Decatur Democrat, Volume 36, Number 23, Decatur, Adams County, 26 August 1892 — Page 2

©he Jhmtocrat f DECATUR, IN»yu MUOKBCKN. - Fni>i..».Htn W For President. GROVER CLEVELAND, or NEW TORE. For Vice Pre»ldent, ADLAI E. STEVENSON, OF ILLINOIS. Carnegie now with bayonow About his mills arrayed. And cannon trained upon the mon. Is raising the blockade. McKinley’s Bill-Bill Pinkerton. Tiie Republican campaign appears to be hat-rabked. Mr. Carnegie is bringing the gray hairs of the infant industry in sorrow to the grave. Judged from his political utterances, Mr. Platt, of New York, must be suffering from a case of lock-jaw. If high tariff teachings lead to murder in the first degree, or in the second degree, the teachers ought to be dismissed. It is hoped by the administration that good Republicans will not mind the stench from the Pension Bureau, as the weather may be cooler in the fall. Weaver has been presented with a silver pen with which to sign a free-coiuage bill when he becomes President. Why didn’t his friends give him something useful. St. Louis Republic: The present prospect is that Harrison will not come within 25,000 votes of a plurality in Indiana. And it may comfort him to think’that Indiana will probably come at least 25,000 votes nearer giving him a plurality than will New York. Appeal-Avalanche: Why should the farmers country follow the leadership ofthe multi-millionaire senators of the silver mining States? Every vote that shall be cast for i Weaver will be a vote to make those senators richer and the farmers poorer. “What Republican majority do the ipeople of Pennsylvania expect to give this year?” asks the Philadelphia Press, evidently in a spirit of great anxiety. The answer is found in a scrap of history: In 1877, after the great Pittsburg riots, Pennsylvania went Democratic, and Republican anxiety now is due to a general belief that history will repeat itself. It is not at all singular that the violent passions of those who are ignorant enough to be deceived should be developed when their wages pre reduced by those who helped to deceive them, but it is rather singular, though it is intelligible enough, that they should be called communists and anarchists by the men who persuaded them that the chief object of taxation in America is to supply them with Brussels carpets and pianos. The Republican organs are saying a good deal about Mr. Cleveland’s “misgivings” as to the advisability of nominating him. They are also industriously circulating the report that he is not quite so slender as Hamlet or Romeo. All we have to say on the subject is that if our Republican friends are depending on these great arguments to elect-Messrs. Harrison and Reid they must be in a sad way for campaign and have very slim hopes of electing their candidates. In his castle in Scotland, purchased with the millions stolen from the American people under the pretense of protecting American workingmen, Andrew Carnegie received frequent bulletins by cable, keeping him promptly advised of the fighting as It progressed at Homestead between ■his hired detectives and the jvorkingmen who recently left his employ because they would not submit to further robbery. Mr. Carnegie finds it very convenient to be in Europe at this time. Mani Democratic Newspapers are assailing the Hon. Thomas 11. Carter, the new Chairman of the Republican National Committee, on the ground that some twelve years ago he was a ■ ■ book agent in lowa and Nebraska, selling a work called the “Footprints of Time,” and that he induced many farmers to mortgage their property in order to acquire equity rights in the work.-' The story goes that ..the mortgages were foreclosed, and Xh< farmers lost their homes. It wil not do’ijo say that this story, if true shows that Mr. Carter is not a suita ble man to conduct the national cam palgn of, the Republican party. Th

reverse Is too case. If Mr. (arter has been instrumental in ousting the farmers from their homes, as is charged, ho is on that account all the better representative of the Republican party and the*»lcpublican policy. Wanamakkr raised $400,000 for Quay and Blocks-of-flve Dudley spent it-how, everyone knows. It was for this money, expended in this manner, that Wanamaker was given one of the highest offices in the country. And the President ought not to be blamed for this smirch upon the national honor. It is the g. o. p. which is responsible. Harrison did not pick out Wanamaker as his own choice. The Philadelphia purveyor of boodle was named by the directing powers of the Republican party, after one consultation, as the one to receive the reward for raising the $400,000 corruption fund. St. Louis Republic: Under the McKinley bill imported woolens used for ladies' dresses, for men’s coats and for clothing of every description are taxed an average of over 80 cents on every dollar of their price in Europe, and often much more than their price in Europe. The dresses and underwear of our American women are thus taxed on the plea that the taxes make wages high for the labor engaged in the New England factories, yet we have the official report of the Commissioner of Labor of Massachusetts on manufactures and labor in that State from which it appears that the average earnings of the labor employed in 141 Massachusetts woolen factories are considerably less than $1 a day. It is not unusual to hear it asserted that protection means' higher prices to the farmer, to the mechanic and to the manufacturer. In the same breath it is asserted that the cost of living is not increased. How can this be? If protection increases, the price of the farmer’s products and of the manufacturer’s products, why is it that the cost of living is not increased? If protection causes wheat, potatoes, butter and eggs to bring higher prices, does it not cost more for the laboring man to live? Possibly the high tariff prophets assume that the cost of living is not increased because he and his family eat less when prices advance. This may be the explanation, but it is not a satisfactory one. If the Pinkertons are to be called in; if the militia is to be forced into the field every time those who have been told that “a cheap coat makes a cheap man” try to prevent themselves from being competed With, what consistency is there in maintaining laws which are passed to enable strong and wealthy corporations and combinations of corporations to shut out “scabs” and “rats” —that is, those who will work cheaper or sell cheaper than they wish to do? We cannot do justice on such a basis as this, which is itself unjust. And as long as this injustice continues there will be no peace in America. We will have these continuallj\recurring brawls in which the communism inculcated by the propagation of the Republican theory that there is no profit except in getting something for nothing will show itself first in frand, and, when that fails, in violence. • St. Paul Globe: It takes ten columns of space in the New York World to recapitulate all the strikes which have occurred in protected industries in this country since the McKinley law went into effect. The magnitude of the list is astounding, even to those who have long.been convinced that “protection” protects capital in its aggressions upon labor. Sixteen days after the act went into effect 1,200 iron miners at Dayton, Tenn., struck against a reduction of wages. That was the first, and it has been followed by no fewer than 473 strikes against reductions of wages under the McKinley tariff iniquity. As the World expresses it, there “has been no instant of time since the McKinley tariff act went | into effect that that there has not : been Th progre-s, somewhere within the United States, a strike against a i proposed reduction of wages in some protected industry.” Nowhere does the Constitution of the United States authorize the levy of taxes to prevent competition, to restrict trade, and to increase the prices paid forthe necessaries of life by consumers. Had it been proposed to authorize the levy of taxes for any such iniquitous purpose, nine-tenths of the members of the convention that adopted the Constitution would have voted the proposition down. Such taxes can only be levied by fraudulent pretenses. If the law levying them had been entitled “an act to prevent competition, restrict trade and increase prices,” as it really is, it could be carried on its title into the Supreme Court, which would be obliged on its title to declare it jiull | and void. T’lperc is no warrant in America for tins uh-Ameflcah system. The system of taxation for revenue only is the only system of, taxation that is American. All other taxes are foreign to America, • and dative only to such despotisms t as that of Russia.

now WILL YOU VOTE? A VOTE FOR WEAVER IS A VOTE FOR HARRISON. It la a Vote lor tho Indefinite Continuance of the Robber Tariff and for Unbounded Extravagance—Why Republicans Encourage the Third Party. Will It He tor Weaver T A vote for Weaver in any Democratic State is a vote for Harrison, says the Louisville Courier-Journal. A vote for Weaver is therefore a vote tor the force bill and for the Indefinite continuance of the robber tariff, which reduces each year the exchange value of the cotton crop at least fifty million of dollars. It Is a vote for unbounded extravagance, unnatural expenditures, and brings us no nearer currency reform. An examination of tho votes in the Electoral College makes plain to any one that Weaver’s election is impossible; that either Cleveland or Harrison will le the next President. Every vote drawn from the Cleveland column strengthens Harrison’s chances. Tho total vote In the Electoral College Is 444; the successful candidate must, receive 221 votes. If the States in 1892 vote as they did in 1888, the vote, in-

11- _ A PITIFUL APPEAL. —Puck. ■ 1

eluding the new States, will be as follows: Democratic. I Republican. Alabama 11 California ? Arkansas (('Colorado 4 Connecticut v Idaho 3 Delaware 3.l;linois. 24 Florida 4 Indiana.?. 15; Georgia 13 lowa 13 I Kentucky 13 Kansas 10 i Louisiana « Maine. ■-•••■ ® I Marylard s Massachusetts 15 ■ Mississippi 9 Michigan 14 Missouri 17 Minnesota 9 New Jersey 10 Montana 3 North Carolina 11 Nebraska 8 South Carolina 9 Nevada. 3 Tennessee 12-New Hampshire 4 Texas U New York 3« Virginia. 22'> o th Dakota. 3 West Virginia 0 Onio 23 — Oregon 4 Total 175 Pennsylvania. 32 Rhode Island ....... 4 Sonth Dakota 4 Vermont 4 Washington 4 Wisconsin 12 Wyoming 3 TotaL 263 To win Mr. Cleveland must carry the States he carried in 1888, and add fortyeight votes. New York has thirty-six and Indiana fifteen, or fifty-one in all. Holding the ; votes he had in 1888, and adding New York and Indiana, Mr. Cleveland will be elected. Every vote for Weaver in any State in the Democratic column weakens Cleveland. Giving him New York and Indiana he fails of an election if by dividing the Democrats the Republicans carry any Southern State. With Indiana and New York and the solid South Mr. Cleveland has 226 votes. If he lose Florida he will be two short of the required number, and if he lose Delaware he will be one short, and if he lose West Virginia, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, or Tennessee it will be .all the worse. YVe are assuming now that the People’s candidate by dividing the vote gives the electoral vote of some one State to Harrison. Now let tis suppose the Weaver vote is large enough to capture the electoral vote; the only result would bo to throw the election in the I House, for it is not conceivable the People's party can get 223 votes in the Electoral College. Let ub give them all the States in which by combination or co-operation they could possibly get and it would stand thus; Georgia 13|Minne«ota 9 I.oulßiana * Montana 3 Mlxsisalppl 9 NebraaKa S North Carolina 11 A eyada 3 South Carolina 9 North Dakota...*.... 3 Virginia. 12 Oregon.... 4 West Virginia 6 touth Dakota 4 Tennessee 12 Washington 4 California » Wyoming 3 Colorado. ■ 4 — Idaho 3 Total ..147 Kansas 10 It is Impossible to believe that the People’s party can muster such a vote as this, but even with such a vote Mr. Weaver has no chance of an election, and this House, voting by States, would of course elect Cleveland. This review shows that Gen. Weaver has no chance whatever. He is an oldtime Republican put up to divide tho Democratic vote in the Southern States, and enable the Republicans to secure the electoral vote of cither Virginia, Noyth Carolina, South Carolina, Tf;nneftsee, Mississippi or Georgia. That is why the Republicans arc encouraging the third-party movement in the South. Now, as in 1876, they are laying their plans to capture ono of the Southern States. , They admitted new States, with a handful of votes, hoping to pack the College and make sure tho election of President, but tijO Increase of population in Democratic States has check mated their scheme. They now look to the third party in

the South: they count the votes cast for Weaver to elect Harrison. In view of such facts as these, whore is thn Democrat who will vote for Weaver, the Republican Stalking Horse? Ths Public Faith In Cleveland. While In a free republic like ours we discard the Idea of one-man power, It has more than once happened that one man has stood for the country; for a national principle and sentiment; and has been the platform, as it were, of a great political party. The unique position of the one man has not always been recognized at the time, but has been afterward decided by the verdict of history. Washington had his enemies, opposers and even dofatners, but he stands now and will forever as the representative of the American revolution. Jefferson means Democracy. Lincoln stands for tho American Union. He has been called the Groat Emancipator, but ho was the Groat Unionist. It is tho glory, too, of our history that these men did not stand up for themselves, but for principles. To support Washington or Jefferson or Lincoln individually was to support the cause of American independence, of the reign of the people and of tho preservation of the Union. The position of Grover Cleveland is not unlike that of these predecessors.

He stands for a cause and is his own platform. Washington, as we know now, was a tetter representative of the American people of his time than a majority in the Continental Congress was; Jefferson’s greatest act, the purchase of Louisiana, may be styled his own act — done without the suggestion or authorization of a party; Lincoln stayed steadfastly by the idea of the restoration of the Union, whatever his or any other party did or forbore to do; and Grover Cleveland stands for the ideas of tariff reform, of a sound currency, of real reform in the civil sei vice, however partisans may wrangle and conventions and platforms disagree. The citizen and v.iter, confused and possibly disgusted by the tacking and trimming of the platform makers and “resolutioners” of Mr. Cleveland's party, turns to Mr. Cleveland himself and says: “Well, I believe in him, anyhow.” This does not constitute Mr. Cleveland an autocrat or a despot or a dictator. It does not make a man any of these because he is an honest man and people believe in him. Mr. Cleveland's character and attitude toward public questions merely place him in a large and open place where he may be seen of ail men. He is not' hedged about by retainers or counselors or managers, much less proprietors. Any man who wants to vote for Grover Cleveland can do so and find abundant reason other than that he, the voter, is a Democrat, or that Mr. Cleveland is the “regular nominee” of the Democratic party of the United States. The independence, the isolation of Mr. Cleveland’s position, cuts off, ‘all entanglements and o implications. He was not nominated to Strengthen the party in any particular State or section of the Union. A man may vote for Grover Cleveland with a clear mind and a good heart and without regard to any other man. —Kansas City Star. HarrUon and Indiana. It seems to be conceded that Mr. Harrison cannot carry his own State. While Republicans are not willing to assert this fact, neither are they willing to deny it, and their protestations against the assertion are of such a weak and evasive ctiaracter as to amount to a I confession of their candidate’s weak- ■ ness In the State where ho is best I known and understood. There has not ; been a day since his nomination, nor will there be one until his defeat, when i Mr. Haft-Ison has not been damned with I faint praise whenever and wherever his I candidacy Is mentioned in connection with the campaign in Indiana. The country seems to have put Indiana out of the list of doubtful States for this campaign. Everywhere the Republican organs are preparing tables show- ; Ing how that party can elect Mr. Harrl--1 son without Indiana. Such work is not uncalled for, since the party is well assured that if Indiana is necessary to Mr. Harrison’s suecew his defeat is sure. It seems to have become a matter of public intuition that Indiana Is against Harrison. This feeling is duo to the public understanding of the character of the man. In the four years during which he occupied the highest office in their gift the people have come to know him well. They have learned that he IB a man of inllnite smallness, capable, in his egotism. of envy, ingratitude, malice, and all uncliarltableness. Looking at him through the largo end Os the telescope for four years, they aro able to realize In what estimation he must be held by those who have knowh him so much i longer and who have had Bore frequent ' opportunities to become better ac-

qualntcd with him. They are now able to understand why ho has estranged and antagonized such mon as Judge Gresham, and they are able to readze, too, how badly ho will need In this campaign tho services of men like Dudley, which alone saved him four years ago—which he has since affected to condemn and despise.—St. Louie Republic. Effect ot the Teri IT Upon Agriculture. The report of tho House Committee on Agriculture on the effects high tariff taxes have had on farming In tho United States Is a compact presentation of the leading facts of this highly Important subject. It summarises tho official statistics of tho decline in tho prioes of agricultural products and in agricultural land values, and presents with them the facts of agricultural indebtedness In five leading agricultural States, as shown by the census of 1890. We summarise here one of the valuable tables contained in the report to show the mortgage Increase between 1880 and 1880 In amounts and by percentages In the States named: Increase of Mortgagee Amount of Percentage from IHbO to IHW). Increase, of Increase Alabama Ho.tuh.oco 413 lowa ■Jl,m>«,«*i tn Illinois 14.485,000 108 Kansas „ S7,W«» Tennessee 13,KM,((00 SlO These figures, It must bo borne in mind, represent the increase merely in

| a single class of mortgages in each State—not the total amount in any State. The totals as they are given in the report do not represent the total “farm and home” mortgage of the States named, but only the debt secured by mortgage on farms exclusive of the similar debt on home property and other real estate without farming lands attached. No Republican can complain of this treatment, for as we recently showed from the Porter census the number of real estate mortgages filed in Kansas and Nebraska during ten years of high tariff (1880 to 1890) largely exceeded the total number of inhabited houses in both States in 1890. No such wrong as this can be left without a remedy, and the agricultural States must have their remedy in the enjoyment of their right of way, unobstructed, to and from their European markets. Mr Cleveland's letters. There is a generally accepted maxim among politicians that too much letter writing by public men is a dangerous Indulgence. Hence Republican organs and organettes of every degree are showing a painful anxiety because Mr. Cleveland is giving courteous response to correspondents whose inquiries merit this attention. The organs and organettes should not be disturbed. Mr. Cleveland’s letters have not been within the scope of the politic inhibition referred to. Those that have been published tend rather to better display and enhance those qualities in which lie the secret and the strength of Mr. Cleveland’s popularity. His opinions are his convictions, and he has no hesitancy In frankly expressing them. In his consistency and his sincerity there is guaranty against pitfalls of his own digging, such as mere cunning and diplomacy can never supply. The ex-Presldent’s confidence In his views and reliance upon his record are not the result of egotism, but are fully warranted by the testimony of public approval as given before, at, and since the Chicago convention. His Integrity, patriotism and earnestness are universally conceded, and even the most bitter partisanship assails them but indirectly, lie deals with all correspondents In that straightforward and candid spirit which the American people delight to honor. Even were an unfriendly critic to find some thought or statement which might be turned against Its author, It I would weigh but lightly as against the approval won by Mr. Cleveland’s frankness and courage. These qualities give their possessor a hold upon the people such as the trimmer and political weath-er-cock can never obtain. They gain favorable hearing where the methods of a cunning politician are despised. These facts explain why so many public men Incur danger when they write letters touching their political faith. What Mr. Cleveland has written so far strengthens his candidacy. He has nothing to keep from the people. His utterances are not restricted by mental reservations or danger of inconsistency. What he thinks he declares, no matter what others may think as to the matters discussed. The world Is welcome to know where he stands and the world believes he will do what he says he will do. There is the trouble with the Re- : publican organs and organettes.— Detroit Free Press. Harbison’s effort to patch up a peace with Tom Platt, taken In connection with his selection of Tom Carter for manager, Indicates that he is planning a regular Tom-Tom campaign.—St ! Louis Republic.

TARIFF NOT POPULAR. ——... ~ ITS REDUCTION WOULD BENEFIT THE NORTHWEST. Republicans Would Do Well to Lay Siren on Some Other Issue In Many ot the Northwestern States— Vote with Doth Eyes Open. Tl» Surely a Tax. A recent dispatch from Beattie says: The Republicans have already tried to begin in the Fucillo Northwest a campaign on tho question of protection, but since nearly every interest of this region would be benefited by a reduction of tho tariff, the Republicans would do wisely to lay stress on some other issue. The following statement is now being printed by Republican papers in this State: "Tariff for revenue only would not leave much of the industries of this Northwestern coast, for it would mean free ore, free coal, free lumber, free wool, an<l free hops * The astonishing part of the matter is that in this part of the country any man could for even a moment imagine such an argument effective. As to hops, it is the boast of the farmers here that while the cost of growing hops in the East and In England and Germany is from 15 to 18 cents a pound, tho great fertility of the soil here and the equable climate reduce the cost to less than 10 cents. The great bulk of the hop crop of Washington and Oregon is shipped directly to England qnd sold in the London market. So fur as hops are concerned, a tariff for revenue only would not make a soul in this part ot the United States a whit the worse off, and the men who this year In this State arc growing lt),00(1,000 pounds of hops cannot be held to the Republican party by tho tariff issue. But the lumber industry is tho greatest of this region, employing more capital and more men than any one other. The local lumber market is now depressed and the lumbermen sre seeking a foreign market. Were lumber on the free list, not one of the hundreds of logging camps and sawmills here would close, for the reason that there is no point from which lumber can be shipped here anywhere nearly as cheaply as it can be produced from the forests of Washington, and if extending the free list would enlarge foreign trade the lumber interests of Washington would gain greatly. Free wool would also be a groat advantage. Oregon already has one or two woolen mills, and Seattle is trying to start one this summer. If vessels running from here to Australia could bring back cargoes of wool In exchange for their lumber both the lumber trade and the woolen mills would be helped. Free coal would undoubtedly lessen the profits of the coal mine own ers of Washington and Oregon. To-day the coal of Australia is in tne San Francisco market as a strong competitor of the coal from this point. Then, too, the Wellington mine on Vancouver Island ' produces coal that for many purposes Is the best on the coast, and, were It not for the tariff, the Wellington coal would be much more generally used In the United States. Though the public as a whole would be better off with cheaper coal, yet the owners of the inferior mines in this country would inevitably lose. The silver and lead mines in this State are as yet hardly developed enough to determine whether or not free ore would seriously affect them. From these facts It is evident that If the Democrats force the tariff issue here in Washington, Oregon and Idaho, a campaign of education will be extremely effective. Nature has already provided the Pacific. Northwest with a protective tariff. The cost of living is high here, not so much because agricultural products are high as because manufactured articles are expensive. Nearly all clothing and manufactured articles are brought from the East, and the cost ot transportation across the two mountain ranges adds materially to the price here. The people are beginning to understand that, were the tariff lower, no factories In this part of the country would be closed; and at the same time the ships carrying wheat from Puget Sound ports to England, and lumber and hops as well, could bring back cargoes of manufactured goods. McKinley In the Northwest. We do not suppose that tho Republican managers will attach much value to our suggestions. They have, perhaps, no reason to regard them as friendly, though, as a matter of fact, they really are impartial. We venture, nevertheless, to make one, and that is that they "call in” Major McKinley from the Northwest. He is not likely to do any good there. He may do them much harm. In making this suggestion we do not wish to imply anything to the discredit of Mr. McKinley. Ho is apparently a very sincere advocate of the highest possible tariff. He seems to believe in it with a childlike simplicity and fervor. He is as thoroughly convinced that a nation can tax itself into prosperity as any inventor of perpetual motion ever was that he had found the elusive secret of that Impossible achievement. Tho tariff issue is no longer one on which the Republicans can win in the Northwest. The reason why Mr, McKinley is especially unsuited to tho latitude of the Northwest is that he is a theorist, and the farmers, os well as the manufacturers of that region, are intensely practical. He can demonstrate to the farmers over and over again that taxation of the things that they buy will make a market for the things that they sell among those engaged in the products purchased by them, but there are too many of them who know that the prices of what they have to sell are determined by supply and demand abroad, where their surplus goes, and that on thcAe prices the legislation- of Congress has no more effect than on the weather. And as for the things that the farmers must buy, Major McKinley’s arguments arc also far too theoretical. In his speech at Beatrice, Neb., he went into an elaborate exposition of the effect of taxation of foreign articles in reducing the price in this country. It was the old statembnt —taxation of Imports stimulates competition at home, and competition brings down prices. But the homely farmers of the Northwest are capable of pushing this reasoning to its logical conclusion. If the competition of home manufacturers among themselves brings down prices, then competition between them and the foreign manufacturers as well would bring them down still lower. Thon thorp are the manufacturers of tho Northwest. Maj. McKinley’s theory does not fit their case at all. By far tho greater part of them are not “protected.” On the contrary, they are obstructed and hindered by the tariff tax on their materials. Such industries as the manufacture of furniture and other products of which wood is the material, the manufacture of agricultural implei monts, that of wagons for pleasure or business, that of articles ot household pse in which wood and metal are em-ployed—-what have these to fear from tho competition of the countries in which such things are either not made at all, or, If made, must be brought across the continent? On the other hand, they are affected, so far as they , are affected at all by the tariff, injurl- ( ously, since their materials are taxed. , Tho men of tne Northwest are not the I men to send Maj. McKinley to talk to. I They ask no favors. They need no

Vote with Both Eyee Open. The Chicago Tribune says: “Let even man vote on this groat question with both eyes open as to its effect upon himself, for it is a question of business with him. Let him figure out whether he will gain in cheaper imported goods enough to offset about one third of his •wages, for that 1s the final outcome of the adoption of Grover Cleveland’s scheme as laid down in the Democratic platform. ” .. Yes, this the way to get at the question. Look at prices with one eye and wages with the other. The Tribune ht re admits that goods imported free of duty would be cheaper. Hence free ■roods would make the purchase eyes of 65,000,000 people twinkle and sparkle. Now how would it be with their wage eyes? In the first place, less than two million are employed in industries benefited by protection and throe-fourths of these industries would thrive bettor with froo raw materials and without any protection. And then, too, come to think of it, how doos “protection" benefit tho wageearner in any industry—it don't keep out tho cheap foreigner who is free to como over here as soon as ho thinks he can improve his condition. There is then absolutely nothing in protection for the wage-earner. If he will remove the bandage from his wage eye ho may see that with free raw materials our manufacturers would soon lead the world, and also that if our farmers could save the 60 per cent, duty they now have to pay on goods taken in exchange for farm products their business would prosper and increase—and does ho think that increasing business all around means low and less work. “Vote with both eyes open!” Tills Week's Labor Record. The Iron Trade Review gives two columns of its current number to a brief review of the strikes in progress at the time of its publication. It is an interesting study. First,, there is an account of the state of affairs at Homestead, supplemented ’ by the announcement that there was “no prospect of on early agreement* between the Pittsburg manufacturers and the Amalgamated Association. In Philadelphia locked-out men were organizing a boycott upon tho product of their former employers. In West Superior, Wis.. a similar state of affairs existed. In Pittsburg the sheet-iron and steel manufacturers were asking their men to accept a reduction ot 20 per cent. In Joliet, 111., the Illinois Steel Company was resuming work after the men had “stood a cut of 23 per cent." In the Bay View Mills, in Wisconsin. the men had gone back after “making some concessions on the guide and ten-tach mill rates.” In the most recent movement the employers wanted to reduce wages 20 per cent. In several cases men were still striking or locked out. Wherever changes took place wages were reduced. This is labor’s record for the week under tho McKinley act. Studying the Tariff. Suppose this strike is averted, and suppose we go back to work at our old wages—if such a thing were possible—hasn't the firm shown that it means to cut down our wages instead of raising them, or even keeping them up to the former mark? Wouldn’t they be compelled to give in this time just because it is a Presidential year and they wanted our votes? That game might have been played years ago, but it won’t go down now. My, we are all reading Henry George’s works now. A year or two ago we wouldn’t have been seen touching one ot them. Now every man is reading them and talking about them. Twenty thousand copies of Henry George’s “Protection or Free Trade?* of the Congressional Record edition have been asked for by members of the Amalgamated Association for distribution where they will be read. Os course, the political changes in our ranks may not make much of a hole in the Republican majority in Pennsylvania, but they will be quite effective in Ohio, and in some towns there, such as Youngstown, they will count mightily. These .places may make Ohio Democratic. —A Homestead striker. Price* of Carpets. Os course, the purpose of McKinley and his associates, when they increased the duties on carpets and carpet wools, was to reduce the price of carpets in this country. At least that is what these gentlemen and our other hightariff friends say, and in support of their doctrines they have repeatedly and almost continuously asserted that “the price of carpets is lower than ever before." Now come Senator Aldrich and Senator Allison with their report on prices, which shows that the wholesale price of carpets began to advance immediately after the passage ot the McKinley bill, and that an advance ranging from 61 to 9J per cent, was steadily maintained throughout the nine months of the year 1891 covered by the Inquiry. Our high-tariff friends should explain this. Low Tariff Prosperity. > The Tribune has discovered that great prosperity reigns at Fall River, Mass., the chief seat of the cotton cloth spinning Industry in New England, and is sure that it is due to the effect of the McKinley bill, as the comwrison of figures for 1810 and 1892 proves to its satisfaction. The chief product of the Fall River mills is cotton cloth embraced under Schedule I. of the Act of 1890, by which the duties were reduced by from 11 per cent, to 20 per cent as compared with the tariff previously In force. Was the increased prosperity of Fall River mills due to this reduction?— New York Times. Carpet Cleaning;. An ingenious woman has upon her floor a carpet rescued from dirt and destruction to a condition “almost as good as new.” The work of restoring was not done by a professional cleaner, but under direction at home. The carpet was tacked to a frame that raised It a good distance from the ground, and each breadth was scrubbed with a brush, using tepid water and good white soap. Next it was rinsed and dried as' well as possible by rubbing with clean cloths. The rest of the drying was left to the wind and sun. The carpet should be shaken and grease spots removed with gasoline or benzine before scrubbing. McKinley anil McMillin. “France, Germany and Belgium, countries whose labor Is even more poorly Said than the labor of England."—Wm. IcKtaley, Jr., on Mills bill. “If tariffs give b.igh wages, why is it that labor is so much higher in England than It Is In France or Germany, the latter countries having protective tariffs and England having none?”—Benton McMillin on Mills bill. The wall-paper “combine” declares that It Is not a trust. And the coal trust, the sugar trust, and every other combination made to reduce production and ~ Increase prices make the same assertion. And McKinleyism declares that It is not responsible for trusts. And every thief when brought to bar pleads not guilty. It Is right to be contented with what we have; never with what wo are,’