankly: "The consequence would he lhat we t-bould oppose him by every means in our power, even by tne exercise or our SPIRITUAL AUTHORITY." If explicit assurance to this effect be not given the conclusion must be: . . 1. That the pope, authorized by bis council, claims Cor himself the domain (a) of faith, (b) of morals, w) of all that concerns the government and discipline of the church. 2. That he in like manner claims the power of determiniog tne limits 01 those domains. a. inat he does not sever tnem, by anyac knowledzed or intelligible line, from the do mains of civil duty and allegiance. i. That be therefore claims, and Claims from the month of July, 1870, 00 wards with plenary authority, from every convert and member of bis church, that he shall "place kis loyalty and civil duty at the merev of another, that other heloa himself. This demonstration completed, Mr. GI:uitoue then asks whether. If his proposiiiotm be true, they are also material. This, it might ho Mipposed. auvbody would concede, but lu Mr. Gladstone's answer to hU own quest iou occur some of the most sntcg -stive passages 01' the whole paper. What ho really consitieis Is the purpose, with which these astounding claims of the papacy have been put forward, it has been a favorite purpose of his life, ho declares, not to conjure op but to conjure duwn pubde alarms, ana be is not now "jromg to pretend that either foreign foe or domestic treason can, at the bidding ot the Court of Rome,distu:b these peaceful shores. Rut though Mich fears may be vlsiocary. It is more visionary still to suppose for one moment lhat the c'alms of Gregory VII., of Innocent III , and of Boniface VIII , have been dislnte-it-d. In the nineteenth century, like hideous mummita

picked out of Egyptian sarcophazl, in the interestsor an-hieoiogy, or without a definite and prai t'cal aim." POLITICAL AIMS OF THE ROMAN COURT. What, then, Is the aim? In part, no doubt, theological, and to attract converts among those who like to discharge Ihelr spiritual responsibilities by i-ower of attorney. Rut this end could h-e been rerohert by simpler .means, by a few Tetr.els Judiciously distributed over Europe." The main jurrose must have been political. It must be tor some political object, of a very tiwigible kind, that the risks of so daring a raid upon the civil sphere have t een deliberately run: A daring raid it is. For it is most evident that the very assertion of ' principles. . which establish an exemptlou tioiu &i:siaLce, or which impair is completeness, poet in many other coun t rj s of Furope lar more uiifClly tl.an with us, to the ereatoa of polii ical strif, and to dangers of the uiohi material and tangible fctnd. Tue siruugles now proceeding in Germany at one-" occurs to the m'nd as a palmary lustance. I am not competent to give any opinion upon the particulars- of that struggle.' The institutions ot Gerinay, and the re'ative estimate of state power and individual freedom, are ' materially different Irom ours. Rut I roust say as much as this;. Firstly, It is not Prussia alone thai is touched ; el sew li ere, loo, lhe bone 1 es ready, though the contemion may be delayed. Id other stales, la Austria particu lsrly.thereare recent lawsin force, raising much the satue issues as the Falck laws have raised. Hut the Roman court possesses in perfection one art. the art of waiting; audit is her wise maxim to fight but one enoiny at a time, t-econdly, II 1 have truly represented the ctaims promulgated from the Vatican, it is difficult to deny that those claims, and the power which has made them. are prlinarlly responsible for the pains and perils, whateverthey msy be.of the prenent conflict between German and Ruman enactments. A nd that which was orce truly said of France, may now als, be said with iiol less truth of Germany: when Germany is disquieted, ;

EUEOPB CAN NOT BE AT REST. I should feel less anxiety on this subject had the supreme pontiff frankly recognized his altered position since the events of 1870; and in lan guage as clear, if not as emphatic, as that in which he has proscribed modern civilization, g.ven to J-.urope the assurance that he would be no party to the re-establishment by blood and violence of the temporal power o. the church. It is easy to concolvehat his personal benevolence, no less than his feelings as an Italian, must have inclined him individually towards a course so humane; and I should add, If I might doit without presumption, so prudent. With what appears to an Ku gllsh eye a lavish prodigality, successive Italian governments have made over tne ecclesiastical powers and privi leges of the monarchy, not to the church of the country for the re vival of the ancient, poDUlar and self-governing elements of its constitution, but to the Fapal Chair, for the establishment of ecclesiastical depotism,and thesuppiesMon of the last vestiges ol Independence. This course, so difficult for a foreigner to appreciate, or even to Justify ,has teen met, not by reciprocal-concilia tion, but oy a con.-1 an 1 lire 01 aenuLciations anu comp: aims. When the tone o these denunciations and complaints is compared with the language of the authorized and favored Papal organs In the press, and ot the Ultramontane party now the sole legltlma e party of the Latin Curch through cut Kuroue.it 1 ads many to the pslnful and revolting conclusion that there is a fixed purpose among the secret insplrers of Roman 1 olicy to pursue, by the road f lorce, upon the arrival of any favorable opportunity, the favorite project ot re-erec: ing the terrestrial throne of the Popedom, even if can only be reerected on the ashes of the city, and amidst the whi .ening bones of the people. THE EFFORT TO REGAIN TEMPOAAL POWER. In other words, Rome Is p la tvnggame win back the temporal power. The mere ex istence of snch an idea Mr. Gladstone regards as a portentous evil, an incentive to general dl-: lurbauce, though the hope of success is "ridicu lous." It might nevertheless paralyze to some extent the actiorJrnfTuTTi government as should interpose, for no purpose of their own, but only for the maintenance of general peace hence, among other things, its interest to England. "If the baleful power which Is expressed by the phrase Curia Romans, and not at ail adequately rendered In Us historic force by the nsual Rneilsh equivalentCourt of Rome,' really entertaius the bcheme,il doubtless counts on the support In every country of an organized and devoted party, which, when it can command the scales of Dolltlcal do wer. will promote iuterfererie. ami, when it is in a minority, will 'vor for se curing neutrality. As the peace of Knrope may bein Jeopordv, and as the duties even of Ensland, as one. m to peak, of i'.s constabulary au thorities, might come 10 De in question, it would be most iuteiestlng to know the mental attitude of our Roman Cai holte fellow countrymen in Fngland and Ireland with reference to the subject; and It seems to be one on which we are entitled to solicit iniormation." That the temporal power concerns the discipline and government of the church is plan-, but anybody who doubts it is referred to Arch bishop Manning, who in 18ÖI "'has not thought it too much to -ay that the civil order of all Christendom is lhe offspring of tne temporal power, anu nas ine lemrorai power lor its aev stone ; tuaton the destiuctioH of thetemporsl power the laws of nations would at once fall in ruins ;" that (our old friend) the deposing power 'taught' suojects obedience and trinces clemency,' ' ana who went even lurther,and ele vated the temporal power lo the rank ot necessary. doctrine. He was not then archbishop, but was made such on the first opportulty. atid has sinci reaffirmed the doctrine with equal or greater emphasis. 1 THE DUTY OF BRITISIt LEGISLATION. Lastly, Mr. Gladstone asks whether he is the man who ought to have set forth these proposi tions and made this expostulation. For thirty years, he tells us, In office and out, in majorities and in small minorities, he has labored to ex tend civil rights lo his Roman Catholic fellow countrymen. The liberal party with which he has acted has suffered in pubic favor because it was thought too ardent in that effort, and at the same time been in the worst odor atRorae.be cause of its (tie hopes) unalterable attachment to Italian liberty an a independence, lie has at times been the leader of the party, and in justice toil, as well as to fociety in general, be feels bound now to come forward. Uli lately he left the duty f such declarations to others, it was not till 1ST that the change in the position of Roman catnoncs as emzens reached its consummation. Till then he hud "ior very many years felt It to be the first and permanent duty of the British legislature, whatever Rome might say or do to give lo Ireland all that justice could de mand in regard to nuttters of conscience and of civil equality, and thus to seiners 11 right in the opinion of the cifilized world." But "when parliament had patsed the church act of IV'O and the laad act of 1870 there remained only, under the great head of imperial equity., one serious question to be dealt with that of the higher education.' I consider that the liberal majority in the House of Commons, and the government to which 1 had the honor and salisfactiou to belong, iormany tenaerea payment in mil 01 this portion of the debt by the Irish university bill ot February, 1ST;!. Soma indeed think that it Was overpaid, a question (into which this is manifestly not the place to enter. Rat the ROMAN CATHOLIC PRELACY 0P IRELAND thought fit to procure the rejection of that measure, by the direct influence which they exer cised over a certain number of Irish members of parliament, and by the temptation which they thus offered the bid, n effect, which (to uss a homely'pbrase) they Vnade to attract the support of the tory opposition." Their efforts being successful, he felt from that time forward that the situation was ( hanged ; that the debt to Ireland having been Faia, a aett to toe country at largo still remained, and on his ceasing to be prime minister an appeal from him could no longer run the risk of ix-ing misconstrued. Rut this is not a recsntation nor a regret, cf what the liberal part has accomplished for the civil quality 0 Catholics he resets r othin and reconts noth. ing. He does corjhidr-r the r. cent extension of the Catholic hol J on the higher classes a political mis 01 tune, albeit "the conquests have been chicliy asmltcbt have b-en expeced among wo- i mm." The male converts he prefers to caII cap-1 Lives, imi mjiiuuuui v hit? neomiv le iiuoül tue maxim, "A t'athoilc flret, an Knglihman afierward." But tbe movement is limited to the up per classes, the decreasing returns of Roman at hoiic marriages proving that In the nouulat 011 as a whole the Roman Catholics have di minished. Yet "there Is something at the lea-t abnormal in such a partial growth taking eCtct ns it does among the wealthy and noble, while the peoplft can not be chrmel, by anv iucantat iou, into tiw Roman cam p. The original Uos-

pel was supposed to be meant especially for the

poor, rut the gospel of the nineteeuth century from Rome conns another and less modest. il tication. If the Tope does not control more souls among tis. he certainly controls more acres." . . MR. GLADSTONE'S INTENTIONS IX THXi FUTURE. This can be borne, however. Thre remains the question of general policy. First, al regards the great imperial settlement, nehievtd by slowdegrees, which, has admitted men of all creeds subsisting ;-.iuong ns to parliament, thai he conceives tobe so determined beyond all doubt or Snestion as to hsve becomeoneof the deep fcrunatlon sionesof tueexlsilng constitution. Rut there are other matters, imp riant though mi nor, and öpou these, and indeed as the conolut.iou of the wnole question, and of the pamphlet, Mr. Gladstone declares . hlmsejf in words of prreat significance and weight, wtich I quote In lull? "My own - views and. Intentions in the . future are of the smallest significance. Bat, if the arguments I have here offered make H my duty to declare tbem, I say at once the future will be exactly as the past; in the little that depends on me, I shall be guided hereafter, as heretofore, by th rule of maintaining eqoal civil rights irrespectively ot religious differences: and shall resist all attempt to exclude th members of the Roman Church from the benefit of that rule. Indeed, I may ay that 1 have alreaoy given conclusive indications of this view by supporting in Parliament, as a minister, sluce IsTO, the repeal or the ecclesiastical titles act. for what I think ample reasons. Not onjy txcatise the time has not yet come when we can assume the consequences of - THE REVOLUTIONARY MEASURES of 1S70 to have been thoroughly weighed and digested by all capaMe men In the Roman communion. Jsotonlj because m great a numerical proportion are, as I have before observed, necessary incapable of mastering, and forming their personal judgment upon, the case, ignite irrespectlv3 even of these considerations, I hold that our onward even course should not be changed by follies, the consequences of which, if the worst came to the worst, this country will have alike the power and. in case of need. Via will to control. The state will, I trust, be ever can-ful to leave the domain of religions conscience free, and yet to keep it to its own domain; and to allow neither private caprice nor, above all, foreign arrogance to dictate to it in the dh charge of its proper office. "Fingland expect 8 every man to do bis duly;" and none can be t-o well prepared under all circums ances to exact its performance as that liberal party which has done the work of justice alike for non-conformists and for papal dissidents and whosa members have so often, for the sake of that work, hazarded their credit with the markedly Protestant constituencies of the country. Strong the state of the United Kingdom has always been in material strength: and its moral panoply is now, we may hope, pretty complete. It is not, then, for the dignity of the crown and people of the United Kingdom to be diverted from a path which they have DELIBERATELY CHOSEN, and which it does not rest with all the myrmidons of the apostolic chamber either openly to obstruct or secretly to undermine. It is rightfully to be expected, it la greatly to be desired, that the Roman Catholicsof thfs country should do in the nineteenth century what tbelr forefatners or .ngiana, except a nanuiui 01 emissaries, ad in tbe sixteenth, when they were marshaled in resistance to the Armada, and in the seventeeath, wuen, lh despite of tbe pairal cbalr, they Fat in the House of Lords under the oainof adrgiacce. That which we are entitled to desire, we are entitua to expect; indeed, to say we did not expect it, would, in my Judgment, be the true way of conveying an insult" to those concerned. In this expectation we may be partially disappointed, rjuoum those to whom I appeal thus unhappily come to bear witness In their own persons to the decay of . 1 id, manly, true life in their, church, it will oe their Joss mora than ours.. The inhabitants of these islands, as a whole, are stable though sometimes credulous n 1 excitable rttolut-e, though sometimes boastful; and. a. strr.ngheaded and sound-hearted race will not be hindered, either by latent or by aröXfed dissents. due to the foreign influence of a caste, from the accomplishment of its mission in the world." My summary and extracts have been too copious to leave space for comment. I add only that the appearance at such a moment of such a manifesto seems to me an event of which the importance can scarcely be ovenated. nr. Gladstone is no longer prime minister, but he is still the most powerful raau In England. lie might have remained silent, but be has chosen to come lorward at a most critical moment to throw all his influence against Home in the conflict she is waglug, not in England only or mainly, but on the continent and elsewhere. Much an act is not done without a clear aim and a careful weighing of consequences, and this pamphlet has. 1 believe, far more than a mere argumentative purpose. THE KANSAS SUFFERERS. ABSTRACT OF THE OFFICIAL REPORTS ESTIMATE OF THE NUMBER OF THE NEEDY THEIR CONDITION. Atchison, Ks., Nov. 21. The Daily Champion publishes Iroin the advance sheets of the oflicial reports madd to the state board of sericulture eomo statistics showing the destitution existing in sev eral of tho frontier counties of the state. Seventeen counties in which an aggregate of 158.000 acres had been planted in corn produced not a bushel ol this cereal. Five of theso counties produced an average crop of wbeat, rye, oats, barley and buckwheat, and are'abundantlv able to relieve anv individual cas of destitution in their midst. The other twelve counties having an acurczate population or 2i,87, as shown by the state census, taken last June, are all on the remote frontier, and the settlement within tbem have all been made within the last three years. The eight in which the greatest destitution prevails have all be populated within the past year or two, sad the greater part 01 tueir population settled within their limits eitner list epring or tho preceding fall. These show an: aggregate population of 17,4'J6 Bettlers. Generally they had their hrst crop planted. They bad expended all their means in building their homes and putting in crops. The drought and grasshoppers wrought the total destruction of everything they had planted, leaving them totally destitute. They are without either food, clothing or fuel, ' to sustain tbem until they can produce something on which to live, and must be sustained by tbe charitable contributions of th6 people in other fieitions of tbe state and tbe country at large. Tbe Champion computes the number;of destitute in the state at from 20,000 to 25,000. Hut of these many are located in the older counties where the crops, with tbe exception of the corn wtre a fair average, and tbe more fortunate citizens are able and willing to help their destitute neighbors. But in eight counties tho destitution is very general, and almost tbe whole population will need more or less assistance. At least 15.000 people must be assisted during tho winter, and until another crop is grown. INDICTMENT OF OFFICIALS. ACTION OF A LOUSIANA GRAND JURY A LOT OF FUNCTIONARIES TO BE TRIED. New Orleans, Nov. 21. The grand jury of Plaquemius parish has indicted the following persons: I larry Mahoney, colored. ex-member of the House of Representatives, ior embezzling thirty-three hundred dollars b treasurer of the board of education; Edward : Butler, colored. ex-slate senator for receiving a bribe of ?1,500; William M. Prescott. pari. h judge since 1S03. lor bribery and corruption in ofhce and subordination of per jury; Nicholas Rivan, colored, for shooting I with intent to kill. Mackmailinz and ob taining money under false Dretenses by intimidation and threats; Erank White, col-, ored, jailor and deputy sheriff, fcr conniving at the escape ol prisoners, including the defaulting state tax collector. Tbe grand jury consisted of four whites and 12 colored men.

AFFAIRS IS LOUISIANA. ARRESTS FOR ALTERING TUB RETURNS THB SOLDIERS AT WORK. New Orleans. Nov. IG. N. Underwood, supervisor of registration, and Cobeu, cierk ol the court cf St. James parish, wtre arrested by Deputy United States Marshal Flood, charged with bnir eogspea ia altering the election returns. In tho room where the prtiei were arrest-vi on Rampart street a quantity of tally Bbeets, statements of voters, several thousand republican tickets and the seal of Court of St. James parish were found. ComluissioDer Craig bound the parties over In fl.OOO each to ppear. Underwood and Cohen both assert that tbe oclv purpose in view was to make cut copies oi the returns to file, with tbe clerk of the court of th& parish, as required bv law. The w oman ia whose houe Underwood and Cohen were arrested states that six persoiii worked there all night for four nights. The conservhtives believe they wer? making up returns for the parishes that were not promptly reported. The rdurr.s from St. James and several other parishes have not yet been delivered to the returning board. John TT. Sandigle was to-day eioctd a member ct the returning board, viee Longstreet, resigned. The board is progressing tlowly in the count. It had reached the ninth poll in the Second Ward of the citv. In most eyerv poll the b-;ard nods something informal as regards the certification upon which discuions aris. The members ol the board peetn to be strict constructionists as to the application ot tbe election law. Tho co":nrvatives charge that tho supervisors lave intentionally failed in rr.any CAses to properly certify. The republicans say that the St. Jame parish election returns were probably being arranged toelect Boveeto the Senate instead of his opponent. Both are republicans. Bovee was formerly secretary of state. It is known that he was engaged w Uh others in the house where Underwood and Cohen were arrested, but he bad finished bis part of the business and returned home. All those engaged in the transaction will be arrested tomorrow, including Bovee. Tbe Lion. A. B. Spencer, candidate lor Congress from the fifth district at the recent election.says that he was elected, and, whether the returning board counts him in qr out, he will appear'.beiore Congress and demand his seat. General Emory has issued an order for the removal of the troops from the state house at 6 o'clock to-morrow morning. It is generally believed here that tbi movement is made in pui?uanceof orders from Washington. Gen. Morrow, who has been to Monroe investigating the charges against Lieut. Hodgson, returned to-day. He has not yet made his report, but as he ordered Hodgson under srrcst a court martial will probably follow. Hodgson is"charged with cutting "the telegraph wires and overstepping his duty in making arrests and guarding prisoners. The following is a special to the Bulletin : Bayou Sara, Xov. 16- The Sabine passed down to-day with the Natchitoches prisoners onboard. Mindkn. Nov. 16. New arrests are being made d3ily. It is dangerous to come to Coushatta. . . THE CdNSflRACY CASEt

HAftRlK'QTQN ADDKFSSE5J TnE JüRT IN HIS OWN DEFENSE HE USES BITTER LANGUAGE HE LEAVES HIS HONOR IN THE HANDS OF THE JURY". Washington, Nov. til. I rt the pale burglary trial Han ington addressed the jury in his own behalf, saying that he did so notwithstanding the adage that he who is his own lawyer has a fool lor his client. He protested his entire innocence, and said that he asked no tayors, nothing but simple justice. In his argument be cited various cases and decisions which have been made against tha practice of seizing private papers for the past six centuries, and denounced the action of the government as illegal, indecent and itfatnuus. In regard to tbe missing telecram, to said that it was for his interest to keep that telegram intact, for the government did not know who wrote that dispatch, and before they could introduce if, they must prove that he (Harrington) wrote it. He would have it detrryed under any (.iicuiustances, and he tad as much right tosay that the counsel for the government had abstracted that telegram as thev bad to impute ita absencr to him. They might not have done it themselves, but they were surrounded by a band of men who were used to such capers, and they could have picked up this dispatch and have eatn it up as easily as ihey could have eaten c ne ofWelken's dinners. He spoke about the release of Benton, and said that he only - did what ha considered bis duty and what ho always would do and what lie would do again, and that was to give every man his liberty on bail when the case warranted it. At this very time, be also suggested, Hayes could procure his release on bail. Harrington spoke nearly two hours, and closed by urging his own vindication, and declaring bis willingness to leave everything, bis life and . his reputation and honor in the hands of the jury, and saying, that in all his official acts be Lad never yet tarnished bis name or his honor. The court here took a recef s. After the recess the court was adjourned till Monday, when Mr. Davidge, of the counsel for the defense, will decide whether or not he will address tbe jury. ANOTHER CLERICAL ROW. A LOUISVILLB MINISTER PUBLISHES A BITTER CARD AND HE MUST APOLOGIZE OR TAKJ THE CONSEQUENCES. Louisville, Ky., Nov. 1G. Tbe Rev. 8muel R. Wilson, D. D.. pastor of the First Presbyterian Church of this city, published a card in the daily papers a few days since, making bitter strictures upon the action of the Louisville presbytery, in investigating certain troubles in his church, and denouncing Dr. Stuart Robinson and other individual members of the Sresbytery, and also Messrs. Watterson and aldeman. tl e editor and bi slness manager ol the Coorier-Journal, for alleged Injustice done by that paper to him. At a meeting of the presbytery to-day a resolution waa passed demanding that lt. Wilson make a humble hdoIoev to that body for tbe strictures in his card, and giving him until to-morrow morning to present such an apology, wilh the alternative of denying him rigfct to participate further in the pro ceedings of the prcsbj tery. Mr. n. M.' Stanley has been doing good work in Eastern Africa. He has surveyed the delta of the Itufigl river, and satisfied himselfthw it has two navigable mouths. The route of tbe slave trado crosses tbia river, acd Mr. Stanley thinks this traffic . could ba easily stopped. He has established a trading station, and it wou'd appear teat at no very distant date this great fertile region will teem with commerce.